Video summary
The recent success of the right-wing Alternative for Germany (AfD) party in the state elections of Saxony-Anhalt has sparked significant concern regarding the political future of Germany and the European Union, particularly given upcoming elections in other eastern states like Berlin and Brandenburg. While these results highlight a growing influence of the AfD in the former communist east, they do not represent the entire nation, as the vast majority of Germany's 83 million citizens reside in the western states. The eastern region continues to grapple with the legacy of its collapsed communist economy and infrastructure challenges, which have contributed to a demographic exodus where over two million people, disproportionately young women, have migrated westward since reunification.
A central argument presented is that the AfD's appeal in the east is driven less by economic grievances alone and more by "GDR nostalgia," a sentiment rooted in decades of isolation from the rest of the world. This isolation fostered a communal narrative of togetherness within the dictatorial regime, leaving citizens with limited exposure to global diversity and making them susceptible to nativist rhetoric that promises certainty. Furthermore, the transcript notes that West Germany's own reckoning with its Nazi past was incomplete under Chancellor Adenauer, who retained key figures like Hans Globke, a principal author of Nazi race laws, in high government positions. This historical leniency suggests that the failure to fully confront both Nazi and communist histories is a compounding deficit rather than a unique flaw of the east, creating a political culture where confronting the past remains difficult.
The analysis extends beyond domestic German politics to examine disturbing international alignments, specifically the AfD's support for Vladimir Putin and his war against Ukraine. This stance is echoed by comments from Vice President Vance at the 2025 Munich Security Conference and celebrated by former US President Donald Trump following the election results in Saxony-Anhalt. These reactions reveal a troubling transatlantic sympathy for illiberal nationalism that downplays threats from Moscow while validating authoritarian narratives. The transcript argues that this pattern, where American leadership cheers a German party that echoes Putin's lines, poses a deep threat to the democratic future of Germany and the stability of the transatlantic relationship, linking domestic nostalgia in the east to broader geopolitical dangers.
In conclusion, the rise of the AfD in eastern Germany reflects a complex interplay of historical isolation, incomplete denazification in the west, and a selective societal hollowing out that drives voters toward nationalist certainty rather than simple economic protest. The episode warns that while the demographic weight of the five eastern states is smaller compared to the ten western ones, their political mood is heavily influenced by these deep-seated historical and psychological factors. Ultimately, the video posits that without addressing the lingering effects of GDR nostalgia and the dangerous alignment with Russian aggression, Germany risks a political shift that could undermine its democratic foundations and strain its alliances with the United States.
Read the full video transcript
Aloha. Welcome to Keeping the World
Company on Think Tech Hawaii. The title
of this episode submitted by Manford
Henningson, a regular participant in
that series is nostalgia's ghost. How
East German isolation fuels AFD and
Putin. For this show, we are stepping in
for Manfred. The success of the
right-wing party alternative fur
Deutseland AFD in the recent state
election in one of the former states of
communist East Germany Saxony onhalt has
created nervous questions about the
political future of Germany and the
European Union the EU. There will be
elections in two weeks in two other East
German states, one of them being the
capital Berlin itself and the
surrounding Brandenburgg. Those
elections will show whether AFD has
become the majority party in East
Germany or present a rather different
picture but still add to the general
nervousness about German politics.
Still, these East German elections will
not provide a representative picture of
the political mood in Germany as a whole
since the overwhelming majority of the
83 million German citizens live in the
western states.
>> The eastern part suffers still from the
collapse of the communist state and its
bankrupt economy. Despite the fact that
the German government transferred
billions of euros into the eastern
infrastructure, still more than 2
million East Germans, especially young
women, left to the west and contributed
to the challenges of social life in the
east. Germany's politics has changed in
the 10 western states of the Federal
Republic, whose constitutional order was
created by a German constitutional
commission while the American, British,
and French occupation forces were
watching. Manford watched what was
happening as a 7-year-old boy in late
April and early May 1945 in the
temporary capital of the Third Reich,
Manfred's hometown Fenceburg near the
Danish border. Thousands of refugees
from Prussia and other eastern provinces
were passing by and looking for shelter.
>> Overall, 14 million refugees fled the
approaching Soviet army and many came to
Schlesvik Holstein, which hadn't been
touched by destruction. Many of them
stayed and helped to make Fensburg and
Schlesvig Holstein the part of
contemporary Germany with the lowest
support for the AFD. In September 1949,
the two states and their different
political cultures came into historical
being and existed divided until 1989
when the Berlin Wall of 1961 came down
and made unification of the two parts
possible. In the liberal democratic West
Germany, a preuncter processing of the
Nazi past had taken place. Though the
then chancellor Conrad Adenau prevented
a radical cleansing of the judicial
personnel and the upper levels of the
civil service, he kept the main author
of the Nazi race laws, Hans Globka, as
his state secretary. Globka actually
managed to place a person of his
confidence in Ikeman's German defense
team at the Jerusalem trial in 1961.
