Video summary
Dr. Debra Lieberman explains that humans possess an evolved psychological system designed to detect close genetic relatives and develop a sexual aversion toward them, primarily to prevent inbreeding which leads to unhealthy offspring with greater genetic mutations. This kinship detection relies on non-verbal cues rather than language or explicit information; instead, the brain uses "kinship cues" gathered during childhood dependency periods. The most potent cue is maternal investment, specifically observing a female breastfeeding and caring for an infant, which signals sibling status regardless of actual genetics. A second mechanism involves co-residence duration, known as the Westermark effect, where children raised together in the same household develop sexual aversion toward one another later in adulthood due to shared parental care over time. The discussion highlights that this system is not foolproof and can be influenced by cultural norms or modern circumstances. For instance, historical cases of adopted siblings being married off despite living together resulted in higher rates of divorce and extramarital affairs compared to traditional arranged marriages where children were raised separately until adulthood. Conversely, the absence of early co-residence does not always trigger aversion; Dr. Lieberman notes that half-siblings who meet as adults often do not feel disgust toward each other because they lack the developmental cues required for kin detection. Furthermore, she addresses "genetic sexual attraction," suggesting it arises from shared preferences and dispositions rather than actual incestuous desire, noting that while people may enjoy spending time with genetic relatives without a sexual aversion present if raised apart, this does not equate to an inherent drive toward inbreeding. Dr. Lieberman also explores gender differences regarding these instincts, citing research indicating that females generally have lower disgust thresholds for specific acts and face higher reproductive costs due to gestation and lactation, making them more sensitive to the risks of poor genetic matches than males. The conversation shifts to the function of crying as a social signal used by individuals with less leverage—such as children or those in subordinate positions—to communicate need states, impose costs on others who are imposing burdens, or request benefits. Tears serve as an authentic, costly signal that is difficult to fake and helps regulate relationships by indicating high value for certain behaviors or signaling distress when one's interests are threatened. Finally, the dialogue touches upon why crying persists despite its physical inconvenience, suggesting it evolved from negative stimuli like onions interacting with eyes before being repurposed for emotional expression. Crying acts as a reliable signal of authenticity and receptiveness, helping to recalibrate social value in relationships where dynamics have shifted or costs are increasing. Dr. Lieberman concludes that while the biological mechanisms for avoiding incest are robust within nuclear families due to strong kinship cues, they diminish significantly with more distant relatives like cousins, whose genetic relatedness drops sharply enough to reduce harmful effects and aversion responses substantially.
Read the full video transcript
Why don't people want to have sex with
their sister
>> or their brother or other family
members?
>> Y
>> it ends up that humans have a natural
inbreeding avoidance system that
develops pretty reliably in most folks
exposed to the cues uh which I term
kinship cues uh that are available
during childhood. Um
>> right. Well, what about animals? Because
[snorts]
I understand there is this label that's
your brother, that's your sister. How do
animals actually detect who their
relatives are? We just take it for
granted in humans. You can point and
say, but animals don't have language.
So, how do they know?
>> This is a really good question. It's
always fun to open up a interview with
incest, incest avoidance.
>> Incest of Yes. And so, so it's a really
good question. How do we know who our
close genetic relatives are and why is
that important? Um well, first it's
important to know who your close genetic
relatives are, not only for the purpose
of not mating with them because mating
with close genetic relatives can cause a
host of problems. So it leads to uh less
um less healthy offspring for instance
and offspring who might suffer from
greater genetic mutations.
Uh so evolution engineered into our
psychology a very sophisticated system
to allow us to detect uh detect
relatives close genetic relatives and
develop a sexual aversion towards them.
We don't even typically think of them as
possible uh mating partners. It's not
foolproof uh but this is what tends to
happen. And the other reason why we
should have a system for naturally
detecting and automatically detecting
genetic relatedness is for altruism. So
being nice to your close genetic
relatives follows from Hamilton's theory
of inclusive fitness. We're nice to
other people as a function. One way
altruism can evolve is by being nice to
people who tend to share uh genes by
common descent. But you asked the
question of so how do we do this? Um and
because humans aren't the only species
that encountered this problem of
avoiding mating with close genetic
relatives for biological purposes. And
so other animals without language or
culture, they use cues, cues that
correlated with another individual being
a close genetic relative uh in that
species uh you know evolutionary
history. So whether it's being part of
the same litter or a smell um or
imprinting on a particular place or a
marking, these are the kinds of things
that evolution can engineer to help
guide kin detection.
Humans have language and so language and
culture map very nicely onto these
systems. Um but it they're imperfect and
so even though we could join a sorority
or fraternity and call people brother,
sister or in certain religions father,
mother, uh you know who your actual
father and mother are. You know well
with good certainty you know what your
who your mom is, who your daddy is is
always an interesting question. But
certainly siblings are uh also
individuals who you tend to correctly
identify or would have at least in
ancestral environments. Um so we don't
use language likely we just use the cues
that correlated. And so if you want to
go around the horn of the nuclear family
to figure out um how do we detect who
our close genetic relatives are? Well,
who how do you know who your mother is?
This is the female who tended to
primarily uh breastfeed you. So this
type of imprinting or mapping onto the
female who nursed you. How does a mom
know who her child is? Well, that's kind
of it. Yes, it falls out of you.
Unmistakable. Um, how does a child know
who uh her father is? This is uh not
pinned down. I mean, it is a question. I
mean, mommy's baby, daddy's maybe. So
the question about [laughter]
how is it that people um how does people
identify their father really probably
goes through understanding who is who's
have I correctly identified my mother
and what males are investing in her
because males are going to rely on their
paternity certainty in order to direct
investment towards their uh offspring.
So relying on what kind of who's
investing in me heavily uh out there
could be one cue that females use, but
also the male that was around very early
on in development has a better chance of
being one's dad than the male that one's
mom kind of uh is hanging out with uh
later on in life. So but it's a really
it's a really good question. So might
phenotype matching uh occur? It could
be. I don't I'm not a fan. So sorry that
is do people use facial resemblance as a
cue uh to
to understand who's likely a relative
that that hypothesis uh does have some
interesting data backing it. I I'm not
I'm not a fan of it only because I think
ancestrally people looked really
similar. And not only that, just by the
assortment of genes, siblings can look
and fathers can look a lot like their
offspring or not as much like their
offspring, but still be related uh you
know, with good certainty. And so I'm
not quite sure pinning how we determine
kinship onto a few genes that happen to
govern facial uh features is is the
right way to do it. But maybe it
contributes to be sure. Certainly when
we see people who look similar similar
to us that can spark a type of kinship.
