Video summary
The global economic landscape is currently defined by significant fragility stemming from unresolved geopolitical conflicts, persistent public debt issues, and the rapid integration of artificial intelligence into productivity metrics. While financial markets display remarkable resilience driven by AI-driven corporate profits in the United States and unexpected growth despite supply chain disruptions, economists remain cautious about deepening risks such as stagflation and energy price volatility caused by ongoing wars in regions like the Middle East. The divergence between optimism rooted in low private sector leverage and pessimism regarding unresolved conflicts creates a complex environment where uncertainty acts as a defining rule for all sectors. Although professional dialogue within institutions like the BIS continues to function effectively despite political tensions, there is growing concern that security considerations are increasingly taking precedence over efficiency goals globally, leading to weaponized economics and fragmented international relations characterized by tariffs, sanctions, and currency wars.
A stark structural divergence exists between the United States and Europe regarding financing models and technological innovation capabilities. The US economy benefits from a market-based funding system utilizing capital markets for approximately 30% of corporate finance alongside robust private credit growth, whereas European firms rely heavily on bank lending due to historical paths and regulatory hurdles that stifle startup agility and risk-taking. This disparity is compounded by the fact that Europe lags significantly behind the US in enterprise R&D expenditure, with American investment ratios favoring innovation fivefold over Europe's, while China faces quality concerns regarding its academic production after 2018 policies discouraged Western collaboration. Consequently, European companies struggle to compete against dominant global AI advancements and face challenges closing their tech gap due to a lack of a true single market, higher failure costs for startups, and insufficient domestic risk capital despite having surplus savings often invested abroad in US funds.
The future trajectory of the economy hinges on balancing necessary regulatory frameworks with the risks of unchecked deregulation or excessive fragmentation that could repeat past financial crises. While opportunities exist in AI investment involving significant capital flows into real assets, concerns persist regarding slow job creation and low firing rates even at full capacity, alongside hidden leverage risks within non-bank entities like private credit firms and special-purpose vehicles. Policymakers face the difficult task of integrating geopolitical risks into economic tools to protect global value chains without stifling innovation or central bank independence amidst fiscal dominance pressures. Ultimately, sustaining equitable outcomes requires coordinated global efforts that address multifaceted issues including climate change, authoritarian tendencies, and technological threats while fostering cooperation among diverse nations to ensure stability for future generations in an increasingly interconnected yet volatile world.
Read the full video transcript
So dear colleagues,
dear friends,
I think we have the qu
and we can uh start our meditation.
A number of us are
used to this kind of discussion.
A number of participants and not only of
speakers have the memory of the previous
discussion.
So uh I think it's very not necessary
for me to restate that we are looking at
the economy and finance from various
angle of vision. We have the privilege
to gather uh personalities
that are coming from again different
origin public and private that are
coming from different continent that
have the experience of dealing with IFIs
or not and all taken into account. I
have asked them perhaps to concentrate
their introductory remarks with
a few major message in order for all of
us to have I would say the most
interesting discussion after because
tradition is that we have short
introductory remarks by the member of
the panel and then we engage in a very
vivid discussion with the participants
asking questions making remarks so it's
it must be as frank direct and open as
possible in order for all of us to get
the best out of this encounter.
Uh my intention if it is agreed upon is
to ask John Lipki to speak first not in
the alphabetic order but because he
would elaborate a little bit taking into
account his own position experience
on the what the diagnostic of the IFIs.
uh we know the most recent diagnosis of
the IMF
since only a few half days and we know
also of course that the overall
situation is marked by a very high
degree of uncertainty. Uncertainty seems
to me to be very much the rule of the
game
to the extent that for each member. So,
normally I would give the floor to John,
then to
Yan
if he wants to to speak, then to Daniel,
then to Jeff,
if you agree, Jeff, then to Ainori,
you are nodding. Okay. Then to Jean May
and then to Nicolola. You're you're not
served by your
name but you're you're used to it. I I
will promise next time
that you pick first.
So now uh for me to be in line with what
I just said, let me only say a few words
on precisely what are my main message at
the present moment. Uh I would say that
even before the conflict in the Gulf,
the global economy and finance situation
was extremely fragile
and I think we should not forget that
again we have a number of indicators
that are not re not we're not reassuring
at all in particular the overall
debt outstanding public debt outstanding
in particular in practically all
countries in the world which did not
improve since the last dramatic great
financial crisis and that that is
certainly one of the indicator which is
alarming. We have also had a continuing
dramatic change in the structure of
global finance with the non-banks and
nonregulated
entity being more and more important and
playing a decisive part. We are now at
the level of 51% if I'm not misled in
terms of in comparison with the overall
credit
bank and non-bank uh combined. So this
is something which is very important,
considered very important of course by
the financial stability board and by the
international community as a whole with
a lot of attention given to this
particular issue and of course this is
part of what the reason why we should be
very alert. Again
I have also the sentiment but but we
will discuss that that at the level of
the global finance also we have a level
of
implicit bubbles that are not
negligible. I was a little bit struck by
the the figure which was pronounced by
Dominic Sen on the global capitalization
where we have the US representing if I'm
not misled around 70% of global
capitalization which seems a little bit
too much if I may but I say that with
great prudence of course but but
>> the true number is around 50% 50%
>> the true number I I I think it's more
>> 70% is the allocation of global
portfolios but it's not a thing
>> I I mean again we we will not engage in
a battle of figure but but it it is
clear that it's higher than was the case
in the past so that that for one I mean
second second element message from me
uncertainty in the present period is
really the rule of the game
We were not expecting
the war in the Middle East, but it is
there. The impact, global impact of this
war looked until now to be very very
important, if not if not decisively
dramatic at the global level. But but
this is of course a materialization of
an uncertainty which is underlying the
power politics which is marking the
present geostrategic picture is of
course an an additional element of of
uncertainty and I would say that in this
universe one of possible message would
be resilience in this environment is the
absolutely key for all entities in the
world. Of course the private sector, of
course the public sector and certainly
all those who have to take decisions in
the present I would say circumstances.
So resilience being the rule
augmented quite considerably because of
the fundamental uncertainty that we are
living in. And uh last point to be a
little bit more positive and I wasn't
till now I would mention that despite
all the divisions that we are
observing at the global level between
countries between continent between the
north and the south and and and I am
struck by the fact that the so-called
BIS system, the financial stability
board continue to work. there is no I
would say absence of appropriate
dialogue and discussions at that level
of professionals
uh and uh the report is made by this
so-called system to the G20
and despite also all the what is said on
the G20
about to disappear or about to be
replaced by other groupings
Nevertheless,
at least in the last years, even
including the change in the
administration of the United States of
America, even take taking into account
again the extreme tensions between a
large number of member of the G20 as
well as the grouping which is more or
less
thinking that he might substitute or is
complimenting clearly the G20. But all
that being said, we had the report given
to the G20 and we had approval by the
G20 of the essential element in that
report. So
a an element of positive vision. Let's
try to maintain the the flame as long as
possible in the present circumstances.
But again it had to be noted and uh
having been myself at the heart of this
so-called system B system and and the
the like I think that it is all taken
into account a little bit reassuring.
Now I will give the floor immediately to
John. John you have the floor.
>> Thank you very much. and uh you've made
it easy for me since you've already
highlighted the principal uh the
principal issues but uh uh coming from
the the uh spring meetings of the IMF
and World Bank uh there were some clear
themes that uh that stood out and uh I
will highlight here and I suspect none
of them will come as great surprises to
any any of you. Uh certainly one of the
surprises uh that was discussed but left
un I think unanswered was the source of
the resilience of global growth in 2025.
Certainly better outcomes than had been
anticipated especially in light of the
uh liberation day shock to the trading
system. And it was at first anticipated
it would have substantial effects on uh
uh economic performance and on on
corporate valuations. Remember the
initial huge hit to US stock values. So
surprise one was what was why was it so
resilient and I don't think that there
is a clear consensus explanation for
that. Um certainly US corporate profits
held up much better than had been
anticipated
and um much speculation has been about
that. Uh one that uh uh perhaps of
interest to report is from the view of
uh the National Economic Council, the
head of the National Economic Council,
Kevin Hassid. His explanation, at least
in part, is that actually we're seeing
the productivity impacts of AI
more much more quickly than had been
anticipated
and that as that it is being mismeasured
and it's showing up in corporate profits
and productivity, but in fact, as he
would put it, when we get the benchmark
revisions to GDP, we're going to find
out that US GDP was quite a bit higher
than than the current measures suggest.
one possible explanation of course
favorable to the to the uh Trump
administration but nonetheless uh it is
it is uh quite almost taken for granted
uh that uh that US corporate profits
held up much better than than expected
and in looking forward I suspect that
that is uh leads to another mystery
which is why have stock prices been so
resilient in the face of the war and the
uh laundry list if you will of risks
that is perceived to the to the global
economic outlook. Uh but
sticking to first the 2025 mystery of
course China the Chinese economy
performed better than had been
anticipated as well as a result of a
surge in exports that on the one hand
had not been anticipated but also led to
the
renewed concern over global imbalances
in which The Chinese surplus has now
spread to other countries even as the
bilateral uh uh imbalance between the ch
China and the US uh has lessened.
So today the I would say the focus is as
JeanClaude mentioned is on the risks to
the outlook created by the war and the
uncertainty about the uh duration and
dimension and scope of the impacts. Um
as Cristina Geva explained that in fact
the uh new world economic outlook that
they had planned uh to announce uh
before the before the war in uh in the
Middle East was going to up upgrade the
global growth forecast
and um with uh uh without an increase in
the perceived risk of inflation and now
that has changed as is obvious to
everyone. Both the outlook to growth has
been marked down with the outstanding
risk that could be more damaged. The
outlook to inflation has deteriorated
and that expected to be to be higher. Uh
the uh perceived risk is especially uh
reflected in concerns about uh uh energy
importing uh emerging markets. that the
risk is they will find both their terms
of trade damaged, external demand for
their exports damaged and uh a need a
need to find finance in a situation in
which private finance uh may not be uh
available.
This of course all in the context of of
risks.
At the same time as Jean Claude uh also
mentioned already concern is growing
about the level of public debt and
deficits that predated the uh the war
and only can be exacerbated
uh by this. That's particularly true of
course in a case like the United States
where by all intents and purposes the
you can make an an easy argument that
the economy is at full employment
and despite that we have a public sector
a public federal deficit that's going to
be around 6% of GDP. Uh why that is good
policy in this in this context is is uh
not clear.
Another risk of course is represented by
the uh disappointment at the uh latest
ministerial meeting of the World Trade
Organization
and the risk of renewed trade frictions
uh in the uh in the coming year.
as part of the risk if uh obviously if
energy prices remain uh strongly uh uh
deviated from expectations. Similarly
for other commodity prices uh the the uh
potential for new trade frictions is uh
is self-evident
against that has been uh opportunities
and that the principal uh source of
opportunities is artificial intelligence
of course and the prospect we've all
talked about and thought about
of uh how soon and how much how much
it's going to cost, how soon it's going
to pay off or if it's going to pay off.
And um a a quick observation, many have
uh suggested this could be another.com
boom, but as I like to put it, it's has
almost nothing to do with the.com boom
in the sense that.com
involved, as I put it, a bunch of very
smart young people sitting around
offices in Mountain View, California,
wearing polo shirts and khaki pants who
were convinced that their their ideas
were so wonderful that in just a couple
of years they were going to be
billionaires. And uh as I used to say
when the dotcom bubble burst, I wouldn't
want to be the Ferrari dealer in
PaloAlto, but I didn't think it was
going to have a general impact because
there was no capital involved. The
what's happened this time is there's
huge amounts of capital involved as we
all can see. We we don't know how big
but we know it's going to be already uh
estimates are it may have added as much
as 1% of US GDP in uh in 2025.
Um so real in real money is being
raised. It's being invested in real
assets
and those the producers of the tools of
AI as we all know are are finding uh
fabulous results and huge profitability
making sales to customers who have no
profits and almost no income. This is
all on the promise of uh of payoffs.
It's likely to be um an important impact
in financial markets going forward but
the uh uncertainty is going to continue.
This is also linked
as JeanClaude mentioned uncertainty
about developments in financial markets.
one the uh rapid continued rapid growth
of non-bank financial intermediaries and
perhaps most notable in the US the
growth in private credit and worries
that this could produce um uh potential
problems and instability financial
sector instability going forward. The
consensus in Washington was that it's
not big enough to represent a systemic
threat.