He wanted to avoid being called upon by
the Israeli prosecutor as a witness at
the trial. In the East German GDR, the
communist part of Germany that was
occupied by the Soviet Union until 1990,
the processing of the Nazi past had been
even more preunctery, and the processing
of the communist past never took place
after the unification in 1990. The GDR
nostalgia that sometimes becomes visible
in the five eastern states and plays a
major role in the success of the AfD's
bionativist rhetoric in the east needs
to be looked at more closely. It asserts
that a communal narrative was alive
during the dictatorial regime that
provided social values of togetherness
beyond the enforced culture of the
regime. The anti-migrant language of the
AFD reflects, however, a phenomenon that
is not only part of the East German
past, but covers all the former
communist states in Eastern Europe,
including the Soviet Union.
>> East German citizens and the citizens in
all communist states were cut off from
the rest of the world. There was no way
for them to discover the diversity of
the world. Today, something else has to
be added to this syndrome, namely the
sickening support that the AFD provides
Putin and his war against the Ukraine.
This AFD support echoes the equally
sickening support Vice President Vance
gave the AFD at the 2025 Munich Security
Conference. The celebratory comments
Trump expressed after the election
deserves special recognition. It
confirms his ignorant and insulting
behavior toward foreign nations,
including the homeland of his own German
immigrant grandparents. When his
grandmother disliked America and wanted
to go back, the German authorities
refused their return because the
grandfather had left his country as a
draft dodger.
>> Here are some questions that come to
mind regarding the matter. Question, why
did the AFD win nearly half the vote in
Saxony on how did Washington react? We
watched the AFD take almost 44% of the
vote in Saxony Anhalt, a landslide by
German standards. President Trump
celebrated the result on Truth Social,
writing, "Wow, the Populist Party in
Germany just had a really big night,
MAGA, and crediting it to Germany's
immigration policy. We should read that
reaction less as commentary on German
policy than as a signal of the
transatlantic sympathy for illiberal
nationalism that we find so troubling.
>> Question. Why won't the
Berlin/Brrenburgg and other East German
elections settle the question of
Germany's political direction?
>> We should keep the East German results
in proportion of Germany's roughly 83.6
million citizens. The five eastern
states hold only about 12.5 million
against roughly 66 million in the 10
western states. Even a clean sweep by
AFD of Saxony, Anhalt, Berlin, and
Brandenburgg tells us about a shrinking
demographically strained region, not
about the Federal Republic as a whole.
>> Question, what is GDR nostalgia and why
does it help explain the AfD's Eastern
appeal more than economics alone?
We are looking at a generation raised
inside a sealedoff state that offered a
communal narrative of togetherness even
as it denied basic freedoms and that
left its citizens with little lived
exposure to the world's diversity.
Demographic research shows this
isolation compounded a selective exodus.
Roughly 10% of the East's 1989
population migrated west by 2007,
disproportionately young women. So we
are watching a hollowedout society reach
for nivist certainty rather than a
simple protest over unmet investment
promises.
>> Question, how did West Germany's own
reckoning with the Nazi past fall short?
And why does that matter for judging
East Germany today?
>> We should recall that Adenau's West
Germany never fully purged its judiciary
and civil service. His state secretary,
Hans Globka, principal author of the
Nazi race laws, kept his post and later
maneuvered to seat a trusted ally on
Ikeman's defense team at the 1961
Jerusalem trial precisely to avoid being
called as a witness himself. If the
West's own denazification was only
peruncter by your account, we have to
judge East Germany's near total failure
to confront both its Nazi and its
communist pasts as a deeper compounding
deficit rather than a uniquely Eastern
flaw.
>> Question, how does the AFD's stance on
Ukraine connect it to Vance's Munich
speech and Trump's response to the
election?
We watched Vice President Vance tell the
Munich Security Conference in February
2025 that Europe's greatest danger came
from within rather than from Russia. A
framing widely read as validating the
AFD over Germany's mainstream parties.
Paired with Trump's gleeful big night
message after Saxony Anhalt, we are
seeing the same alignment repeat itself.
an American administration cheering a
party that simultaneously downplays the
threat from Moscow and echoes Putin's
line on Ukraine, which is exactly the
same pattern that we have found so
alarming for the democratic future of
both Germany and the transatlantic
relationship. In Manfred's view, the
AFD's rise in Saxony onhalt reflects
lingering GDR nostalgia and decades of
isolation that left East Germans
unequipped to embrace diversity, not
merely economic grievance despite
billions in Western investment.
He sees this East German pattern
mirrored across all former communist
states, now compounded by something more
sinister, the AfD's disturbing alignment
with Putin's war on Ukraine. That
alignment, echoed by Vance's Munich
remarks and Trump's gleeful reaction to
the election results, reveals a
troubling transatlantic sympathy for
illiberal nationalism that he finds
deeply alarming for Germany's democratic
future.
>> Okay, thanks. We'll have to leave it
there for now. The title of this episode
in our Keeping the World company series
is nostalgia's ghost. How East German
isolation fuels AFD and Putin. Thanks to
our viewers for watching and for
considering the views expressed in this
think tech talk show. We'll see you
again soon for the next one.