But I think that has more to do with a
friendship and
>> is it in-group outgroup tribalism
>> maybe or also we're always looking for
people who might value us and
identifying people who share features
any feature like you know if you were to
say oh my gosh I have a sister her name
is Deborah Lynn I'd be like oh my god I
like you even more [laughter]
>> oh yeah what's that the naming effect
there's more people called butcher that
end up being butchers and more people
called Travis that live in Travis and My
my my mom and dad's names both start
with a K. All right. Well, whatever.
Like, okay. [laughter]
>> Oh, but they both start with a K. Well,
that that's it's that is very
interesting. I mean, the idea that we
can we seek and we're always looking for
people who might value us. So, o looking
for overlap in any dimension is
something we do naturally to form
friendships. So are you saying that the
same mechanism that we use to identify
who our kin is in order to do reciprocal
altruism, I need to look after them more
than I would look after a a cousin or a
third cousin or a friend or a stranger
is the same one that does incess
avoidance.
So the system that is being used to
identify kin for the purpose of being
nice to them like the inclusive fitness
>> is the same kin detection system that's
operating for evaluating someone as a
sexual partner. So one
>> wow that's so cool. You think that's
cool?
>> I think it's super cool. I think there's
I mean it's it's economical the idea
that the brain computes one kinship
estimate like I have an for every person
I meet I have an estimate of what do I
think the probability is not explicitly
not consciously but by exposure to these
cues my brain has kind of ratcheted up
or not ratcheted up this estimate that
tells me and I use to determine how
related or likely that person is to be
relative and that is an input into
systems about how nice I should be to
that person and how avoidant I should be
of them sexually.
>> Yeah. How close my heart should be and
how far my genitals should be from
from this person. [laughter]
>> Okay. So, has this been this has to have
been tested in adopted siblings. So, if
you see pregnancy or breastfeeding
uh but you don't share the like early
co-resident window, like does that still
trigger incest avoidance? like you know
h how can you play around with some of
the triggers here to see to to see what
really works.
>> So my research focused on siblings. I
did a little bit of the the uh parent
offspring as well but the bulk of my
research was on how do siblings figure
out who they are you know who's related
to them. And it looks as if there's two
separate cues.
So one unmistakable cue that someone is
a close genetic is a sibling is you see
your mom and to the extent you've met
the right woman as mom uh your mom you
know pregnant give birth to caring for
breastfeeding a newborn that is an
unmistakable cue that that their kid you
know breastfeeding from my mom being
cared for you know by my mom is my
sibling
and that actually operates regardless of
actual genetic relatedness.
Um,
>> so you can fake you can fake it kind of.
You wouldn't need to give birth to it.
You would just have to breastfeed it,
>> right? And there's actually natural
experiments that have shown this to be
true. So in uh Taiwan, there was uh
that's no longer um being practiced, but
a form of marriage called minor marriage
where parents would adopt in a newborn
girl uh into their family either because
they had a son or they were hoping to
have a son in the next year or so. And
they brought up this adopted girl
alongside their son until teenage years
when someone said, "And now you will
marry."
>> Oh god. But they didn't realize that
they'd triggered this incest avoidance
mechanism.
>> Correct. And so but one of the
interesting findings is that the uh mom,
the adopted mom would often times
breastfeed the newborn. And so what what
happened is is that the son would have
observed his mother breastfeeding a
child that is in fact not an actual
genetic sibling.
>> I imagine that doesn't lay a
particularly good foundation for a
future successful marriage.
>> No, but here's so we're going we're
going to go a bit far field here, but
the idea is here's one of the striking
things about that particular um natural
experiment that occurred. This was
documented by anthropologist Arthur
Wolf. He found and reported that even
among um children who were raised
together from very early age, many of
them did marry and did produce
offspring. So when cultural norms are
that strong, it can actually cause you
to you know do things that you otherwise
might not choose to do. Now in those
marriages, those unions tended to end
more often in divorce and there were
more extrammarital affairs. So the
recordkeeping was incredible um by the
colonial government but it was uh so
those marriages when they were raised
together from birth they tended to have
fewer kids but they did produce kids
greater more marriage uh more divorce
and more extrammarital affairs compared
to marriages where it was the
traditional arranged marriage where kids
were just raised in their natal
household and then met as adults.
>> Okay. So the first one was
breastfeeding.
>> So yeah so sorry. So back back. So the
first really potent cue to who is a
sibling is who did I see my mom caring
for? Kind of this maternal uh
investment. The second cue. So this is a
great cue, but what happens if you're
the younger sibling in a pair? You
weren't around to see your mom care for
your older sibling as a newborn. Uh what
are you to do? And so this starts to get
into the Westermark effect. So Edward
Westermark was a Finnish social
scientist and he you know recognized
that children who were raised together
throughout childhood tend to develop a
sexual aversion toward one another later
in adulthood this has been termed the
western effect and what he was
identifying is this second cue of
co-residentidence duration. So I I like
So it's been operationalized as
co-residents, meaning that if you're the
younger sibling in a pair, you've got an
older sibling. How do you know that
you're they're actually a genetic
relative? How does your brain figure
that out? You track how long that they
lived with you under the same roof
receiving care from the same two
individuals. So it's really still about
parental investment, shared parental
investment, the amount of time that you
see them being cared for by the same two
individuals predominantly probably
mother um over the course of dependency.
And so this is why the longer the
duration of co-residents during early
childhood, the more certain you are that
an individual again implicitly is a
genetic relative. And this leads to not
only greater altruism towards that
person, but also greater disgust about
the thought of sex with that person.
We'll get back to talking in just one
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wisdom. When does the Westmark window
start and stop? Is there actually a
clear cut off?