But of course, uh we've heard that
before in uh with subprimes.
the the claim is that the uh the
underlying
complexity is much less than was the
case in um in the U financial crisis in
which the problem was on the one hand
you had um uh sophisticated products
purchased by purchasers who didn't
understand what they were or what was in
what was involved.
and at the same time purchasing uh
portfolio insurance uh credit default
swap against credit default swaps from
an insurance company that had no capital
that resulted ultimately in a freezing
of the uh the interbank market that was
the real center of the problem that
doesn't seem to be a threat at this time
but there's still a substantial concern.
Um final uh a final uh remark
uh listening to AJ Banga the president
of the World Bank. uh the focus of the
bank is on
a limited number of uh sectors and a
focus on job creation and that seemed to
highlight I think a generalized concern
around in the global economy that
employment growth has been very slow in
the advanced economies
and uh in the US in particular uh
there's a surprise of the low higher low
fire economy in which either it's
interpret it can be interpreted as
representing fragility
or something more uh more to be expected
in a context of an economy that's
essentially at full employment
and growing essentially at uh at uh full
capacity.
So lots of uncertainty
uh some real promise and uh continuing
surprise I say today in the strength of
equity markets especially in the US in
the face of what are obvious uh risks.
I'll stop there. Thanks.
>> Thank you very very much indeed John.
Maybe you you will think I'm too
demanding on you, John, but one of us
must report to Would you be the reporter
>> from now on?
>> That's very very kind.
>> What can I say?
>> Ready.
>> So, thank you again very very much.
My dear Yan, you have the floor.
>> Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. It's
always very sobering to speak after
John. Um first of all I want to clear
something. Uh what you see written on
the board is not correct. I'm not the
chair obviously of this uh session
clearly lo but I take the promotion. Um
all right let me go through some slides.
Oops.
Here we are. Yeah. So I'll start with a
a picture that uh a lot of people uh
alluded to earlier which shows basically
the size of the uh US economy again
versus the EU and specifically here uh
it's trying to represent the
capitalization of companies that have
that are less than 50 old and that have
more than 10 billion dollars in market
cap. Right? And obviously you recognize
immediately the the magnificent seven
blue or green you know Tesla could be
added uh and obviously the EU uh looks
weak in comparison. So what I'd like to
do is a sort of deep dive on innovation
and in particular on R&D intensity and
try to compare US, Europe and China
uh in this race. Um and obviously you
know it's a big takeaway and to me
that's really the first takeaway of the
draggy report uh the huge lag between
the US and the uh European Union. That's
the first slide sort of top level uh
differential of total R&D expenditure
and it's well you know the US is 3.5% of
GDP that's much higher than the EU uh
and China is in the middle as much as we
can say and you know what measure you
use PPP or or absolute level is another
question but so here's a
Um, unfortunately it gets worse than
that.
This is taken straight away from the
what's called the scoreboard of the
European Commission that is published
each year. So I think that was from uh
end of last year for data all the way to
2024.
Um I suspect as of now the gap is bigger
but if you just look at the first two
lines which is really tech in terms of
software and hardware you see the little
blue of the EU versus the huge red
portions of the US. uh it's quite
staggering right so let's and and China
is kind of in between
now let's try to decompose a bit further
I'm taking essentially six uh industrial
sectors
u that have innovation and defense
significance since defense is so such a
hot topic right now and if you look at
enterprise R&D so private sector R&D D
uh what is really staggering is look at
the total figure at the the bottom line
uh there's a ratio between
the US and Europe of more than five
right that's the R&D in high-tech for
to simplify things right and China as
much as we can say is kind of in between
um the for for for the EU and the US
here I'm using the official uh
scoreboard for China I'm using the uh
NBS which is the the local statistical
agency uh and we'll go back to to that
uh but you know staggering figure and
and this is really at the core of the
draggy report right
now if you look at government funded R&D
uh it's not too bad. You know, for these
sectors, the EU is uh below the US, but
but the ratio is smaller. Uh and then
again, China is in the middle.
I skip all that. You can refer to it
later. Uh now, so China, as I said, is a
bit tricky. If you look at uh the reason
I used NBS
as opposed to the the official European
scoreboard is that um the European
Commission seems to probably
underestimate
uh some of the Chinese numbers. Now the
question is what do you call a private
enterprise in China? Right? You can
debate that uh most likely the capital
is uh government uh funded but um you
know there's enough freedom for these
companies to compete on the national
market and international market. So you
can still call it a a private sector.
Now so this is R&D. Now I just want to
look a bit more at the quality of
research out of China. And this is
another very staggering figure that's
coming from the ASPI
technology tracker. ASBI is a big
Australian uh think tank that produces
this annual report and um again we're
going to introduce all kind of cover but
it is rather staggering that uh China
seems to be leading you know uh across
all major technologies
um and Europe is nowhere to be found
here.
that sort of breakdown for for different
sectors.
Um
I won't go too much into
uh the details and then I wanted to
compare against the uh YPO
which is sort of UN official patent uh
database. Uh so there are differences
uh but overall uh there's a lot of
similarities between these two uh types
of uh of rankings.
Now on the quality of the research and
the patents, there's been an interesting
study that was done by Philip Pagon and
his quarters recently that shows that
when the first Trump administration
uh decentivized researchers to
co-publish with uh Chinese uh academics.
um suddenly the quality of the um
Chinese papers went down. So less
citations sitations in other uh academic
publications.
So you can see here the the difference
the you know the dark green versus the
light green uh China without US
corridors
uh you know there are far less impact of
of the research.
So the
the the key date was 2018 and you can
see uh
a big drop of the the quality of the
papers once that policy was enacted by
the Trump administration.
>> Can can we go back?
>> Sure.
>> I I have a difficulty to to see exactly
what is happening. Could you could you
repeat what at at which moment do you
know consider that in the first if I
understand in the in the first term of
of the president of the US we had this
inflection point
>> right so so it's easier to see it here
actually so around that inflection point
was around 2018 right u so before that
Chinese academics were collaborating
with their European or US cultures and
and you see an increase in the academic
production in terms of stations until
2018 and from that point especially
spectacular in the US obviously uh that
production went down right
>> yeah much more spectacular in the US
than in China
>> than in Europe
>> in Europe I'm sorry
>> Europe no of course okay thank you
>> so I mean you know all that sort of puts
things in perspective and say, you know,
we can doubt some of the uh official
stats about the quality of patents and
the quality of academic production from
China, but overall uh there is a lot of
investment and
you know Europe is already below that,
right?
uh so so the competition for Europe is
really from the US and uh from uh China.
So finally the the last point a slide I
already showed yesterday but what what
it means really for Europe if we want to
uh go back to the kind of level of R&D
we see R&D we see in US but also in
Switzerland and Denmark
is to really uh make restructuring cost
of of companies much much cheaper as you
can see in Italy or Spain where it is
very difficult to uh restructure your
ventures. Uh there's almost zero
investment in in tech, right? So we have
to do something about that.
And I will stop here.
>> Okay. Thank you very much indeed, Yan. I
think it was extremely stimulating. I
see a lot of us would like to have the
slides.
>> Yes.
>> If if could be printed.
>> And I don't Yeah. All of us could see
the slidesh. Yeah, there was no
particular problem to to see the slides
because Yeah. So, thank you very much,
Yan. Indeed. Uh and uh we have to
meditate more on that. You were more or
less confirming
you you were confirming the present
consensus.
Uh
>> yeah, Jeff Jeff is signaling that it's
difficult to see.
Yeah. Yeah.
>> Yeah. Okay. But in any case,
>> we we will ask the organization to print
the paper. That would be very
>> and it seems to me that I can say that
you are even I would say more impressive
in
pinpointing the I would say terrible I
would say late position of of Europe
even much more than Enrioa and Mario if
I may. So very very telling. So thank
thank you again very much.
>> Yeah. I will ask you now uh Danielle if
he wants.
I'm I'm going to say um to speak out
what I I believe is the the global
picture. I'm not going to use numbers
but um I'll try to say it may sound like
platitudes but this is how I I believe
so I think what's happening in the world
economy fragmentation continues
uh platitudes institutions are
questioned or dismissed
by some major players
um and the transatlantic relationship is
much in a multi-polar war the
European and tries to save
multilateralism. This is very clear.
G7 and G20 still relevant but weakened
but still relevant.
Large global imbalances are a threat.
Financial instruments are increasingly
used as weapons, tariffs, sanctions,
currency wars, crypto assets is a sort
of geopolitical financial warfare.
uh security considerations take
precedence.
Um it's it's a battle between resilience
and efficiency. Defensive expenditure up
and quite rapidly.
We should think about deficits and
public debts in this regard is the old u
dilemma guns versus bread. Artificial
intelligence.
I'm more cautious about artificial
intelligence. You may say, Daniel, it's
your nature. You're very pessimistic,
but I think it poses huge risks apart
from an existential threat.
>> Could you speak closer to the light?
>> Yeah. Is it better now?
>> Okay. But very secondly, global macro
the mac global macroeconomic scene is
worrisome.
I I put it here. Stipulation is looming.
I I may be pessimistic, but I think the
IMF spring outlook is already outdated.
Uh budget deficits will rise again at a
time when fiscal space is very limited.
Um
it's already clear that we'll have a new
inflationary bout. Supply chains are
again strained
but I think central bank should be
cautious in raising policy rates swiftly
as this is a supply shock side shock.
What I'm very worried about is a new
wave of financial deregulation
and it seems to me the lessons of the
great recession crisis seem to have
receded.
Uh Jamie Diamond talks about the new
credit cycle, but he's very gentle and
put it credit conditions have loosened
for years now. And banks are asking for
lossing of capital and liquidity
requirements. European banks, they
always talk about American banks. It's
it's the debate 20 years ago. We cannot
compete with American banks and and and
there should be less regulation
as John has already mentioned and you
your chairman non-bank financial
institution share and funding has risen
greatly and the regulation of private
credit is inadequate in my view. I
believe that all types of finance need
to be regulated because contagion
contagion
can erupt from any corner of the
financial system.
The ECB sees private credit as a risk to
financial stability. I'm
quite I mean the deindos
has is one of the has one of the latest
remarks. I think that central bank's
independence is threatened
and it's not about um the current
American administration.
I believe that in the background
is um the rise of authoritarian
temptations
in many many many countries many
economies and there is fiscal dominance
and we know that in history sometimes
some central banks have been forced to
be more
um give up on their major major
uh u mission
Uh however, I believe central banks may
have to raise policy rates because of
the inflationary bout.
Uh and also I believe that the effects
of the Middle East war will persist.
Um it's interesting to see how reforms
will be implemented once the new
chairman of the Fed
uh is going to take
um his job. Um
now crypto assets why I view crypto
assets as a threat.
Uh
the the origin of crypto assets uh I
shouldn't get too much into detail but
it's the wish to decentralize finance
which in itself is a threat to central
banks.
Most of them are highly speculative.
Stable coins in particular endanger
monetary policy transmission.
and monetary sovereignty.
Stable coins and I I think BIS is very
much right. Stable coins are non-m money
and can harm the financial system as a
whole.
Um and they can trigger a crisis.
The proliferation of stable currencies
like we are getting back into a world of
free banking which is very dangerous.
European banks should seem to be more
relaxed about stable coins because they
fear American competition.
Um uh but
competition is not necessarily good
unless you have regulation a proper
regulatory framework. I think that
tokenization is the proper way to use
new technologies. It's the BIS view and
I think BIS the BIS view is fully
justified.
CFDC's are inevitable and will trigger a
new type of currency competition. This
is also an inexurable trend about
artificial intelligence and coming to
the end. Artificial intelligence can
bring great benefits but entails huge
risks.
Um a huge productivity shock. This is
what Kevin Worish said recently. I think
it's an open issue. We'll see because
it's not only productivity. It's also
about the social impact and political
disarray. I mean, what one should also
look at externalities. It's not only an
economic shock in itself.
Um, it can harm banks by rebuilding
vulnerabilities.
The economist I think
the latest issue of the economist talked
about the mitts moment
and it can enhance contagion and invite
a new financial crisis and I believe
artificial intelligence need to be
regulated. I'm not in the I'm not uh in
eye to eye with those who say low but
you're going to stifle innovation.
Um but it's hard for central banks
uh the BIS financial stability board
national regulators to coordinate
closely. I mean this is a big question
and and last
for the euro
>> yes please go
>> for the euro to be a stronger reserve
currency the euro area needs addis a
safe asset and more overall integration.
Thank you very much indeed. I note that
we uh we have not only Kevin Vos but
John Nipki saying a moment ago that
artificial intelligence might very well
produce productivity progress of of
magnitude that we were perhaps
underassessing until now. Anyway, thank
you very much. I I guess that most of
the points you were mentioning will be
discussed uh during the course of of our
workshop. I will now give the floor to
Jeff if he wishes.
>> Absolutely. Thank you very much. I feel
very sorry for Nicola um who comes last
because I had a whole series of notes
and I've been going through them as
people spoke and checking off the points
that were made and there are no
unchecked points on my list. So, I
thought I would talk about something
different that I hadn't planned to talk
about, but that I think is in many ways
um the lurking behind, beneath, above,
around much of our conversations about
the international economic order and
about finance as well, which is
geoeconomics.
Uh which is that is the use of economic
uh tools, economic policies for
geopolitical purposes. The core of
geoeconomic policy is elasticities of
substitution. Geoeconomic policies focus
on those activities for which the supply
is inelastic. Right? That the term that
was used in some of the panels is
indispensability. But when we think
about this in a more rigorous economic
sense and that we now have some very
rigorous studies of geoeconomics, this
is all really about the inelasticity of
substitution. whether of goods or of
other activities. The problem with using
geoeconomic policies on goods in trade
for which demand supply is inelastic is
that when supply is inelastic, the rents
available to producers are enormous. So
controlling the supply of goods for
which supply is inelastic means
forfeiting massive profits. And we've
seen that with the lobbying by some of
the firms that had their supplies or
that that were threatened with an
interruption of supply which immediately
say if you keep us from selling to China
for example, we go bankrupt. So
policy makers perhaps unexpectedly
and and predictably have turned away in
many instances from using the most
inelastically supplied goods uh for
geoeconomic purposes. And that leaves as
much of most much much of the technical
academic literature on this has
suggested financial tools for the use in
geoeconomic policy. Um that has led
senders and targets potential senders
potential target when we use the term
sender to mean a country that is
imposing financial restrictions for
geoeconomic purposes. Targets as the
countries they're imposing them on. um
that has led for a search for financial
vulnerabilities on the part of both
senders and targets. In other words,
countries that want to use financial
instruments for geoeconomic purposes
look for the vulnerabilities of their
targets and the targets look for their
own vulnerabilities to try to block the
possibility of using finance for this
purpose. Um the the obvious implication
of this is very substantial more or less
continually increasing intervention in
international capital flows. Um this is
understandable. It is understandable
that countries do not want to be subject
to financial restrictions as they enter
into greater and greater conflict uh
with with countries with other countries
around the world. It's understandable
that countries that have economic that
have geopolitical goals would rather use
economic policies to achieve them rather
than kinetic that is military means. But
what is often ignored in discussions of
this is despite the benefits these
policies are costly. They're costly
economically in particular. So the the
focus on the benefits of geoeconomic
policies I think obscures many of the
costs. There is an obvious cost to
efficiency because it it changes
interferes with the allocation of
capital both within countries and across
countries. There is a cost because it
leads to a lower level or lower lesser
degree of specialization in finance as
both targets and and uh senders try to
find general ways of uh adapting to
financial intervention. It leads to a
proliferation of innovation and not the
good kind of innovation at least in my
view innovation in ways of protecting c
of countries and governments protecting
themselves from financial geoeconomic
policies and evading those financial um
geoeconomic policies. Um it also in the
case of both senders and targets leads
to uh decay of financial and more
broadly economic reputation. uh because
if you believe that the financial
instruments in question are going to be
subject to political intervention, you
are less likely to give them uh the the
benefit of the doubt as to the
credibility of the instruments
themselves. And I've mentioned a couple
of times on on pre I think on a previous
panel and and conversation um there is
very substantial evidence at this point
from uh very detailed academic studies
that Treasury securities have suffered
over the past year a loss of confidence.
um among investors and monetary
authorities around the world. Um more
broadly, I think the the general point
that I would make is geoeconomics is
here to stay. Uh geoeconomics has very
important implications for international
financial flows, for international
finance, the international financial
system more broadly and for the
international economy. And I would
remind um remind us that you know as a
political economist politics trumps
economics,
geopolitics trumps politics and that the
uh where governments as in the present
world um have more and more recourse to
use the use of economic policies for
geopolitical purposes. It is I think an
open question as to how far this will
go. In the past it has gone very far and
the distance it has gone has been
disastrous for the world economy and for
that matter for international politics.
But I do think it's important for those
of us who are interested in
international financial matters and
international economic matters to think
not only about the purely financial
issues that have been discussed here and
that my are all of which are checked off
on my list but to also think about the
fact that we now live in a world in
which geoeconomic policies are playing
an increasingly important role in the
development of international economics
and of of the international economic
order and of the international financial
system.
>> Thank you. Thank you very much indeed. I
I am struck by the fact that
the vocabulary has changed dramatically
because what you said maybe I'm I'm
making a dramatic misinterpretation but
we would call that in the past sanctions
financial sanctions US financial
sanctions and yeah I see you're nodding
so it's close to the concept that you
were mentioning.
>> Absolutely. Financial sanctions are one
of many geoeconomic policies. I mean
tariffs, export controls, you know,
financial capital controls more broadly.
Any the term is generally used to mean
any economic policy that's pursued for
geopolitical purposes.
>> Okay?
>> And that's a pretty broad range, right?
You can go back and it's not new either
because people keep forgetting that
during the Cold War, we had massive
controls on economic activity with the
Soviet Union and we know what that
implied,
>> of course. Yeah. Yeah, John,
>> if I could ask a question, the uh having
like Sean Claude had some experience
during the the financial crisis. Uh I
think the idea at that time wasn't that
countries forgot their individual
interests, but clearly the dominant
sense was if we don't hang together, we
will surely hang separately. Is your
perception that this growth of use of
geoeconomic tools a reflection of great
power conflict the increase in great
power conflict or the other way around?
Uh it is a reflection of increasing
great power conflict. I think that that
if I were going to be optimistic on the
list that I discarded, I tried to end
with something optimistic and the optim
that's actually close to what JeanClaude
said, which is why I didn't do it saying
that in extremists um I mean the
financial we just uh had Andrew Bailey
at Colombia and and and so I I've known
him for many years and we talked about
the FSB and there is still dramatic
levels of cooperation within the BIS and
the FSB as there was in the aftermath of
the global financial crisis. So that's
holding together, but that is a very
technical, very limited range. And I
have to ask myself how well that might
continue to hold together if
geopolitical or political or foreign
policy conflict among the major powers,
including the European powers and the
United States, I mean, as on opposite
sides of many issues, proliferates. At
this point, um I worry that the
absolutely correct notion that if we
don't stand together, we'll all hang
together, we'll all hang separately,
that that may be gradually going by the
board as governments focus more and more
on competition among themselves than on
the potential for cooperation.
>> Thank you very much indeed. Very very
stimulating.
I would say that this is one of the
modalities of power politics which is
the overall I would say characteristics
of our time. Akinoi you have the floor.
>> Thank you. Um
two wars near Europe and AI have been
already discussed but uh let me uh frame
the two things in a macroeconomic
perspective. Um first
uh the wars you know let's imagine what
standard economics textbook will tell us
about the situation on the supply side
the wars impose significant constraints
on the production and delivery of energy
materials not only um oil and natural
gas but also nafla ammonia fertilizer
and therefore food
heightened risks to such Such supplies
have also raised the cost of risk
management. Uh I you know I said this uh
shifting uh practices practices from
just in time to just in case uh several
years back but uh through a higher
inventory and diversification of supply
sources uh that's costly. On the demand
side, the wars are bringing with them
higher defense outlays both directly and
indirectly
because national defense is no longer a
notional issue. It's a real one.
Therefore, it requires not only a
stepped up spending on armaments and uh
and weapons, but also heightened
preparedness in terms of human resources
uh and also medical treatment and other
supporting facilities. So
in the budget uh of many countries, some
attempts may be made to cut other items
in the budget uh welfare spending for
example. But rampant populism will most
likely check such attempts
and therefore fiscal larger will uh
likely expand. In short, the wars are
generating massive increases in
aggregate demand
while constraining aggregate supply.
Okay. Now, let's go to AI. The AI
revolution is accelerating. Uh AI is
entering every aspect of business and
daily life of ours.
All of us expected this happen this to
happen a year ago, but it it has
unfolded even faster than many
anticipated.
On the supply side, it's raising
productivity so rapidly that some people
are becoming anxious about massive job
dislocations going forward.
Some pundits argue that the resulting
supply expansion will be so large that
it could cause deflation in in the
global economy. once again in the
future. At present, however, the AI
revolution is accompanied by a
tremendous expansion is business
investment in data centers, related
facilities, which is driving up demand
for semiconductors,
uh capaci capacitors, networking nodes
and of course electric power.
As a result, prices of these uh uh items
are rising. So are the stock prices of
the companies that produce them. Um all
in all, aggregate demand is growing
faster than supply at least for now.
Putting upward pressures on on prices.
Now what will happen from here? Let us
consider uh you know of of course the
future of course depends crucially on
how the wars develop. Uh so let us
consider relatively optimistic
optimistic scenario in which tensions
around both Ukraine and the Middle East
somehow abate. This is similar to the
most recent IMF wheels standard
reference scenario. They they changed
the name baseline to reference anyway.
So quite naturally elevated demand and
constraining constrained supply will
result in slower economic growth with
higher inflation and in this
circumstance uh savings will shift from
glut to shortage.
Uh for example uh most recent MFVO
expects that the budget deficits of
advanced countries to grow by half a
percentage point of GDP in 2026. Current
accounts deficits of energy importing
countries will increase. Of course, even
in oil exporting countries, some
sovereign wealth funds will draw down
their financial investments to support
reconstruction and replenish defense
capabilities as we heard from uh uh uh
speaker from uh UAE yesterday.
So against this background, market
interest rates will remain high or rise
further which could trigger a repricing
of financial assets across the board. So
we discussed already but uh some
economists e expect such repricing to be
particularly salient in private private
credit markets and equity markets
discussed already possibly leading up to
a financial crisis.
Well, despite these concerns, however,
the market appears less cautious or I
should say more sanguin about uh you
know the world economy judging from
stock and bond prices as well as risk
indicators such as CDS premier
for example S&P 500 fell only 8% uh from
its previous peak during the Iran Iran
war before it it it it it more than
fully rebounded.
This episode contrasts with a 25% drop
immediately after Mr. Trump announced
his liberation day. So um that's quite a
different uh market indication. There is
a gap between the majority view of
economists and the and what the markets
indicate.
The market is obviously more optimistic
than economists
uh like uh Danny Rouset uh moment ago.
WTI futures I checked show a steep
backwardation with July delivery in the
high $80 per barrel and December
delivery in the mid70s7
$70. So uh the market expects the
condition will return to normal before
too long or at least at the end by the
end of the year.
Economists at the IMF and elsewhere on
the other hand appear to take supply
disruptions more seriously.
You know I have always thought the
market is riskneutral
while most economists tend to be
cautious. Of course, e economics is
often termed as, you know, dismal
science and e economists are paid to
worry about many things. That's quite a
nature. But but the contrast now is more
striking than usual. Uh this is what we
are seeing. The market's present
optimism stems largely from its
expectation that the AI revolution will
outweigh the negative effects of the
war.
In economics term, the aggregate demand
elevated by the wars and AI will be met
by enhanced productivity gains and
supply increases.
I hope this will eventually prove true,
but the market seems to discount this
element over a much shorter horizon than
economists do. So, which will prove
correct? The average economist or the
market?
Over the past several years, myself
tended to be optimist remember uh about
the global economy, particularly the US
economy. While many economists became
pessimistic after Mr. Trump was elected
US president,
my optimism has been based on two
elements. One is AI which we discussed
already. The other is the fact that
there is little overleed
economies.
uh there may be hidden uh leverage but
uh hard to detect yet. On the flip side,
the public sector is heavily indebted as
uh Junko Trucher mentioned. Of course,
this is a problem. But if economic
growth continues uninterrupted, coupled
with productivity gains from AI like the
market expects, we may be able to
correct budget deficits through taxation
or you know tax increases or automatic
tax increases.
At the moment the presence of large
excesses in the private sector um
particularly uh in the core parts of of
our financial systems in short banks
is an encouraging fact uh that support
optimism about continued economic growth
with somewhat elevated inflation. So I
have lots of things to say about stable
coins but let me stop here for the
moment.
>> Excellent. Thank you very much indeed.
We will have a full-fledged discussion
on the stable coin and and the like but
thank you very much. I see that you are
more on the optimistic side
>> on the market side. Yes.
>> And you were not always on this side.
Now Jeanlo, could you elaborate a little
bit on your own view? I will be more on
the pessimistic side. We are the United
States are in Kulusak
and the world is in deep trouble as we
don't know when the street or form is
going to reopen soon or not soon and we
all know that the world depends
uh on its issue from an economic and
financial viewpoint.