>> So it was thought that perhaps there was
a clear kind of imprinting period. My
research shows that it basically it it
just each year of co-resident seems to
add a little bit of certainty um or I
should say reduces the uncertainty that
someone is a genetic relative. So it
looks like throughout the period of
dependency starting from birth
starting from birth is key. And so
individuals who kind of meet later on,
the effect still holds, but it's not as
strong as people who
are exposed to a sibling right from the
get- go. I imagine the potential for an
absentee father to come back into a
daughter's life later in her life. This
is one of the leapfrog avoided the
Westermark window challenges that can
cause some
uh pretty uncomfortable outcomes. Well,
it's so I would say that fathers don't
recognize their daughters by the western
mark effect. So westernark effect is
going to be all about yes, it's
co-resident duration and that might make
it seem like it operates for all family
members, but it's really about observing
who is investing in whom, right? So the
idea of I'm if I have an older sibling,
I see that the same female who's feeding
me, yelling at me, you know, caring for
me when I'm sick and so forth is also
doing the same thing to another older
child, I have a good idea that that's my
that's my sibling. So that's and the
longer they require that type of um
investment, that's the kind of period of
co-resident that we're talking about for
F. But you raise really important
things. So people who are not exposed to
these cues. So what does this mean? And
so this gets us into fun territory. So
people who are not exposed to these
cues, they really don't map other people
on as siblings. And so fast forward to
modern environments where you now have
these sperm bags, right? So you can have
guys who are depositing their sperm and
women are collecting it and they're
having all these kids and now there's
all these half siblings running around
and now you can meet them. Um, in fact,
there I remember I don't know 10 10
years ago, but it was probably more like
20 at this point, that there was a show
like that kind of brought together all
of these
um paternal half siblings and
they all they were really enjoying each
other's company. And I think there was
one remark about even being attracted to
one another. And so you wonder how does
this happen? Well, a couple things.
There's couple things going on. First,
there's no natural sexual aversion
that's developed. There's no there's no
system that's activated to say this is
my sibling. You telling me that you're
my sibling, that that a person is my
sibling, you know, that's not really
going to do very much to me, you know,
that explicit information. It's like
someone imagine someone knocking on your
door and saying, you know, your mate
that you've been living with for 15
years, that's really your genetic
relative. And so it really wouldn't
really change the way you feel. You
might say, "Well, maybe we shouldn't
have more kids." But in general, it's
not going to kind of cause a disgust. I
I I would guess. But here's the other
thing that's interesting. By virtue of
sharing, why is it you find like what's
called genetic sexual attraction? So,
it's been thought to be a thing. Have
you heard of this genetic sexual
attraction?
>> That's good. Maybe it's not out there.
Maybe I shouldn't talk about it.
[laughter]
>> Get it out there. Information has it.
put it out there and I'll just kind of
wipe it away. So,
>> genetic sexual attraction, it's been
thought that, oh, we actually really are
attracted to our family members. Um, so
Freud was right and we kind of harbor
these sexual desires. Um, no. Uh, not so
much. And so I would say probably what
happens is that
by virtue of the fact that we share
genes in common with our close genetic
relatives, we develop very similar
preferences, right? So imagine designing
your perfect mate, right? So what is
what does your mate look like? What do
they like to do? What do they like to
eat? When do they like to get up? When
they like to exercise, what kind of you
know, all these kinds of things, you
know? It's like you and then you finally
meet someone. It's like you like kung fu
movies. I like kung fu movies. You like
spicy foods. I like spicy foods. You
like getting up really early in the
morning. Yeah. You like reading and you
like evolutionary psych. Like I mean
literally it is you imagine all these
different traits that line up in your
really good friends and the mate that
you would design if you could. Suddenly
you meet a sibling
who actually shares a lot of these
preferences and these dispositions and
it's like well this kind of hits a
bullseye. Um, and so the fact that, you
know, people might find uh genetic
relatives without a sexual aversion
present, people that they enjoy spending
time with, doesn't uh surprise me.
>> Well, I mean, I guess it depends how
annoying your brother or sister is, but
a lot of people a lot of people like to
spend time with their brothers and
sisters. Uh, not just because of the
history that they've got together. And
if you remove the incest aversion, if
you remove the disgust response and
you're of the sex that that person is
attracted to, it's like, well, why
wouldn't you? Why wouldn't you do this?
And uh yeah, what you're saying is
basically if you if you weren't brother
and sister, but you are, but if you
weren't, what would that be like? That'd
be pretty it'd be pretty sweet because,
you know, 50% of everything we are
psychologically is at least in some part
shaped by our uh behavioral genetics.
Okay. Well, I mean, 50% is a lot more
than a lot of relationships that have
lasted for quite a while.
>> I I'm not quite sure what to say
[laughter] in response to that, but what
you did So, I'll just say Okay. And
that's the other thing is that what you
bring up though is
um Jonathan Height's great experiment.
Are you familiar with the Mark and Julie
experiment?
>> Maybe
>> and moral dumbfounding. Okay. So
Jonathan Height did a really great study
on moral dumbfounding that had to do
with inbreeding avoidance. And he
brought students into the lab and or
participants into the lab and he gave
them the following scenario. Imagine
there's Julie and Mark and they're
brothers and sisters, their brother and
sister, and they decide they want to
have sex. And they decide, you know,
they really want to. They're adults.
They're consenting. They're going to use
like five condoms. They can't get
pregnant. No one's going to know.
They're never going to do it again. You
wipe their memory and they'll never even
remember it. And no one's going to
experience any emotional or physical
harm. It's something you really want.
So, it's all positive. All, you know,
win-win. And so, uh, you know, and so,
um, Jonathan Height would pose these
questions to participants and say, "Is
it wrong for them to have sex?" And, you
know, all the participants are like,
"Yes." And then he's like, "Well, why?"
Well, the condom could break. No, no,
no. Condom doesn't break. They're
wearing five of them and she's on birth
control. Like, everything's fine. Uh,
someone could find out. No, no, no. And
so, you know, they try to kind of find a
way and a a rationalization as to why
it's wrong. and finally they just give
up. I don't know. It's just wrong. And
so he called this moral dumbfounding.
And it's really a good question as to
what's going on. And
are people saying that it's wrong
because they're concerned about the harm
that could befall Julian Mark?
>> Uh and most people are saying yes
because most people still think that
there could be a harm. I actually think
that the reason why people say that it's
wrong is not because of Julian Mark. I
don't think people care about Julian
Mark. [laughter]
I think that people care about being in
that room with Jonathan Height and the
other experimenters to be like, I think
incest is okay. I [laughter] think it's
okay.
>> Oh, so you think it's all just like
observer effect stuff.
>> I think it's the idea that I could be
going against a societal norm that the
majority is on the other side and I
could be seen as a minority. I think
we're very I think we are very sensitive
to sticking our necks out on issues
where a majority holds one and we are
going to oppose it publicly.
>> Well, I mean surely you could authority
you could just control this by changing
the way that people submit their
answers, right? You could submit them in
complete anonymity. You could do it
through a form. You could do it
anonymously on the internet. Has this
been this has to if this is such a an
obvious potential explanation, this has
to have been tested. I don't think it's
obvious because I think people have been
so focused as morality is cooperation.
Um and I think that morality I mean you
wanted to talk about this getting back
into the disgust and morality stuff but
um it's very possible that people um are
very sensitive about moral condemnation
and uh anyway if you I think you only
get to this hypothesis if you think that
people don't care about harm [laughter]
to them but harm to themselves. Okay.