It is very presumptuous to make any
forecast now because we are in in in the
in the dark night. Therefore, just a few
comments. First one, there has been last
year two pivots.
one in favor of European and Japanese
stocks versus Wall Street, particularly
because European PR were eight 18 versus
an expensive 28 for the S&P 500 and
another pivot in favor of the euro
versus the dollar minus 9%. But this
year we can expect two reverse pivots.
one in favor of Wall Street versus Euro
stock as American companies are
expecting earnings growth by 18% much
higher than in Europe by 10%.
Europe is hit by energy prices whereas
the US are as we all know net exporters
growth in Europe will be this year
around 09%
compared to a US growth anticipated at
2.7%
and an increase rates in Europe versus
no cut by the Fed should deteriorate
further the European stock market
besides another reverse pivot. The
dollar has already gone up and shouldn't
continue to do so except if there is a
cut from the Fed this year. Indeed, as
US stocks uh Amazon for instance has
gained 3.5% yesterday and US treasuries
will continue to attract hot money and
as increased energy prices will need
more dollars. For every 10%
increase in energy prices, the euro
slides by 08% because of higher higher
demand of dollars.
Second point,
the crisis will affect more Europe than
the US and will lead to different
monetary policies.
Although both will have to face a
dilemma between a rise of inflation and
a growth risk le to stackflation in a
vicious circle with a hokey shift
towards rates increase instead of cuts.
In Europe, first we expect limited
growth below 1% and an inflation of 3 to
4%. As a consequence, we might have two
or three rates increase this year. in
the US with interest of 3.5 to 3.75%
with an employment of 4.3%
a sticky inflation of 3% although not
that much contaminated by the tariff tax
increase and with a growth of around 3%
the Fed could be on a wait and see
position even after the departure of J
Powell midmay and avoid the cuts
advocated by President Trump. And on the
contrary, an increase of the rates
because of inflation once this year is
not impossible if inflation
deteriorates.
The last Federal Open Market Committee
of the Fed was already split between
seven members in favor of no cut and
seven members of just one cut of 25
basis point.
But a monetary policy in order to fight
against a shortage of supply, which is
now the case, is not a good medicine.
While it is efficient to fight again
against an an excess of demand,
and it will increase the cost of
refinancing heavy debts becoming
worrying because of investments in
defense and damaging emerging countries.
Third point, there has been still now a
splendid paradox.
We are confronted by huge risks still in
front of us. But the stock markets may
be stupidly
enough not declined much not more by by
10% since early March except in some
particular sectors such as the luxury
and
they moreover since the beginning of
April S&P and the euro stocks have
gained have regained thanks to good
expectations on first quarter earnings
and uh AI stocks are booming in a bubble
maybe and tech stocks as well plus 15%
this month but we are not sure that this
paradox will last for long.
Fourth point, indeed today
we can dream of a ceasefire, but a
ceasefire will be maintained during a
certain period of time between Israel
and Lebanon. that the straight of arms
will reopen soon and that negotiations
between the Iran and the US would
succeed to a certain extent so that US
army does not stay longer in this region
and in order to prepare midterm
elections but even if this dream becomes
true financial markets will be volatile
because of the risk of stagflation the
price of sh energy
should continue to remain high this year
because of a destruction of some key
energy infrastructures in Qatar. 17% are
destroyed and in Kuwait a lot in Kuwait
reducing energy output which could keep
the barrel around $100
for months and damage some key economic
sectors such as chemicals of course but
also fertilizers because of sulfur the
food industry therefore aluminium
semiconductors automotive industry while
fueling inflation raising ing interest
rates, reducing consumption and growth
and affecting the stock markets. On top
of all, we're confronted for a certain
period of time with a huge uncertainty
as Jon has mentioned in particularly in
the Gulf whereas it has been such a
sunny paradise for years as it will take
anyway time to complete to a complete
reopening. It will remain unfortunately
risky and unstable and undermine
confidence. To conclude, we are probably
going to live in a very dangerous way
and uncertainty in the coming years and
we should remain extremely cautious.
Even if peace happens shortly in this
region, stagation at least
will will will appear and as a
paraphrase from President Hoover, the
crisis is at the corner of the street
with a hope that I am completely wrong
if a strong peace hopefully arrives very
quickly.
>> Thank you very much indeed, Jeanl. We
all hope that you are totally wrong. We
do. without saying
>> you too. I understand. Can I turn to
Nicola?
>> Nicola has two hemisphere in his brain.
One is a US hemisphere, the other front
is a European hemisphere. The senior
fellow of both
best think tanks on both sides of the
Atlantic. We are you know suspended to
your lips here.
uh JeanCloud of course is alluding to
the fact that I work both for Bugal
which is in Brussels and for the
Peterson Institute for International
Economics which is in Washington DC and
I have to mention that the honorary
chairman of Google is Jon. So thank you
chairman. Um I did some of you uh may
have attended the panel in which I spoke
yesterday. So I I did give a little bit
of EU versus US during that uh panel.
I'm not going to repeat exactly what I
said yesterday. Uh rather I will look at
the global financial system a bit
holistically.
Um and I will since uh the the the mood
so far has been a kind of balancing of
optimism and pessimism. Uh I will start
optimistic and end with a little bit
more of a downbeat tone. So I will start
with resilience and uh continue with uh
with risk and and end with a question
mark.
Let me talk first about resilience and
um I think we all want to have a a
conversation now. So so I'll be a little
bit too uh succinct I guess uh very
cartoonish and then uh I hope we can
come back to some of those points in the
in the collective discussion.
The market of course has been incredibly
resilient given given the magnitude of
the the shocks of the last uh 18 months.
Uh particularly u I would say you the
you know the doubts about US
institutions some of us were having that
conversation at lunch. Um I would make
the argument that the political regime
in the US has changed. So we have
experienced regime change in the US last
year. And my point here is just that the
core of the US political regime is the
US constitution and the US constitution
is not being enforced. So uh we have uh
the Supreme Court you know blowing hot
and cold but uh letting the executive
branch do a lot of things that are
clearly contrary to the constitution.
And perhaps more importantly we have
Congress not playing its role of being
uh the main check on the executive
branch uh under the US constitution. And
in that context uh it is uh remarkable
how um serene how um even uh upbeat uh
the financial markets have been. Uh
actually I did check the evolution of
German stocks between early 1933 and uh
five years later in 38 uh they went up
50%. So maybe we should not have
anticipated a negative reaction of the
stock market uh to this political regime
change. Now I'm not saying that the US
now is Germany in the 30s. Not at all.
Uh that's not my point. Uh and uh and I
have no uh intuition and certainly even
less conviction on where the US will go
politically. I suspect it may not come
back to where it was 18 months ago, but
that doesn't mean the most horrible
scenarios will materialize. So, so I
think this is just a point about market
resilience as opposed to US politics.
The second thing that has been
remarkably resilient in that context uh
and this is much more structural than
market fluctuations
is the international uh central rule of
the dollar. uh there were some wobbles
in April uh for a brief period April
last year a year ago uh but at this
point basically and I'll speak under
just control here the central role of
the uh dollar in uh the global financial
center system has not changed uh of
course we don't know the exact numbers
of you know reserve currencies and so on
in real time but basically uh from a
kind of basic smell test there's
probably some diversification of going
on in you know central bank reserves
global investment portfolios but nothing
dramatic and nothing of a completely
different nature from the kind of
fluctuations we've seen in uh recent
years and decades the kind of things
that barak and green among others has
documented in terms of diversification
anyway no sea change
even more structural and here I will let
you repeat actually what you said uh
chlude in your introductory remarks
Um we have seen the
you know unraveling of some global
institutions, the US exiting a number of
UN agencies. Um the WTO of course being
stuck in a stalemate and we had a lot of
discussion of that already at this
conference. The IFI IMF World Bank in a
slightly better place but still very you
know um defensive let's put it that way.
Uh the World Bank no longer talks about
climate change, that kind of thing. Uh
and um which is a big change. Um
the IMF is enthusiastic about Argentina.
I mean that kind of thing. Um
we haven't seen that in the Basel
cluster as you said. Part of that is
because the US is actually not the
dominant stakeholder in the BIS, but
part of that is probably the nature the
very nature of the BIS which is an
organization of central banks not an
organization of governments. uh and uh
the Fed of course I could have mentioned
it in the resilience so far has been
relatively unaffected by the turmoil
even though of course it may be changing
soon but I think it's remarkable that
even if you look at you know the way
these things work on a daily basis the
implementation of Basel 3 let me remind
our
European participants here that on the
basis of the proposals issued last month
by the Fed and other agencies The US
will be more compliant with Basel 3 than
the European Union probably when all the
dust settles. We'll have an assessment
by uh under the Basel committee's
regulatory consistency assessment
program which is a very good program uh
in 2029. So we'll have to wait a little
bit to have confirmation. But my
expectation at this point is that based
on previous episodes, uh the EU will be
found non-compliant or materially
non-compliant and the US will be found
probably largely compliant as it was in
the previous round. Uh so um it is not
the fact the case that the US is exiting
Basel while the EU is staying in Basel.
It's a much more nuanced picture in
which compliance with the Basel
framework in the US remains quite good
even though they have deregulated and
they have basically eliminated a lot of
gold plating that they had above Basil
uh in uh under under the Trump
administration already. So lots of
resilience now also lots of risk.
Uh I completely agree with Daniel. The
kind of swing of the pendulum in terms
of uh you know um regulation and
supervision is absolutely striking.
Those of us who have been through the
previous cycle and who remember the time
before the great financial crisis are
horrified because we see the same vibes
as we had in the mid 2000s. We know
where that led and we feel that it will
lead to the same place again. Uh and
that applies to the US. I mentioned
yesterday the US uh cycle of
deregulation, dsupervision and
institutional erosion. I'm not going to
repeat but it also uh is visible
elsewhere. for example, the UK with the
idea that you know the Bank of England
has a growth or uh competitiveness
mandate whatever is sending a very um
alarming signal even though the Bank of
England says nothing has changed uh and
they have also lowered capital
requirements not in a very big way but
with again sending exactly the wrong
signal and in the EU itself so far
policy has held the ground but the
lobbying of the banking uh sector is uh
relentless
uh and very determined and frankly
they're getting political traction. The
the the banks of course have
extraordinary access to the political
leaders and at this point the um
technocrats, central bankers, financial
stability people, techn uh you know
bureaucrats in the European Commission
are playing a very defensive game
against the pressure of the banking
sector to decrease capital requirements.
We will probably have an indication
later this year on how that's likely to
play out ultimately, but it doesn't look
very promising.
So, if you believe in that theory of the
swing of the pendulum, uh we are going
into a cycle of deregulation that's
going to result in a major financial
crisis somewhere down that road. Uh and
that's completely depressing. Now, my
final note, which I have said is a bit
downbeat.
>> That was optimistic.
>> Yes. Um
there's a there's a short story of Isak
Azimoth called Nightfall. Maybe some of
you uh remember it. Uh Azimov, which of
course was a genius of science fiction
and many other things. Uh viewed it as
his best piece ever. Uh so much so that
he uh later made it into a novel. I
think the short story is better than the
novel. It's much more crisp. Anyway,
Nightfall tells a story of a planet
system somewhere out there in the space
where people basically keep repeating um
the same uh
catastrophes uh over and over again
because of the way the planets interact
with each other. It's very funny. Uh
essentially every couple of thousand
years they destroy civilizations and
they rebuild it and then they destroy it
again. Um and um it's uh it's super
crisp. Read it. It's very short. Um, so
I I've always been thinking about that
short story when thinking about the
swing of the pendulum because it's kind
kind of the same thing, right? I mean,
you you rebuild and then you forget and
you know, some uh alignment of the
planets make you destroying everything
and then you rebuild again. Now,
Nightfall was written the short the
original short story in early 1941.
And
the downbeat tone is whether actually
this kind of thing is to be thought
about in terms of financial stability
or more basic, you know, security
stability. and uh and and and
it's hard not to think at this point
that it might be the latter and that
actually you know the financial crisis
is the least of our concerns because the
security crisis that may be coming could
be larger. Um maybe uh that's not the
right way to think about it and I
actually hope it's not. Thank you.
>> Thank you very much indeed.
I was reflecting on what you said and
the pendulum
uh without having a full-fledged
pendulum as we have observed in the past
and you said that very uh clearly uh I
I'm struck always struck by the
difference of perception between the
both sides of the Atlantic not to speak
of other continent uh we have the US
always telling us and from their
standpoint very rightly so. Don't
overregulate in advance. It's stupid.
Let the market make his own
explorations.
You will see we maybe we will have
marvels. If on top of the marvels we
have risks that are materializing. Okay,
we will make it. We will we will invent
what is necessary to combat the the
risks that are materializing.
And you European, you're much too much
to concentrate on regulation and
preventing in advance a lot of bad
consequences that perhaps could come but
perhaps could not come and therefore you
are hampering the discovery of the new
technologies proesses and again with AI
we still we we have clearly these two
vision
on both sides of the Atlantic that that
it's clear that we need both. If I we
could not we should not be too European
in preventing in advance a lot of
discoveries in the technical side in
particular that are or in the financial
side or whatever in the economic side
that are of extreme importance and the
US of course should know in advance that
they are taking a lot of risks and when
there is a catastrophe the catastrophe
is not only for the US but for the rest
of the world too as we could
observe unfortunately at the moment of
the last great financial crisis. Anyway,
the I think the the to the tab was very
stimulating and we should concentrate
maybe on some important point. I would
list perhaps the two first ones if we
accept to speak very very concisely
because we will have to to close the
session. uh at uh a quarter to seven or
something like that. So or maybe maybe
at seven seven would we could make it at
seven. So the the first one would be
perhaps how you would uh
discuss the AI productivity progress
themselves. How do you feel that this
economically and theoretically should be
assessed? I think we we are still in a
very uncertain world. I'm not myself
convinced at the stage. My my optimistic
reaction is it will produce fantastic
results because all all such innovation
that we're of that magnitude are likely
to be benefiting the overall economies
and and of course our fellow citizens.
But again this has to be perhaps
explored a little bit and I think it
would be good. uh as was mentioned
previously, we have the issue of the
stable bonds and of all the tokens and
all what goes with it which is also uh
underlying and maybe we could also have
an exchange if again we are sufficiently
concise on this element also and maybe
we could conclude JeanClode with the
likelihood of a big big big difficulty.
in the financial sector which is also of
course something which we we cannot
avoid to discuss a little bit. Now I
open for full-fledged discussion. No, no
long exposition but remarks tough
remarks speaking our minds, speaking our
guts in in some domain and I start with
AI. I see Yan you're ready please. Yeah,
know I was going to react to what Akina
said earlier when I looked myself at the
beginning of the year which was almost a
century ago when you measure in AI terms
but I look at specific models one coming
from Warton University one from Gman Sax
one from EY and then sort of more casual
discussion with people like AON and and
sort of more back up the envelope models
if you
The maximum I could see in terms of
productions over the last the next 10
years would be something like 0.3%
per year. So 3% over 10 years max,
right? And maybe a was a bit more
generous and again may maybe it was sort
of more back of the envelope but I
didn't see any large impact
predicted yet. Right? I think people are
very cautious and and I think nobody
knows frankly uh how far it can go.
>> Well, this is a good start.
>> Just just one comment. It it's already
obvious that many computer programmers
are being laid off. They they are no
longer used. I mean AI uh program
everything, you know. And so uh that's
already done and the consulting
companies are getting into trouble
because those companies uh used to
design uh you know systems for financial
institution others now banks use AI and
uh produce programs inhouse easily.
That's that's obvious
>> but I think you see progress in maybe
10% of the economy and then you have
massive sides of uh other sectors that
that are not impacted by AI. So net net
you see this relatively modest uh
expectations. Well, I I said
>> I'm sorry. I'm sorry. No, no, I'm sorry,
>> John. You you mentioned that there was a
surprise in the productivity progress
and you were very close to attributing
this productivity progress to AI. Did
you did you
>> I I ascribed it to uh Kevin Hasset is
the the administration's claim, but uh I
guess a couple quick comments. the um my
my line is uh in the industrial age
machines made weak people strong and in
the information age technology makes
stupid people smart and first of all I
don't know why that is bad for inequal
that creates inequality
it it seems that it holds out the
prospect what's that
>> because rich people are
No, that uh uh that it it ought to uh
create productivity gains not just in
computer software but in in other areas
but it makes in general makes workers
more productive and
as we've also seen that uh as as a
student of Paul David who was the
original uh theorist of technology
diffusion or perhaps the most prominent
uh that it takes it takes time but that
productivity gains never move uh
deriving from from technology never move
in a straight line or a smooth line but
in waves and the uh second reference I
like to make is listening to Jensen Hong
uh of Nvidia who told us at Stanford uh
last year in 10 years computers will be
a million times more powerful than
today.
Computers will be very expensive but
computing power will be ex nearly free.
So he said think of a future in which
you can have access to all the computer
power you can imagine virtually for
free. what will that mean? And the
answer is none of us have a very clear
idea at all.
>> And therefore to try to to surmise
what's going to happen is difficult.
>> Yeah,
>> it's better not to get crazed but still
it's uh also uh probably an error to be
too cautious.
>> Good. Before giving the floor to Jeff,
one one remark because what we are
discussing looks very much like the solo
paradox with the new computer the
mainframe
solo said I'm very surprised because I
see a lot of spendings in the fantastic
mainframe and I don't see any
consequence in the productivity progress
that we measure and it last a long time
when at a time then you could see that
there is no more paradox because there
were productivity progress which were
very impressive. So are we more or less
in the same sequence in your in your
mind? But I'm sorry don't respond
immediately the question.
>> No no I think that's that's a great
entree. I mean Solo said we see
computers everywhere except in the
productivity statistics and we see AI
everywhere except in the productivity
statistics. Um I think I was going to
make one minor point and then a more a
broader one. The minor point is the
people that I
some people people I respect say that
most of the influence that we see of AI
on growth now is in traditional
industries building data centers. So
cement actually is booming because you
need a lot of cement to build a data
center. So it's not AI itself that's
leading to this growth. It's the
production of the that leads me to a
broader point really from economic
history because you know we can't
predict the future. I mean at least I
can't predict the future but we can use
some of the experiences of the past to
try to think of what patterns there may
be. AI is a general purpose technology
and the general experience with general
purpose technologies is that the
productivity increases are not in the
technology itself but in its use. So
when steam power, the railroad,
electricity, the internet came on
stream, the first indication, the first
uh the first tendency was to say people
are going to make a fortune in railroads
or electricity or the internet. But
everybody piles in. It's highly
competitive and eventually all the rents
get competed away and everybody in that
starts a railroad goes bankrupt. And no
one wants to be an internet service
provider today. And it's very easy to
produce electricity. Now, it's hard to
see all of these the AI companies going
bankrupt or losing the rents that
they're currently earning. But there's a
lot of competition in that space. So, I
think that what we what we are likely to
see is a process of discovery of what
industries can best use AI to improve
their productivity. And there already
are studies trying to figure that out,
but they're speculative. And so I would
say don't expect AI itself to be the
productivity the engine of productivity
but its use to be the engine of
productivity. And so that means the
money probably in the longer run will
not be made in AI itself but in
industries that figure out how to use
it. That's a lesson from now maybe the
future will not be like the past but
that is the lesson of economic history
with general purpose technologies.
>> Okay John and then Nikolai if you
wishes. The only comment I was going to
make is uh Paul David's seinal computer
and dynamo uh article was essentially
written in response to Solo's remarks.
The suggested being that our at that
time our understanding of the process of
technology diffusion and its effect on
productivity was very poorly understood
>> much better now.
>> Thank you. Niga, you ask for the floor.
>> Yes, absolutely. Um
John reminded me of this famous um
uh prediction by the chairman of the US
Atomic Energy Commission in 1954 and
it's so good that it uh it deserves to
be read again. Um it is not too much to
expect that our children this is was
when well you know commercial nuclear
power was starting to be a thing. It's
it's not too much to expect that our
children will enjoy in their homes
electrical energy too cheap to meter.
Well, no. Of great periodic regional
famines in the world only as matters of
history will travel effortlessly over
the seas and under them and through the
air with a minimum of danger and at
great speed. Okay, that kind of
materialized and um
and and and we'll experience a lifetime
spend far longer and hours as disease
yields and the man comes to understand
what causes him to age. I mean some of
this has happened. It's not bad but
electricity too cheap to meter. No.
hasn't happened. So, uh I think AI to me
is kind of the same thing. We we we can
extrapolate some of the wonderful things
that you know are being uh projected but
maybe not all of them.
>> Thank you. Thank you again. I have to
repeat of course that all of us can
intervene, make comments, ask questions.
We are a full-fledged now working party
where we are all equal.
So who wants to say a last word perhaps
or a new a new idea launch a new idea
please?
>> You're obliged to you're obliged to to
speak in English.
>> Yes. Uh yeah I I wanted to start by
sitting what uh somebody talk about is
solo pred prediction or saying that you
have uh productivity everywhere but not
in the statistics from the computers. Uh
the same for the AI. In fact, u I think
we have to distinguish between the the
sectors that produce AI and the sectors
that just control AI products. Uh so
this is one thing I don't know the study
you mentioned from Harvard University
did this distin distinction.
Secondly, uh when you invest in
infrastructure,
uh there was a study from OECD telling
that if you invest $1, you have to
invest $9 in human capital in
reorganization. So I think we need all
this uh deepness if you want to estimate
the impact on of AI on on the economic
tank.
>> Thank you. Yeah.
>> Yeah. Yeah, just to to clarify, yeah,
these studies were the full impact on
GDP. So across all sectors now, uh how
accurate precise the assumptions were I
don't know what was striking though is
everybody was making uh the same kind of
predictions, same order of magnitude. So
maybe everybody was making the same
mistake. I don't know. Uh but but yeah,
it was really a global impact, not just
in AI.
If I understand well to not to miss your
point Yan, you said that after due
meditation with Nobel Prize and so
forth, you arrive
>> at at more 3% growth more
>> over 10 years
>> over 10 years in the US.
>> Is it in the US?
>> Actually, you know what? I I forgot
where it was.
>> Okay.
You know what? you know well you know
well it's good to take in any case
>> let's assume the US because again it was
Goldman Sachs ey
and wartton university but
>> okay
>> thank you so yeah please
>> yeah in general in microeconomic terms
3% is not three percentage but 3% of
what exist already so we have to make
also this distinction 3% % of maybe the
2% we have today. So it will be two 2.06
06
>> it's not
>> no what you mean just 0.3% of growth
annual growth right that you add to your
usual projection so as we said 2.7 or
what it is for the US this year right
>> okay okay so Daniel and then yeah
>> it's about um um the impact the overall
impact
Um it's um many people accept as a
working hypothesis that is going to uh
increase concentration market
concentration
and this is not good. Clearly it's not
good. Secondly, it's going to increase
inequalities
>> in the realm of finance.
It may uh it may enhance herd effects
and increase contagion. So a big a big
issue is for the regulator. What are we
going to do against the background of
the regulation? What's going to happen?
I think um one and and then last but not
externalities. If you have if you have a
lot of replacement and displacement, you
end up with a big social problem.
>> Yeah. Thank you. you're you're on the
negative side. Of course, they are
negative associated with any new I would
say innovation, major innovation. Even
in the last ancient time,
the Greek philosophers were analyzing
very clearly all the drawbacks of
poetry. poetry was not that good
necessarily because you know it
permitted to certainly to memorize a lot
of sentences and the writings also were
not that good. I mean each fantastic
invention and I take it as a fantastic
discovery of of your I would say our own
civilization has a lot of drawbacks
clearly and we have to care for the
drawbacks but perhaps just in between
the US and Europe not not
I would say being too cautious and not
permitting the uh I would say benefits
to to flourish. You have the floor, sir.
>> Thank you very much. I I just wanted to
rebound on two points that were
mentioned by the panel. The first one
was uh that European countries have too
much debt and and very limited fiscal
space. The second point that was very
impressive is this huge difference in
terms of tech size between Europe and
the US and the fact that Europe is
really lagging behind the US in a huge
order of magnitude and that my belief is
that AI will accelerate this uh this gap
because you the US are going much faster
in AI than Europe. So how do we address
this situation where basically in Europe
we don't have any financial flexibility
and and and this decoupling of of the
economies between Europe and and the US
are creating a a very strong factor of
instability. So I was sensitive for
example to the the point of Yan about
saying that we can improve labor
flexibility and that we will increase
tech investment in Europe. Okay. My
feeling is that the only way to to
change the situation would would
significantly change the capital supply
in Europe on tech and my question for
the panel is how do we do that? I mean
how do we if we have no debt
flexibility?
Um how do we invest in a major way in
tech in Europe to to try to merge this
gap?