What what was that study where you asked
men to imagine tongue kissing their
sister?
>> Um that was uh well there's been a few.
[laughter]
I've done other stuff like on positive
things like gratitude. [laughter]
>> No no no sorry I'm I'm keeping my foot
on the neck of incest at the moment.
>> Incest avoidance please. Um okay so yes
there I've done a few studies. So, one
of the ways that we have to collect data
on what people find objectionable and
disgusting is to ask them to imagine um
is to a ask them to imagine engaging in
a variety of sexual behaviors. Uh and so
how do you do this and ethic ethically,
right? So asking subjects to imagine
tongue kissing their sibling or having
sex or you know taking a shower with
them. Um, what's interesting about that
is at least a while back when I
collected those data,
females were all at ceiling. You
couldn't like one to seven, they'd be
like 10. Like you wouldn't they wouldn't
be happy. The amount of variation that I
found in female responses, seriously,
the the bars on my graph were like, oh,
basically touching. There were very very
little variation. All very squeezed
right up at ceiling. Um males on the
other hand uh the varian structure was
uh quite wide which I found um humorous
but it all gets back to I mean it's not
humorous this is a very serious subject
and actually it is um and so it gets
back to some of the cost of reproduction
females when selecting a mate have to
consider all of I mean they are on the
hook for you know nine months of 10
months of gestation 3 years of lactation
Um and so getting a baby up and running
is easily 3 four years ancestrally. So
any bad decision in terms of investing
uh uh time and energy into an offspring
with a reduced chance of survival uh
would have been uh heavily selected
against. males their the opportunity
costs are are far less. Um and so males
while they should not be um pro- sibling
incest would find it slightly less
horrifically objectionable as compared
to females.
>> Women also usually have a lower disgust
threshold than men, right?
>> For most things. Yes, for most things.
You know, I tested this. I asked women a
whole bunch of different things about
how disgusting you find a variety of
things. And you're absolutely right that
women are far more disgusted by a great
many things. It ends up there are a
couple things that uh flipped which were
um you know changing diapers. Females
are like that's yeah and and then having
sex during your period. So that also um
that sorry it's gross. It's all gross.
But so there you go.
>> Um
>> yeah. So women are disgusting just
specifically in specific situations. I
think I think just the word period or
tampon grosses guys out a little bit
more than women. I think that's probably
>> correct. We're less we're way less
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lie mus.com/modern
wisdom. Modern wisdom at checkout. So,
look,
I'm an only child and I've realized that
I don't have the same visceral disgust
response that others have about sibling
incest. Like, I understand logically why
it's a terrible idea, but I don't get
the same gut level recoil. It's do you
know what it's like? It's like hearing
smokers say, "I need a cigarette." Like,
I get the concept, but I don't have the
the the craving or whatever or the
opposite of the craving. Like, I don't
have that that aversion. Um, why? Well,
I mean, is that normal? Have you looked
at at people who it is literally like I
don't have a language? I guess someone
could say, "Well, imagine having sex
with your mom." And I'm like, "Yeah, but
like that you've got the age thing
that's already in there on top of like
the fact that she's my mom." So, I think
for most people that have siblings, it's
almost like they have a language of
disgust that I don't have the the the
understanding of. Does that make sense?
>> Oh, 100%. So, um, I'll tell you about
another study that I did that didn't get
published, but I it's enjoyable
nonetheless. Um, and so I, so I don't
have a brother and my co-authors don't
have opposite sex siblings. So, Lita
Cosmet is an only child and John John
Tubi only had brothers. And so, the
three of us
>> sitting around talking about how to
gross each other out with these acts, it
was actually, it was very disturbing
talking about these things with your
adviserss. I I have a I remember uh that
conversation and being like I'm I'm
done. I'm out. [laughter]
So, um but it was we did another study
which was videotaping facial
expressions. At the time I started uh
kin detection. No one had really started
to look into the psychological aspects
of it.
But one of the things that we had to do
was validate disgust as a possible
measure. And
in science, even though it's obvious, if
you just ask what emotion comes to mind,
if you think about tongue kissing a
sibling, most people it's really gross.
And there you have your dependent
measure, you have to establish that. So
I set up um I set up a lab where I
recorded people's facial expressions and
and did a variety of things to
understand what facial what muscles were
actually activated in response to a
variety of different act things that we
know elicited disgust. But then also the
the sibling incest stuff and um so there
people are looking at the screen seeing
acts come up on the screen and and just
responding to them or just reacting to
them. And most of them would have these
you know so in addition to like eating
your favorite dessert it would be like
you know putting your hand in a toilet
and all these other things that you
would see the the muscles the nose
scruncher muscle for disgust activate.
When I was matching what was on the
screen to participants because those are
two different video feeds, I remember
seeing one of the matching up the seeing
a guy kind of smile like h uh and I was
like wait a minute, do I have the time
simp? Like am I matching it right?
Because it says like tongue kiss a
sibling like like what's going on here?
I was like oh no. Uh and so I was like
and I remember furiously going through
all the survey pages to be like please
don't have a sibling. please don't have
a sibling. And it ends up the guy didn't
have any sisters at all. And so I found
that really interesting. It kind of gets
to what you're talking about, the idea
that it doesn't map onto anything. And
so it was like imagine it was basically
like imagine having sex with a girl. And
he's like,
[laughter]
and so without that natural aversion, um
it's you don't have such a strong a
strong reaction,
>> right?
Okay,
>> next topic. [laughter]
>> Uh, yeah. If incest disgust is so
strong, why is incest porn such a huge
category online? You'd expect it to
barely exist, and yet it's massive.
>> Well, I mean, are they really siblings?
I mean, people do anything for money.
Well, I mean, first off, it's money. And
so the idea is if people are going to
pay and you need money, I mean that's
sure people do stuff for money and
people do gross stuff all the time.
>> No, no, no, no, no, no, no. Why is there
Why is there an audience for it?
>> Oh, why is there an audience for it?
Because
>> No, why are people doing it? I don't
think that that many brothers and
sisters are being employed. That would
be that would be a very special kind of
>> relationship.
>> It would be a really special kind of
business. Yeah,
>> I imagine that the margins would be
really bad. The amount of money you'd
need to pay most people to have sex with
their sibling would probably be pretty
high.
>> Yes.
>> Why is there a big audience for it?
Well,
I watched Game of Thrones and the idea
that, you know, these two people, what
is it? Um, Jon Snow and, you know,
Daenerys, they were ended up being
related.