>> Before letting Yan respond to you, two
remarks. One is the US has no more
fiscal space than us to be frank much
less obviously in many respect and on
the other hand the European have a
savings surplus which is very solid if I
may they don't make the best use of it
but but they have this surplus which is
not the case if I'm not misled in the US
so we we should not underestimate ate
our own potential. If I we we make a
very poor use of this potential at the
present moment. And my my own uh my own
understanding of the lag between the
both sides of the Atlantic is that
frankly speaking we do not have yet a
single market. We discussed that today.
We have no single working single market.
Why? Perhaps because we have a glass
ceiling which is the fact that we are
not a full-fledged federation. Political
federation. The US is a political
federation and you know there is no
division by states in the US when it is
absolutely obvious in our case and of
course and are telling us what to do to
create the real single single market.
I'm a little bit afraid. We were going
this direction as rapidly as possible,
but I'm a little bit afraid that the
glass ceiling would would continue to be
there. But that's another story. Yan.
>> Yeah. Know I mean a single market would
certainly help. But uh you know in this
world of open capital and large capital
flows when you talk to so funds for
instance they'll tell you that you know
they are overly invested in the US and
they would love to diversify. for
obvious reasons, right? So, France in in
the Middle East, large even European
companies end up investing a lot in the
US when you could argue I mean they
could easily invest at home and you know
you just need to make sure that the the
returns of your venture is high enough
and and that's the you know the key
thing right I mean you know um the
private sector is much more profitable
in the US than it is in Europe as simple
as that. So that that in itself uh sorry
John
>> I'm sorry Jeff and then
>> I was just going to make the point in
response to the the comment that was
made that we we've talked a lot it's
been mentioned the global fin
macroeconomic imbalances have been
mentioned one of the big imbalances is
surpluses from Europe that is the
surplus savings that have largely been
invested in the US now and so it seems
to me just following this is just to
agree with Yan that the the there is no
shortage of savings in Europe. There's a
shortage of investment opportunities
that are more attractive than those in
the US. And I think the the goal for
Europe should be to try to turn that
around.
>> Sure.
>> But but isn't part of the difference the
the ability of innovators
to obtain financing in the US? In other
words, isn't a lot of the a lot of the
flows from Europe
>> to the US into funds, not necessarily
some of course into into specific
investments, but I think a lot of it is
is into funds that then turn into
investment in innovative uh firms.
>> I totally share your view. It's
absolutely clear that the fact that we
do not have a real single capital market
is playing a very important role. But
there are other elements and I know Yan
how keen you are to mention precisely
the cost of fa failure in Europe which
is much higher than in the US. You you
you had a chart on that.
>> Yeah. And I just want to clarify you
know it's not like Europe is lacking
investment. It's just that uh firms
invest in what we call marginal
innovation right where you don't take
that much risk and they leave uh
disruptive innovation to the US right
because again they they cannot stomach
this kind of risk but the risk is
proportional to to the return right so
>> yeah but if if we are speaking of
innovator in Europe that are absolutely
remarkable and would succeed in the US
environment. The difference in Europe is
that they don't get the capital. They
you you have now the pool of capital
despite the fact that we are much more
savings than the US. you you do not have
the capital the risk capital that it
stands ready of course to have
confidence and even if again the
innovation is fantastic and should
normally be extraordinarily profitable I
would say that the lack of profitability
of large firms influences the lack of
profitability of small firms just
because it's cascading and who is buying
smaller firms it's larger companies and
those will take when they merge, they'll
take into account the cost of
restructuring the two businesses, the
big one, the small one, and they'll uh
they'll pay the small firm at a discount
to take into account that cost.
>> Yeah.
>> So, so it's sort of cascading down.
>> Okay.
>> Thank you. I'm sorry, madame. You have
the privilege of being the first lady to
speak. It's very very
>> which is an an important privilege in
this.
>> Yeah. Yeah. please in
>> this day with so many panels with a
feminine presence.
Okay. No, it was just to go maybe a
question for Grey Fre because I think we
we should focus a little bit more about
what is this real shift of paradigm to
geoeconomics
and maybe we should focus more also to
understand better the Chinese economic
policy and not only Chinese economic
policy but of many countries and
especially to give an example it seems
to me and this is my question that uh
geoeconomics it's much more deeper than
only the weaponization
uh of economy and it is an in my opinion
a sort of error to focus only on
weaponization because this is also
another view another vision especially
of resources
of scarcity of resources
And let's say a mercantalist
spirit which is spreading in many
countries and mercantalism
it means something which is much more
deeper than protectionism
and it impacts
public policies. It impacts also
preferences of agent. Meaning that the
idea that resources are
now a a zero someum game is impacting
uh investment. The way to invest, the
way to to arbitrate
for public policies in many countries.
And it seems to me that geoeconomics
is not studied deeply enough to
understand what it means really. And
it's not only weaponization. It's a new
way to arbitrate arbitrate to make
arbitrary in in economic policy. And we
have a US economic policy which is based
on mercantalism.
Okay, thank you very much indeed. You
have to respond.
>> Sure. I guess I have to. Well, uh first
of all, I think um you yourself
correctly have said this is not a new
policy. This is mercantalism or neo
mercantalism. Um the the most famous
expression of mercantalism back in the
17th century was Thomas Hobbes who said
wealth is power and power is wealth. And
that's pretty much where we are today
with with this. I would not by the way
say that this is necessarily
simply an American turn although the
United States is is most prominent in
its use of these economic tools. I said
before that the west was united in
during the cold war in using very very
extensive and much and much more extreme
geoeconomic tools than are being used
today. nearly total prohibition on trade
with the Soviet Union with and one of
the reasons that that was possible
because there was general consensus that
there was a goal that that the US and
its allies had a goal in mind with
respect to the Soviet Union. I think
that but so let me say a few things
about why I think this is happening.
Part of it is economic competition. uh
the sense that the Chinese have and
other countries but the China in
particular has used purpose of
government policy for both geopolitical
and economic purposes and that if other
countries simply abide by liberal
economic principles they'll be left
behind. So there that's there's an
economic competition component. There is
a
uh uh supply chain component driven both
by the experience of the pandemic in
which countries found that they suddenly
didn't have access to face masks or
personal protective equipment because
they were all made in China. um and a
broader sense that global that that
global value chains that long and
complex supply chains um were making it
difficult to figure out how countries
could move forward in value added terms
without relying on countries that maybe
they didn't feel were particularly
reliable and third most broadly the
sense of vulnerability that the pandemic
uh the Russian invasion of full scale
scale invasion invasion of Ukraine um
trade wars currency wars that all of
these have given rise to. So I think
this is a an understandable set of
defensive measures by governments who
after all are charged with protecting
their citizens from adverse effects. So
so I'm I'm I'm not happy about this
turn. Um and but I think that we have to
as you say take it very seriously and
think about what the implications are
for the development of international
economic and financial affairs and also
it seems to me if I may sorry if I may
just and also to integrate it into uh
into our economic tools and the way we
are thinking about the open economy uh
now I mean also since we were speaking
about solo and so on it is now to be
thought in a new paradigma.
>> Uh, and in the United States at least, I
am invited to at least two geoeconomics
conferences every week. The the National
Bureau for Economic Research now has a
program on geoeconomics which meets
spring, fall and and and summer. So, uh,
the work is being done. It's being done
by academics which may be a risk, but
uh, but that's the that's the that's
that is certainly being taken. But in
any case, you are in full agreement on
one point. If I understood well your
remark, this geioeconomics to take your
word is both offensive and defensive.
And what we experienced all of us as you
said with the pandemic we had we
realized to which extent it was very
dangerous to have too long and stretched
value add a chain in at the global level
and that would
necessarily ask us to hedge against the
possible risk associated with the
interruption of those chains. So I I
think uh we we have to look at it from
all possible angles.
>> Yes. And and it changes also the
behavior of agents. I mean the only word
which is common between macroeconomic
text and geopolitics research for
example if you take Gilpin's uh research
this is the preferences of agent.
preferences of agents are not the same
today in a new paradigma also it's not
only economic policy level
okay thank you very much do we have any
other question yeah please
>> yeah thank you very much for this uh
absolutely fantastic discussion I wanted
to ask the panelist about um on a more
structural approach uh uh
how they um I would like to have their
opinion about one of the main
differences between uh the way Europe
and the US fund their corporates. Uh in
the US I may be wrong probably around
70% of the funding of corporations comes
from stock markets and in equity I mean
and it's the re and the rest for credit
and it's reverse for in Europe. uh in
your opinion does it have significant
consequences on the issue of innovation
that you highlighted and uh if yes
uh in in your view can this structure
especially in Europe change and would
for instance the unification of European
markets uh have an influence on that
very strong very structural future of
the European financial markets
>> please yeah know I'm often asked this
question. I'll go back to the si very
simple distinction I made earlier which
is that we've had European champions
forever. In fact, we invented capitalism
right and uh and you know and we still
have those champions by the way which
were financed as you said more by banks
than by markets right. Uh so they have a
different uh capital structure um and
and yet their performance was very good.
So meaning they they could reward their
shareholders the same way. Um so to me
the big difference is the risk level and
speed of the tech industry that makes
that older model uh just not viable in
Europe right as as simple as that. So
now of course there are differences.
Doesn't help that we don't have large
pensions funds in Europe. doesn't help.
We don't have a full single market. Uh
but I wouldn't say that's the first
issue.
>> Can I please
>> I ask you on a question because this is
a puzzle to me too. So you talk about
the risk profile, but there are plenty
of Europeans willing to re lend in a
kind of venture capital form to American
firms. Why aren't they willing to lend
to European firms?
>> Okay. Well, let me give you a specific
example. when Meta decided that they
changed their name for nothing that the
metaverse was not going anywhere that
was at the end of 2022
at the same time uh Chad GPT appeared on
the market what did they do they decided
to make a complete tutor and go full
speed to AI in the process they ended up
you know uh firing 20,000 people 25% of
their staff right uh over a period of a
few months and at a cost equivalent to a
few months of salary. Right? Today SAP
um you know big German tech or auto
companies uh announce plans over several
years right so you cannot get the same
kind of velocity
uh as simple as that. So, so that that's
risk and agility if you will that that
is in question. We cannot have a Google
or Meta in Europe right now. Meta
announced just two days ago they were
going to lay off 10 about 10,000 people.
I mean, you may argue, you know, it's
maybe excessive. They could have
retrained their people, but they have
the ability to act very quickly, very
decisively. We just can't do that in
Europe.
>> Yeah. But, but Yan, I'm sorry to
interrupt, but you don't respond to the
question which was asked.
>> Sorry. Why why do we maintain such
different structure for the overall
financing of the economy on both sides
of the Atlantic? I am a little bit
surprised myself because I thought we
would have some kind of convergence. On
the one hand, clearly the market
domination was terrible in terms of
propagating the the crisis, the last big
financial crisis. So and there was a lot
of criticism of what had been done with
the subprime and the rest of it. Uh in
Europe we could see that we were very
poor in terms of growing a market with
of a sufficient dimension. So the the
very naive idea that we we will converge
we will draw all the consequences of the
crisis and realize that there is
something in between which could be
better better for the European better
for the US. It's not at all what we have
observed clearly.
>> Very short answer. Back in 95, 30 years
ago, productivity was roughly the same
on both sides of the Atlantic. Yet the
financing model was the same, right?
>> No.
>> What the
30 70%. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Right. Right.
>> So now why is it so structural? I don't
know. I would rather ask Jean Lord as
former central banker.
>> My sentiment is very clear. Uh we are
not at an optimum in Europe. That that's
my understanding. Whether or not the US
goes too far in the other direction is
something we should reflect upon. I I
don't think that on both sides of the
Atlantic we are in any respect at an
optimum personally. But
>> yeah,
>> Nicola and then Jeff.
>> Well, a couple of things. Um, the reason
why the European financial system is
bank- based uh is because of European
history and the roles that the banks
have played in financing European
governments particularly in episodes of
crisis and warfare.
and the US has a completely different
history of government funding that has
always uh been uh more market-based uh
for various reasons. Uh and so you you
you really have completely different
historical paths. So so I think we we we
can you know spend a lot of time about
financial history but basically the
reason for the current difference
between a bank-based Europe and u and
market-based uh United States is uh is
essentially past dependency. Now the
question is is that optimal? I think
there is a policy consensus in Europe to
say it's not. That's why we have spent
the last few decades talking about
capital markets union, savings and
investment union and so on which are
basically this idea to uh rebalance the
system and make it more market-based.
uh so I don't think there is and and I
don't want to you know spend time on why
this is a good idea but I think there is
really a very broad consensus in
European policy uh you know uh
communities that this is the right thing
to do now why is it so difficult to
implement for two reasons mainly first
the banks are not happy with it because
it's a system it's it's a concept of
market development and of course there's
a lot of nuance because actually some
banks are happy and other banks are
happy for some segments etc. But there
is resistance particularly the most
obvious resistance is in Germany from
the savings bank sector which is very
politically powerful and really doesn't
like this idea of capital markets union
but there are other bits and pieces um
and the other one is that governments
don't like EU wise integration because
they lose sovereignty and that the
discussion particularly about capital
market supervision which is the core of
the current discussion about uh capital
markets union. Yeah, let let me say that
on this I mean I am cautiously
optimistic. I think we will get there.
We will get to a single supervisor for
market the same as has happened with
banking and anti-moneyaundering and
other things. Uh and you know uh 50
years from now I'm uh I'm I'm I'm
actually quite confident that we will
have progressed in the direction of a
market-based system. But these things
are very very history dependent. They
don't move quickly. And I think we
should be realistic about what can be
achieved by policy reform.
>> Before giving the floor to Gabrielle,
one remark, could your hemisphere which
is dealing with the United States of
America tell us whether the system is
optimal in the US in your in your mind?
>> I think the system is actually quite
good in the US. I think the US doesn't
need to become more bank-based. I
suspect they will become more bank-based
because they're undermining trust in the
US capital markets right now. I mean,
the dismantling on of market supervisory
capacities, the rise of special deals,
special treatments, insider trading by
friends and family of the rulers, that
kind of thing. No, I'm not I'm not
making a joke. This is happening. It's
it's documented in the media. Okay? And
and and so I think they're undermining
their market system, but to no
advantage, neither to themselves nor to
the world.
>> Thank you very much indeed. uh uh for
the European that do not necessarily
know that they are in the United States
of America two institutions one is
called Freddy May the other is called no
Fanny May I'm sorry and the other Freddy
>> back
and these are more or less French type
semi-public institutions
that are taking a lot of risks
to avoid the banks to take the risk of
the mortgages and so forth. So they are
elements that we must have in mind when
we compare the structure for for Jem
Michelle. So Gabrielle you have the
floor and
>> yeah thank you very much. I just wanted
to add to to what Nicolola said uh an
aspect that I think is important uh in
Germany certainly in parts of northern
Italy France too Switzerland very much
Austria Austria too we have a lot of
familyowned businesses and familyowned
businesses don't want to see their
property be diluted on uh stock markets
and so and and they even today uh we see
that they finance a lot of their
investments based on their own cash flow
they don't even go through a banks.
Yeah. And uh so what and that means that
the we have a cultural divide. No,
there's a whole equilibrium to be looked
at. It's not just we have too many banks
if you like, but it is the demand for
certain financial services. No, it's
very different given the familyowned
capital bases in in our in many of our
companies.
>> Okay. Thank you very much, Gabriel. And
of course, this is true for Austria and
very very largely true for Europe as a
whole. I have now several call for the
floor. Junko then yourself sir and then
you chlo first. Well, thank you. Just
one word. We have not talked a lot about
the bubble of IA and this bubble
vav also huge debts
and aren't we going to face a cris
another crisis not geopolitical this
time but an economic and financial
crisis like the one we had with the
internet in 2000.
>> Yeah.
>> Just a question. Well, all those
enormous
construction we were speaking of cement
are financed by the market certainly not
by the corporate involved and of course
you're absolutely right at the time we
might have an explosion there that
that's not totally
possible especially if the rates
increase. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Please,
>> I'm sorry. I'm maybe going to raise
something that was
>> Do do you have the mic?
>> Can you hear me?
>> Yes. Much better.
>> I'm sorry. Maybe I'm raising something
that was discussed. I was late for the
beginning of So, if it's the case, just
tell me to shut up and I will stop. I I
wanted to talk about the non-banking
market. A lot particular and this is for
the US market. As you know,
historically, I mean, traditionally
the economy has been financed mostly by
capital markets and to a lesser extent
by banks in North America and the
reverse in Europe. And I think that has
changed but not to a great extent.
There's still a majority of lending in
Europe that's done by banks and in the
US by capital markets. Now recently what
we've seen in the US is development of
the non-banking market and that happens
essentially the shift was at the time of
the great financial crisis of 2007
and 209 and my one of my concern now is
that effectively a lot of lending I
after being in banking for many years
particularly with American bank.
>> Could you speak closely? I say I've been
in banking for many years and work for
city and I was involved in a lot of
transaction but after I left city I
moved to the private equity market and I
deal in what I'm doing now working for
independent broker dealer we do a lot of
lending organizing lending by private
equity firms and as you know there's
also a very large sector of particularly
for middle market but not just middle
market to lend and to the economy in
general and certain sector are no longer
financed by the banking industry.
My question is really looking at some of
the development and recently there's
been some significant credit failure in
the non-banking market. The question
becomes some of these institution are in
my opinion representing a systemic risk
and there is as you know in the United
States an organization that's or a
committee that's called the financial
stability oversight council which
supervised the potentially of having
systemic institution and this is chaired
by the secretary of the treasury with
participation from the Fed and from the
SEC. The question that I have now is
that if one of these institution
non-banking gets into trouble is that
something that's going to be viewed by
being systematically systemically
important and therefore would the
regulator step up and I'm thinking
particularly in the context of the new
chair of the Kevin Walsh who's now as
you know in the process of being
confirmed as the replacement of chip
power and the question is what do you
think and what's going to be the
likelihood of having bail out?
>> Thank you very much. Very good question
of course and I would say the crisis
possibly coming from this kind of
totally
direct credit given by uh out of of the
banks is is really a problem. But we
have two US citizens around this table.
So maybe I could we could ask both.
You're you're by you're bational.
>> You prefer you prefer Nicola.
>> So that's
>> I'm I'm not a US citizen.
>> No. No. But but Nicola if you think that
you can enlighten us.
>> I I think we we have number of different
divides and some of the conversation so
far has kind of confused them to a
certain extent. We have a divide between
equity and debt. In debt we have a in
credit we have a divide between banking
credit and market credit. Uh and then in
equity and increasingly also in credit
we have a divide between public
so-called public assets in the sense of
being tradable on the market. So
typically between uh tradable stock and
private equity uh and increasingly also
between bonds and private credit. uh
these are not the same uh you know
dualities. Uh so I think we we have to
be somewhat rigorous in the way we we
talk about the different divides and and
each of them has kind of a difference
between Europe and the US. Uh so for
example in Europe you have fewer
publicly listed companies. You have also
less bond financing. Uh you have the
housing market with funny and Freddy
which is a whole story within the story.
And you also have less developed p
private credit market which is a much
more recent story really of the last few
years in the US. Now to the question uh
of whether we should worry about private
credit uh if that was the question. Yes,
we should worry about private credit.
I'm not sure how much we should worry
about it. And here I would echo what
John said about the tone of the spring
meetings. Um,
it seems to me, but I will be a fool for
having said that, uh, that both, uh,
crypto, stable coins and private credit
at this point have been identified as
potential systemic risk before they have
grown to truly systemic size. Um, now
that doesn't mean this won't happen. Uh
but we also know that typically systemic
financial crisis happen from something
that hadn't been uh identified as
systemic risk. So so uh actually what
we're not talking about stable coin here
we might uh stable coin volume has
flatlined over the last six months which
is kind of funny because this is exactly
the moment when they became you know the
topic of every financial stability
conference under the earth. Um I don't
know if private credit is flatlining but
I think it's also a very uh you know
diverse uh segment in which you have a
lot of good stuff actually like private
equity. I think a lot of it is useful um
but uh but you also have supervisory
arbitrage especially with with life
insurance companies and I think that's
where the more fishy stuff happens. So,
so basically I'm calling for a lot of
nuance and and on private credit
specifically I would insist on the fact
that we know so little because the
sector is so opaque.
>> Uh I'm not sure that it is that opaque
because I have I don't want to pronounce
any figure but I could I have the memory
of the start of this and it goes much
much uh higher than the
cryptocurrencies. I mean in in my memory
No,
>> no, I'm sorry, John. You know better.
>> Well, it what I what I wanted to say
here is the the source of systemic risk
is hidden leverage.
>> People have taken taken have credits
that they don't understand that they
that they've taken. That was the that
was the heart of the subprime crisis was
not the size of subprime loans
themselves that they were embedded they
were embedded in securities that were
purch by the way about half of the toxic
subprime uh assets uh were purchased by
European institutions
>> of course of course
>> and so the these institutions were the
enablers
>> of the of the crisis so the question
with private credit is not some could go
broke. Of course, some could be broke.
The question is are the people who hold
the credit able to able to withstand the
the losses? And the risk is that
institutions have have lent money to uh
intermediaries
that have the have the credit. and so
that the failure cascades backwards into
some leveraged institution.
So far the judgment is not that's not a
risk on a scale that you would call
systemic even though for sure there will
be losses. Similarly in AI somebody's
going to lose money. No question about
it. But is it leveraged in a way that
would cause systemic problems? And and I
would add to that some sorry something
that Dominic Senaki bought up yesterday
which is of balance sheet vehicles that
that could have some hidden assets as
well and poorly financed and refinanced
and and
yeah uh please
um when Fidelity Investments came and
tried to sell me private credits, I
decided that that we have now reached
the European an institution stage of the
cycle. Um, one observation while I have
the floor. Uh, it really I was really
struck by our discussion of AI and
productivity that we never mentioned
China. Um, China is pursuing a policy of
uh really trying to promote diffusion
and China is leading the world in
embedded AI in machines and robotics. Um
and China uh and the and China has one
big advantage over the United States
which is that um
>> um they've invested heavily in
renewables.
So you have a a electricity supply that
is not likely to be as severe a
constraint as in the US. Now in the US,
if you want to build a data center, you
basically have to build your own power
source as well because local uh local uh
electricity payers don't want to get
socked with gigantic increases in rates
to fund somebody's uh
>> Yeah. Can can can I make the point that
China was mentioned
>> quite often here slides?
>> Yeah,
>> but not in the actual discussion. Well,
it was a very euroscentric.
>> No, no, really.
>> Certainly not euro. Certainly UScentric.
>> Yeah. Yeah. US European
>> transatlantic. Transatlantic. But but
but the importance of China is in all
minds. There is no doubt. And uh again
the problem of the European is that they
see two giants on both sides of their
continent. And this is not very
reassuring. I I remain a little bit
struck by the fact that you are
considering that private credit is not a
real problem
namely certainly not a systemic problem.
>> Not systemic not systemic
>> because of the size
>> and and and yeah
>> yeah please I can
>> not just that because major investors
are insurance companies and private
credit markets. So insurance companies
are not leveraged you know and what uh
they incur losses investment losses what
will happen policy holders do they leave
or you know that's a sort of question um
if uh bankr run sort of uh crisis
>> is it likely to happen and IMF and FSB
they checked and uh they thought it's
not like a bankr run type uh incident u
the Insurance companies don't mark don't
have to mark to market
>> right
>> so they they can take they can be very
calm about these things
>> they will stop the losses easily is that
that
>> I wouldn't personally go as far as
saying there is no systemic risk in
private credit I think we don't know and
again the secretary is very opaque uh
but I agree with Jun's characterization
of what is the current uh you know uh
view in the in the community. Um I I
emphasize the opacity of the sector even
so there I don't think anybody has a
full view of that market. So so so we're
still in the discovery process.
>> Okay.
>> So
>> we didn't answer one question.
>> Yeah. Please.
>> The the council the financial stability
council in the US does it does it
function?
Does it any role.
>> Um,
so there is a lot of coordination
between the Fed and the Treasury.
Um,
in German it might be called Glung that
I'm projecting my own obsessions here.
Um but um
especially on supervisory policy there
is a lot of evidence of uh you know uh
political appointees being inserted in
the fed system
in a way in an intermediate layer
between vice chair Bowman and the staff
um and a lot of meetings happening at
the treasury between the Fed and the
Treasury to discuss financial stability
and supervision. Is that good for
financial stability? Um, time will tell.
It's there's a there's a a possible
other view which is that actually it's
bad because it undermines the uh
supervisory independence of the Fed. Let
me mention here that
the independence of financial
supervisors is a much less established
concept than the independence of central
bankers. And I think we're seeing a
genuine divergence between the policy
frameworks of the US and the EU because
in the US the Fed in its capacity of as
supervisor and regulator is becoming
increasingly aligned with the executive
branch and that's actually recognized by
the Supreme Court if I get the story
correctly.