I don't think that prevented people from
watching that. I think people aren't
there. It's just two people who are
naked having sex [laughter] like and not
only that. So there's that. There's
that. And then the idea of kin detection
is imperfect, right? So if you don't
have a sibling and you're like, "Oh,
well this sounds kind of neat and risque
like
>> Oh, right. You're saying Are you saying
that incest porn is exclusively watched
by only children?" I don't I don't I
don't My hypothesis would be that a guy
with six sisters is not the person who's
watching this. Unless
>> that would be so That would be such a
[ __ ] good study. You should do this.
This is your next study. Your next study
is to work out is to work out um whether
the likelihood of watching incest porn
goes down based on the number of
opposite sex siblings that you've got.
Yes.
>> The world needs to know.
>> Okay. [clears throat] Well, I'm I'm
really hoping someone in your audience
will now undertake that.
>> This is you. You are. This is you.
You're in my audience. You're What else
are you doing? You've got I mean,
>> I'm writing a textbook. I'm starting a
business. Come on, man. I'm busy.
>> Well, this can be, you know, they
there's more stuff to do. Anyway, I I
think I think you're right. I think um
people don't it's not like um in order
to watch this incest porn you need to
observe the these two people grow up in
the same household as you for the first
10 years of your life and then watch it
and then see it because the fantasy I
guess is uh I wonder whether it's a
little bit of like contravening
you know in the kind of the same way
that dominatrix stuff or or um uh being
insulted or whatever. It's like, ooh,
this is a social norm and by breaking
it, this is cheeky, but it's done in a
safe way because you don't actually have
the discussed response.
>> I mean, they're not your siblings.
>> That's true. Yeah, this is whatever the
thingy and Julie uh uh
>> the Mark and Julie. Yeah,
>> Mark and Julie. It's Mark and Julie all
being watched. All right. Um Ayla, who I
think you'll probably be aware of, she
ran a poll and said, "If your very
attractive cousin wanted to sleep with
you, would you?" And there was 12,000
votes and it was almost exactly 50/50.
Uh now [laughter]
I will say her audience is perhaps
non-typical like rationalist sex
positive slightly autistic coded but
>> uh
>> that number still surprises me a little.
>> It doesn't surprise me. Well, first off,
cousins
>> hot cousin 50/50.
>> Cousins are it's cousin marriage is
still I think one of the mo more
prevalent forms of marriage worldwide.
And so
>> um you as soon as you start to drop off
of nuclear family members, the
biological delletterious and harmful
effects of mating with close relatives
drops off pretty fast.
>> What's the comparison to parent to
sibling to cousin?
>> I mean it really it drops off really
fast. So within the nuclear family are
the the greatest risks, right? So you
have uh parent offspring certainly
mother child there's greater certainty
but you know degree of relatedness is
you know.5
um siblings tend to be on average.5
but as soon as you go to cousins you get
to an eighth you go from a you know a
half to an eighth and so that's on
average so I would say especially when
they're in norms kind of pushing all of
that and uh you didn't live with them
and so your struct your kinship
structure is more it's it your aversions
aren't aren't as strong as they would be
to nuclear family members and for good
reason.
>> Would you have
is there such a thing as you observing
the baby of your mother's sister
growing up in the same household as you,
being close to them, knowing that it's
not being raised by your mother, but
knowing that your mother and that woman
are close and that woman raised that. Is
there such a thing as being able to tune
up the cousin aversion? Yeah, I I bet
you there is. I mean, just like there's
an ability to tune up the sibling
aversion by having someone come into the
house and be raised by um you know, an
adopted child and so forth. And so, it's
um I suspect that there's there's a lot
more research that needs to be done uh
on this. And now that we have these
amazing ways to collect massive amounts
of data, it' be very interesting. you
asked about a kind of imprinting period
or developmental period, a sensitive
period and the qu the answer is you know
we don't we don't exactly know I mean
there could be my data I collected data
from like a couple hundred people and so
the bins that I have like I have most
people 3 to 18 they lived with their
siblings some 4 to 18 5 to 18 but
imagine having the ability for every bin
between 0 and 18
filling that with 10,000 people to kind
of understand patterns and so that would
be a really great study to answer the
question uh definitively.
>> I agree. Okay. Uh you had this fantastic
article on crying which I read
>> few months ago. It's it is one of the
best things that I've read in a long
time. I think it's really really great.
So I want to we've talked about incest
now we're going to talk about crying.
Um, before we continue, I've been
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That's drinkagg.com/modernwisdom.
What's the evolutionary story behind
crying? Why why would leaking water from
your face ever be adaptive?
Um it is well okay so before we get into
this I just have to say for the record
because it's an important record we've
talked about disgust but I've also done
a lot of work on gratitude and other
emotions and so but it's my work on
gratitude that got me into tears because
gratitude um and so see how I'm I'm kind
of drinking but gratitude it's an
important emotion that's responsible for
jumpstarting friendships. uh it is an
emotion that identifies when other
people value you. Right? So someone does
something uh that you perceive to be a
benefit. You say thank you. You are
basically saying you know I I I value
you for having done that act and um it
would be great if you continue to do
that act uh with the promise that
potentially we can form a cooperative
relationship downstream.
>> But it all hinges on what we call kind
of social value. In the in the article,
it's called welfare trade-off ratio, but
let's not talk about that. It's really
just about how I value you, how I
perceive you to value me. And so, uh,
because when we're strangers, I don't
think you will value me or I don't value
you, and then use something nice, it's
like, oh, I how do I recognize how do I
positively reinforce that bene uh
beneficial behavior, that positive
behavior? And gratitude seems to be the
way that I say, hey, that was really
great. Keep doing that. Um, like, thanks
so much. Uh and so but it all hinges on
these internal assessments of value.
So how do we get people to value us? If
you are I promise this is going right
straight to tears. And so if I am big
and strong and formidable
um I can just get you to be nice to me
right under threat of penalty. Like I
can impose costs. I can beat you up. I
can have other people beat you up. I
have money. I can pay I can do all sorts
of things. Um, and so if I I can use
anger as one device and strategy in
order to get you to to value me. I can
also use gratitude. We've talked about
this in the literature as prestige and
dominance, but I think it tracks uh a
little deeper than that in terms of the
strategies of how to get other people to
value you. But here's the thing. If I'm
on the other side, if I am lowle
leveraged, if I if I'm in a situation in
a relationship where someone's imposing
costs on me or threatening me, right,
how do I what do I bring to the table?