>> Yeah. Um, conversely in the EU, the
supervision of banks, microcredential
supervision of banks has been placed
under the ECB without any change in the
uh treaty foundation of the ECB and
therefore supervision is as independent
under the FSM as monetary policy is
within the ECB. So, the EU has reached
an extraordinarily high level of
supervisor independence in international
comparison. uh there's a backlash
against this right now. there is a lot
of uh there's a campaign frankly against
the supervisor independence within the
ECB uh which is orchestrated I think by
the banking sector legitimately as don't
know defense of special interests um and
um and I don't know how it will play out
but I will note that to chance that you
need to change the so-called SSM
regulation of 2013 which is uh adopted
by unanimity
>> and and therefore Uh I think it will be
very interesting to observe how this
debate about supervisor independence
evolves in the next few years. Note that
this is not about regulation because the
ECB is not a regulator. It doesn't set
rules. It's only about the enforcement
of the applicable rules in uh with the
element of discretion that is inherent
in banking supervision. Thank you.
>> Thank you very much indeed. what you say
is absolutely right and uh of course it
was possible because in the master
treaty it was already foreseen that if
there was unanimity in particular
on on giving the central bank this
responsibility it was possible so we
didn't have to negotiate any new treaty
uh for a change which was really
extraordinary and came after the crisis
only because it was clear that the
system had not functioned very well and
uh take taking into account the fact
that two different traditions were were
colliding. There was a tradition of full
independence out of the central bank of
the
surveillance authority. another
tradition that it was in the central
bank. And by the way, by the way, the
IMF made a lot of global campaign
at the time for the FSA type of the the
financial stability authority type like
the the UK and after the crisis the the
trend was not reversed. We had a new
pendulum if I may a caricature of
pendulum. So thank you very much Nicola.
So I we do not respond as well as you
would have hoped to your question. I
would say that there is undoubtedly a
problem with a very rapid growth of of
this private credit and there has been
some problems here and there. Now the
qualification of the phenomenon as being
systemic we will see and perhaps it's
not yet time to say that.
>> Okay.
>> Can I have a follow-up comment?
>> Please please of course.
>> No. Uh one of the gentlemen said that
part of the private market is insurance
companies. I mean uh in the case of the
financial stability oversight council
that I made reference to a few years ago
they considered that bet life which is
an insurance company life insurance
company in the US was a systemic risk.
So I mean this is not something that's
reserved for banking industry quasi
banking industry but I mean at the
moment the landing in the Nicolola is
right in a sense that there is some
ethicity there's no statistic because
this is nonregulated sector and this is
my point this is the the reason why I'm
asking the question we're talking of a
nonregulated sector as such you know
insurance companies are regulated in the
US by a special supervisor for insurance
companies. Yes,
>> there is no joint supervision which is
another problem in we separate the
supervision of insurance company which
is done at the state level
>> and as you know the systemically
important bank are over seen by the OC
or by the fed yeah the federal level so
this is really one difference that makes
that's why the question of if there is a
problem that becomes systemic will the
regulator bail out the institution. In
my sense, it's going to be very
difficult.
>> Yeah, of course, it would be very
difficult.
>> Bail out the non-banking institution.
Yeah.
>> But but we had during the financial
crisis of 2008, AIG was bailed out
effectively.
>> So we have precip.
>> Yeah. But AIG was an insurance company
which was supposed to be controlled and
surveyed.
But you know they were trading in CDS.
>> Yeah. Yeah. I remember
>> in London in London.
>> I remember
>> and there's an issue as John was saying
of consolidation you know that was not
necessarily viewed as being and that was
supervised by an insurance supervisor.
>> Yeah sure. But supervision was very poor
and we we we had the crisis only because
we we we made a lot of mistake obviously
in all countries
uh including in the US of course. So
that being said it is 620.
I had said that perhaps we could
exchange views on the cryptocurrencies
the stable coins and so forth. again
there the action is in the US in many
respect. So if I turn to our US friends
can I can I ask you how do you see
things? You know that in Europe the
stable coin which I understand are
stabilizing but which had an episode of
extremely rapid outstanding growth
were considered as a very astute mean to
finance the US treasury
indirectly through the so-called
I would say bids and bonds that would
back of course the stable currency. So
how you see that? Was the fear of the
European exaggerated? Where do we stand?
>> We we'll we'll see. We'll see the uh the
the problem. Uh I think I described
uh in the panel yesterday. Uh when you
you have really four four options,
principal options on the one hand crypto
which has no backing and trades on an
open ledger. You have stable coins that
have backing and trade on an open
ledger. You have tokens, tokenized
deposits
that have backing and trade on closed
ledgers. And you have central bank
digital currencies that are form of
money.
the uh if we go to crypto the uh
limitations are are obvious and if you
ask what's the use case essentially it's
for elicit transactions or someone if
you want to hide hide assets uh clearly
uh seemingly within limits and uh
subject to extreme volatility
idea of the stable coin was to provide
uh as I
uh promoted by folks who on the one hand
if you can say what is the use case for
stable coins uh in the US for why would
a US citizen hold a dollar stable coin
when you could hold a dollar uh it's
it's for crossborder transactions and
has it my understanding is has the
actual stable coins uh have been uh used
substantially as on and off ramps to
crypto.
And the idea uh was
the to provide some kind of a regulatory
the the Genius Act
>> was designed to provide some regulatory
uh credibility to these in to these uh
uh instruments.
And the attraction to the government of
why they would wanted to promote that
was as you say the notion that they
would be useful internationally
as a store of value and as a trans as a
means of transactions backed by US
Treasury securities. So it was viewed as
a as a way to do that. Uh my own view is
that there's the weakness of the stable
coin is it's what I call story money.
If you said, "Here's a stable coin. It's
worth a dollar." You'd want to know,
"Wait a minute. Who's issued it? What
are the reserves? How is it governed?
What are the terms?" You'd want to hear
the story.
Tokenized bank deposits strike me as
another another digital asset that could
be very attractive in as much as if if
the bank is credible.
It's on their balance sheet. It can be
traded 24/7 real time settlement. It can
be converted into your local currencies.
That strikes me as an as an asset that
could have real attraction
internationally. And I think that
worries a lot of a lot of uh national
authorities that that could end up
diminishing their monetary sovereignty.
>> Would it in the end have an impact on
the holding of Treasury securities? I
think that's that's more ambiguous
>> potentially, but I think the
>> not necessarily because I understand
that the deposit itself would be the
guarantee.
>> Yes. Yes. Exa Exactly right. And John,
just to be clear, so you would compete
basically with tr say master card
networks. You would compete with the
wire transfers and make all these things
sort of commission free in effect.
Right.
>> Exactly.
>> Yeah. Yeah.
>> And it can serve as a store of value.
>> Well, that's I think that's that's part
of the issue. I think there's a debate,
as I understand it, as to whether stable
coins are simply another form of fast
payment system.
>> They're very widely used by by
immigrants in the US for remittances
because it's a very convenient way to
not pay 20% commissions to send money
back to Guatemala, right? Uh but that's
a fast payment system. That's not a
store of value. And and I think the the
underlying question is whether they will
they could serve as a store of value.
Um, and I think that has to do with what
happens with stable coins. I mean, at
this point, there's a question about
paying interests when it's not clear
what the underlying asset is that's
paying the interest and whether it's
actually backed by interestbearing
assets and whether people would trust
them, right? You you know the the issuer
can say we're paying 4% because we own
100% 4% treasuries when they might not,
you know. Uh so so whether it can serve
whether they can serve as a store of
value I think is still an open question.
>> Okay. And what do you think of the
central bank digital currency?
>> For me I I have a hard time
understanding the use case if it's if
it's a retail it's offered at retail. It
just uh would disintermediate the
banking system. If it's offered at
wholesale he said what's what's the
point? I don't I don't quite get it. No,
I I guess that the idea is to take
advantage of the technology and
which is not necessarily the case if I
understand well with the traditional way
of organizing the wholesale. No.
>> Yes.
>> Yes. But
>> yes, but uh the Fed has a Fed now.
>> Yeah.
>> Nobody uses it.
>> Uhhuh. It's uh it it's not clear that
there's huge
>> there is no advantage. Okay. As regards
the retail, I fully share your view of
course and on top of that we have also
all the problems of the control of
financing of terrorism, criminal
activities and and and that's an
enormous problem.
So central banks issue
>> it's also linked with true politics. I
mean the Chinese again I mean they are
all over the world.
>> Yeah it's true. It's true that the
central banks apart from the United
States central bank which is perhaps
told don't engage in that direction but
many other central banks have and
including of course the ECB are
envisaging to have this kind of
whether or not it would prove very
useful we will see in any case it's a
way for them to demonstrate that they
can also manipulate the new technology
which well is part of the benefit
>> but I'm I'm sorry Gabrielle had us on
the floor. No,
>> I'm sorry. So please
>> just wanted to say of course the the
CBOC
uh already has a digital yuan that's
very little used.
>> Yeah.
>> Uh and I I suspect there may be privacy
issues at the heart of that.
>> So
>> you may not want
>> Yeah. Please. Yeah. I know if I can ask
this really a question about financial
stability. So in your list of four
candidates really only stable ground is
a good one right if I understand you
correctly potentially
>> out of the four that you listed only
stable coins are sort of
>> no I think bank I think tokenized bank
would be the winner bank deposit yeah
sure sure
>> yeah please
>> but but just to
>> I'm sorry no the question was
>> the question is
>> no just one comment about E1. Um
if I understand correctly um E1
didn't fly much uh because two things
one is maybe u privacy issue matters but
more important is Alip payes we pay
already there every Chinese use
comfortably and all the systems so uh it
was very
>> difficult for u you know central bank to
introduce new exactly what you said yeah
payment system. This is one thing.
>> Secondly, uh several months ago month
ago, PBOC decided to u
uh let commercial banks take care of EU.
So, uh EU is now the product of uh you
know deposit instruments of commercial
banks in China rather than central banks
money. So, the status has changed.
But let me ask you,
>> why are large European large banks
pushing for issuing stable back stable
coins?
>> No, they don't.
>> No, I don't know.
>> They don't at all.
>> They they resist it. They're the ones
that don't want it.
>> They don't issue them. They don't want
them.
>> Competition.
>> No.
>> Yen, please.
>> Yeah. No, I never asked my question
about liquidity. John, do you think any
of this form of new form of payments
could have helped during the liquidity
crisis of 2008 some you know it was hard
sometimes to
um
>> well the the heart of the the crisis was
the freezing of the interbank market.
>> Right. Right. Right.
>> That was the key. I don't I don't see
that this
>> because you buy you bypass the interbank
system in a way. Oh, you mean if it had
if it had
>> if it had been in place
>> that potentially. Yes.
>> Interesting, right?
>> Yeah.
>> Yeah. Yeah. But
>> but it's that it would have this. In
other words, if we had a a different
system, it wouldn't have had the same
problems.
>> Yeah. Exactly. But the main problem
>> I was hoping the problem would have been
reduced.
It's the main problem was that we do did
not have absolute confidence in the
signature of the other partners and we
experienced that in an exemplary way in
Europe on the 9th of August 2007 where
we were bound to take an extraordinary
decision to say to tell all banks after
two hours and a half of meditation at
the level of the ECB of the executive
board. We said we we will give you all
the money that you would like to get and
we thought that it would be around 30
billion 45 billion. They asked us 95
billion euros. So it was absolutely
gigantic and of course we we appeased
them but the market was not functioning
at all. It was total interruption of the
functioning of the market. But I may be
wrong but Lorenzo Binismi
he wrote a piece some quite a while ago
and he said we in Europe we should go
for stable coins Eurob based stable
coins and other European banks I mean
large banks I mean if we don't do it I
mean it's I mean Europe American banks
will do it I mean it's
real
>> so if I can interject here because so
Lorenzo of course is is the chairman of
societ general and solicitor general has
still is 14 days I think
>> I think the handover is in one or two
weeks. Uh so um the
so general has launched a euro
denominated stable coin product which
has not been uh very successful
commercially so far as far as I know
it's an outlier among European banks.
It's a bit experimental.
uh there aren't I'm not aware of other
large European banks that have done that
already. There are a number of projects
going on. Uh I think what the banks have
clearly opposed is not euro denominated
stable coins is the digital euro the
central bank digital currency. The banks
dislike the digital euro because it will
uh potentially disintermediate a number
of uh you know rents uh from which the
banks are making a lot of money. But
that's not about stable coin. It's about
the CBDC project.
>> Yeah, absolutely clear.
>> Absolutely clear. Okay, so we don't have
any new comments or questions or
remarks.
>> We've solved all of those problems
>> on on the cryptocurrencies or crypto
tokens or whatever. No. Can I consider
that we had very good exchange of views
and
we learned a lot. Thank you very very
much indeed.
seven.
>> No. received
email
ladies.