How do I negotiate? You know, what are
what what what in my arsenal? Um, and so
I could either just kind of give in and
be exploited and manipulated um all the
way to the end. [gasps] Or I can try and
kind of express that you are imposing
too much of a cost. you are asking me to
deliver too high a benefit to you that's
going to start digging into my own
interests and tears is one way that we
use to communicate costs or better yet
the intensity of a particular state so
um so tears I'm mapping it more onto
sadness it's not necessarily just
associated with sadness but uh using
sadness as an example the idea that my
tears communicate to you you are
starting to impose a cost on me that is
threatening your value in this
relationship as well. Uh it might be
worth your your while to to stop.
[laughter]
And so uh it's a way it's the it's a
tool used by the lower leveraged to get
other people to stop imposing costs or
to start restart the delivery of
benefits. So kids cry, throw tantrums
saying, you know, you're not feeding me
enough or you're not feeding me the
right things, you know, cuz they're not
big and burly and they can't be like,
you're going to make me that hot dog,
[laughter] right? They're just going to
cry, I don't want mac and cheese.
So, um, but they're so tears can
communicate quite a bit. More generally,
they communicate value. And so we
associate them a lot with the negative
value, things that cost us, but they can
very much be associated with the
positive side too. It's indicating the
kinds of things that I benefit, you
know, that I find quite beneficial. So
you know, someone delivers an a hugely
unexpected gift to you. It's, you know,
you could be moved to tears, right?
Someone does something and and and
donates a kidney or does something, you
know, life-saving. the idea that you can
be moved to tears by such um by such
behaviors, it's showing and illustrating
um it's illustrating a high value. So,
it's very much like the scream, but it's
used by the lower leveraged in a an
interaction.
>> What does lower leveraged mean?
>> Means
the person who is less likely to get
their way in an interaction. So the
could be the less physically formidable,
the lower
socioeconomic status, the less
attractive, the you know smaller.
>> Oh, okay. Okay, I get it. And
>> so women cry more than men, kids cry
more than adults.
>> Have you looked at trying to control
this stuff? So for instance, let's say
that you had a woman in a relationship,
but she was socioeconomically more
successful than her partner. She was the
primary bread winner. or you had a mate
value discrepancy where the woman was uh
higher mate value uh more famous more
statusful uh you know trying to
rebalance these scales do we tend to see
that change
>> I would I would say you probably
absolutely do um
>> wow
>> and then and but there's always the fun
crocodile tears right so those are the
fun ones where it is people who use
tears because they know what they do Um,
and uh, so you know, psychopaths, dark
triad people will pull out crocodile
tears in order to get you to think that
they care. Um, and so that's always an
interesting um, feature. But there's a
you can tell I I came up with one way to
tell. This has not been studied or at
least I don't think that this has been
studied and I'd love to study this. So,
if you've ever cried,
like if you're like me, even in a movie,
a dark movie theater, if I like start
crying, I like I like start to stare.
So, it's like dry up, dry up. Don't
[laughter] let anyone see you crying,
you know? It's like you you kind of like
you you hide and you don't want anyone
to see you. You don't want anyone to see
you. Um it's kind of like I I don't want
to be perceived as weak or lowleveraged
or someone who you can now take
advantage of and exploit or anything
like that, right? So I I don't I don't
want to have lost any ground in any type
of um in leverage, you know, in any
relationship. Again, it's not explicit,
but it's just like we tend to hide these
things. But people who are trying to use
their tears for more manipulative
purposes will cry and be like, "Don't
you you see my tears? These are tears
because I care." And so I think people
who uh use crocodile tears need them to
be on display.
>> Oh, that's so great. Yeah. allow me to
put a billboard up so that my tears can
run down the front of it. But isn't it
isn't it strange the people who are
crying and that they've got, you know,
if this theory holds true and at least a
good bit of the time I think it does.
>> People are I'm trying to tell you I
value you or the thing that you just did
or you were imposing costs on me and I
would really like you to stop.
>> Yeah. Um, I need you to see this, but
also I'm ashamed of the fact that my
body and my face and my eyes and the
water has betrayed me. So, I'm going to
hide, but I'm going to show but I'm
going to hide, but I'm going to show
you, but I'm going to hide. Like, is
there's a tension going on here?
>> There is. It's a I don't want you to I'm
not giving up too much ground in this
relationship, but just for this one
instance, you should know that you've
gone too far. And so an interesting
thing is that in what has been studied
are tears and anger at the same time
because women tend to when they get
angry um also tend to tear up. So if you
are in a
if you're in a situation where you are
you're out leveraged. So you're in a
group situation and you're not being
valued and people are pissing you off,
right? And so, and you say something,
right, you're angry. You're you like if
if you had, you know, if you had muscle
behind you, you'd be in good shape. But
if you find that you're the only one
making a case for something, what? So,
women in these situations, they tend to
get angry, but also tear up. It's like,
but again, it's that tension. It's like,
if I could, I would, but I can't, so I
won't. But if I could. [laughter]
>> Yeah. That's so great. And I don't think
I haven't seen guys get do the angry cry
thing in quite the same way. Their rage
is able to sort of burst through it a
little bit more.
>> I think in most situ Yeah. No, I don't
think that's a tactic for males who
don't. So listen, I mean there is a big
difference in there are huge sex
differences when it comes to
formidability walking around the world
where you know around in modern times. I
mean, I love modern times. Like, I can
walk around without really under threat
of being like, you know, hurt. And so,
but that's relatively recent in human
evolutionary history. Like there were,
you know, you go somewhere foreign and
suddenly you realize like maybe I
shouldn't be walking around alone. Like
[laughter] this is this is I'm going to
hire someone, you know, tomorrow. And so
the idea that females are less
formidable and they are at risk of
being, you know, I mean, you walk around
and it's here's what I was told. I don't
know if this is true. Tell me if this is
true.
That when guys go into a room, a new
room, new people at a party, wherever it
is, a bar, the the first thing they do
or one of the things they do naturally
is they kind of sweep the room like who
who else is there? What other guys are
there? and kind of take a take a kind of
back of the nap make a back of the
napkin calculation about who's bigger,
who's more formidable, like who can I
take, who's dangerous, who should I be
wary of, and who do I have to worry
about [laughter] kind of thing. Is that
is that something men do when they walk
in a room?
>> Uh I I don't know whether it's that
conscious, but
>> I don't think it's conscious.
>> Uh there's certainly stuff that happens
that's kind of interesting. Like um if
you're in a room, this is a cool way to
look at it. If it's a mostly guys room,
ideally an all guys room, cuz as soon as
you throw women in the mix, it becomes
messy. Um, but if you've got a table,
um, you'll see what is the angle of the
chair, what are the angles of the chairs
mostly pointed toward and you will see
that there is a head of the table, even
if there isn't a head of the table. Um,
>> another way that this happens is
>> when somebody starts speaking, when a
guy starts speaking in a room,
>> what is the likelihood that some or all
people shut up? But I've been in rooms
I've been in rooms with some guys like
real real statusful guys that if they
fart everyone will [laughter] everyone
will decide to be quiet. Um and you can
really tell an awful lot about um where
the hierarchy falls by who's nearby
proximity to that person um whether they
will keep talking uh whether they're
happy whether they look regulated or
whether they sort of seem a bit more
sickopantic appeasing. Um, so it's all
that I mean that's me getting that's
actually me getting a little bit
feminine I suppose with it as opposed to
the more like brisk shoulders back type
way. That's more like status game
playing like relational stuff. But
there's still even the formidability I
think will play a big part of that too.
I think if you've got some big [ __ ]
dude in the room and he starts speaking
I I think your let's say formidability
status
>> status and resource cues something like
that like how big are you who are you
and what do you have something like that
if you had these buckets and there is
this invisible score that is above
everybody's head which is some sort of
aggregate of all of those things put
together. So like the really formidable
guy who nobody really knows that much
and the really statusful guy who might
not be quite so formidable that that
would be an interesting like who do we
oh well actually I'm physically a little
bit weaker so maybe I'll be more scared
of the formidable guy but statusfully
I'm a little bit stronger so I don't
mind the the you know what I mean like
how where am I in the pecking order all
of that uh is done in a not very long
when you sit down in a room I imagine at
the back of my mind.
>> Yeah. No, I think I think that stuff I
think the non-verbal um non-verbal
behavior is is really interesting. Um
someone that I I've I've read and
listened to in terms of the podcast is
Joe Navaro who's done a lot of this work
on um on non-verbals and so that's
that's it's fascinating stuff if you
haven't had him on.
>> Yeah, he's great. In other news, you've
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that's drinklnt.com/modern
wisdom. So, if if tears are
um telling another person, I value this
thing or you're imposing costs on me and
I would like it to stop.
>> Uh why do we cry when we're on our own?
Oh, because I think that we have dramas
played out in our head all the time, you
know, like we very easy to imagine a
whole bunch of stuff. Typically, it's
not just, you know, nothing sparks us.
Usually, there's a thought or some type
of sequence,
>> but who we crying to?
>> Oh, I think it's simulating. I I think
there's simulations all the time. It's
just like, you know, haven't you ever,
you know, you know, laughed? [laughter]
Like I I work uh you know in my place on
my own and if anyone were ever to watch
like they'd be like she's crazy cuz
she's laughing [laughter] all the time
just by thinking about some of these
things you know it's hard not to chuckle
and so but what's that all about? It's
like me thinking about stuff you know
and so I think that when we think about
things we can absolutely simulate what
would be my what would be my reaction in
this particular situation. So that kind
of playing with uh possible events that
could play out to be prepared for them
and so forth. Okay. I I think most
people and me too, I think that sounds a
bit surprising because
not that it's not true, but I'm like I'm
not gaming this out. I don't want to be
[ __ ] in a ball of tears on the floor
at the moment having just watched this
dog come home to or this this soldier
come home to his dog after, you know, 3
years away and now the dog faints and
now the daughter's there and, you know,
um but I'm not I'm I is it am I
confusing the fact that I've seen that
those people are here with me? Is it the
fact that my whatever system crying
system is unable to detect the fact that
that's virtual or not? Is it the fact
that it's unable to detect the um mental
imaging that we've given versus a real
situation? Is it the fact that our
mental situations are just so powerful
that it doesn't matter if there's other
people around that we experience them as
if it was happening in front of us?
>> I think I I think you have empathy with
score one for not being a psychopath.
[laughter]
>> Okay. Well, good.
>> So, they go
>> I wish I cried less. I wish I I wish I
wish I was less of a [ __ ] I My crying
threshold is, you know, the discuss
threshold thing we said before. My
crying threshold is embarrassingly low.
It [ __ ] blows.
>> That's our Listen, empathy is not
overrated. And so I would say, you know,
I think that first off, TV and story, we
evolved with storytelling. We evolved
with people in front of us telling
stories about people and about, you
know, um, you know, our ancestors and so
forth. But I think that when we see them
on TV, it's a little confusing to our
our ancestral brains. That's for sure.
And so, but hearing about these things
and putting yourself in a situation and
simulating, I think, is or being, you
know, showing empathy and putting
yourself in the shoes of other people
and what what you would experience. Um,
because there are people who don't have
that ability, right? So you have people
who uh you know people who psychopaths
for instance who do not have a capacity
for empathy and would not cry.
>> What about when grief? Because some
let's say somebody's passed away.
>> Who you crying to?
>> They're gone. What are the tears for?
>> Well, I think you're showing other
people your need state. Um, that's one
one thing, but I I think a lot of things
are going on at that point in time. So,
being upset and depressed and grieving,
the idea that it's it's a that it's a
loss. Um, and typically we would have
been around I mean there's no such thing
as privacy to uh, you know, a hunter
gatherer. So you know something happens
and you would have been around other
people and kind of this automatic
response of I am in a need state would
have potentially been uh quite
beneficial.
I you know I haven't done so I I I a lot
of this is speculation. Uh so the the
the so just to stay on you know
terrairma here I the paper really was
about I was very curious researchers who
had been studying tears showing that you
you show subjects emotion faces
displaying various emotions and if you
add tears to some of those emotions
they're easier to recognize and when I
was so I'm the editor of uh the field's
journal evolution and human behavior and
so I had one of these papers in front of
me and it struck me like there's a lot
of research on tears and it hasn't been
hooked up with the cognitive side of
thing. What's going on internally and
what this uh signal value is? And it had
struck me that no one really thought
about is is tearing an adaptation like
what's going on here? Um and so thinking
about when we tar and what might be
going on, it seemed to be very much tied
to social value, right? So being around
people who value us and we are going to
try to get them to stop imposing costs
or try to elicit more benefits from
them. Um obviously in not that I I talk
science speak but you know we we don't
talk that's not consciously available to
us. We just we just cry and it has the
effects that it does on the people
around us.
>> Okay. So
positive events, the reason that we
create positive events is like this is
good, do more of it, like an encouraging
thing. This is a value to me and and uh
I wouldn't do this ridiculous thing if
it wasn't.
>> Yeah.
>> Reliable signal of receptiveness.
>> Yeah. You're marking this is of high
value to me. I I perceive the events and
what's going on now to reg be
registering in my brain as high value.
>> Okay.
Why not why not make our whole body
shake? Why not raise our hand in the air
and wave it? Why? Because crying
presumably wasn't crying is here to
lubricate our eyes. That's why crying
that's why the tear duct exists
primarily. Mhm.
>> Why has our emotional system repurposed
that? Why don't we [ __ ] ourselves? Like,
why don't we why don't we just yell?
[laughter] Like, why?
>> Well, maybe you do. I don't know.
>> Why tears? What is it about the water
coming out of the face that is
particularly useful for this?
>> It's front and center. And so, it is
something that is readily available.
It's a really good question. And so this
was obviously one of the main questions
that our reviewers had is like this why
why this why now? And so one possibility
is that it was built off of um
[sighs and gasps]
so if you have an onion and you hold it
close to your eyes and the acids kind of
interact and you start to tear. Um and
so the idea is that this is a negative a
negative stimulus. So it's already kind
of being associated with there's
something negative in the environment um
that is affecting me. And so that very
much could have been the bootstrapping
way that another more negative stuff uh
could then have been registered by other
people. So to the extent that I mean to
the extent that that was possible that
would have been one possible lineage for
how this came online.
>> Okay. [snorts] I
I see
>> you buying that [laughter]
>> to a degree. To a degree I do. Um
>> I don't the answer is I don't know. But
>> another part of it, another part of it
is right. Okay. Yeah. Front and center.
Right
>> here it is. Um it's very hard to ignore.
Uh it is for most people I think it
would take a bit of even me with my
wimpy
cry threshold takes a bit of work for me
to get it going. So to usually for most
people post apart from the psychopaths a
pretty reliable signal of authenticity.
So it's uh not it's not cheap. It's not
that cheap. Um, another thing has to be
you really need your eyes. Like you
really really need your eyes to see. And
if you choose to have water pour out of
them, you have temporarily incapacitated
yourself.
>> Mhm.
>> And if you again another sort of
reliability,
>> a costly signal
>> add-on. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah.
>> Yeah. Yeah.
>> Yeah. Yeah. That all that all makes good
sense, I think. I mean, look, this paper
was just written. and it kind of throws
out a whole bunch of ideas and now it's
time to say you put it through its
paces. Test it and you know see where it
goes. I think that you know on the the
positive emotion and negative emotions
so things like gratitude but also
depression and sadness uh and pain. I
think that there's a lot there's a lot
of work to be done.
>> That's a good that's a good point. Why
why do people cry during uh I remember
the last time I cried due to pain,
physical pain.
>> Mhm. Uh and I was I think 13 and it was
one of my first adult cricket matches.
Um
I I don't cry due to pain anymore.
Physical pain. I don't think that there
is an amount of physical pain that I
would be put in. It would have to get
toward the emotional pain. It would have
to be an emotional element of this. Is
it just that as you grow up from child
to adult, you are able to better
understand your capacity to deal with
pain and the fact that it doesn't
necessarily have an emotional component
to it? Like why is it that kids cry when
they bruise their knee, but I don't.
>> Um I mean I I I still cry when
[laughter] I hurt myself. Like I mean I
I think yes and don't tell anyone. Um,
and so, [laughter]
uh,
it's a really good question. Listen, as
a kid, I think the idea that I I need
help, you know, like help me. I'm in
pain and this and or, you know, stop
this stop this un unattached this
bristle. Do something like there. I
think there that it definitely is a
signal. I'm trying to actually think
about it now like cuz, you know, I've
cut myself with a knife and have I
cried? I think I've cursed more than
I've cried. Um, isn't that strange?
Isn't it strange? Because it's not, you
know,
>> but I guess look, the same or similar
stimulus can cause different responses.
Some breakups may cause somebody to
shout and scream in someone's face
>> because the the specifics, the the the
flavor of that one was canankerous. It
was aggressive. It was adversarial. And
then another may be loving and and and
painful and um uh you like um
melancholy and those two would have very
different responses. In one somebody may
not cry and in another they may.
>> So I want to throw I want to give you a
hairbrain idea that I had and I I don't
think it's going to pay out but I but
here's what I was thinking. So um you
know after a breakup and you just you
cry and like you cry uncontrollably
and I was thinking so while I was crying
I was like why am I crying like this is
[laughter] like I got to stop crying
this is like what I want to stop crying
like this is done let's be done with
this and [laughter] so but then I was
wondering the function of it is it like
a data dump in the sense of someone that
you held such high value for
and then you realize and you simulate
late and you realize they don't value
you anymore and that cost and that kind
of ratcheting down of someone valuing
you, right? Because you have to
literally have that time to have that
realization that they do not care about
you at all, right? [laughter] So um and
so but the idea that potentially crying
might be a way that you know it just
it's a it's a so yes our social value is
ratcheting down but might that it's all
chemically mediated. So the question is
is it are you also ridding yourself of
that? So I was if I had like a a
well-funded lab, you know, I would think
like if you could possibly capture
people's tears as they are going through
a breakup to see whether or not, you
know, the pre the pre kind of level of I
don't know, oxytocin, whatever it is
that kind of governs social value and
attachment um and closeness, but is it
kind of being dumped out through the
tears to kind of help kind of
re-establish?
>> So good. I think that's great. I think
that's really cool. I think that's
really cool. And I think that someone
needs to give you a million dollars so
you can go and do it. Um, what it makes
me think about is how much of crying is
about changing other people's behavior
>> and how much is about recalibrating our
own emotional state.
>> I think there could be multiple things
going on. I think there's probably
because I think that just like shouting
can be done in in most emotional states
like different types of shouting could
be used to uh help express anger as in
joy um or gratitude or shame like uh you
know you find that the volume and
amplitude of our voice can definitely do
that. So why and those are different
types of emotions some are internal
calibrating some of them are other
calibrating. So my anger and gratitude
is to calibrate you, [laughter] right?
So, but my shame and my pride is
calibrating me potentially. So the um in
any case, I think that you just put your
finger on a really interesting thing
that there's probably multiple things
going on.
>> So cool. So cool. Dead Liberman, ladies
and gentlemen, uh you're fantastic.
You're part of this weird like council
mason masonic like group of cool
>> women doing evolutionary [laughter]
psychology and everybody needs to follow
you and uh I think your works I think
your work's wonderful and um I enjoyed
speaking with you at HBS and uh I think
that you need to keep doing more stuff.
So where should people go if they want
to check out all of your fun cool work
about incest? Um well actually on the
center for evolutionary psychology is a
whole uh list of a a great set of papers
not only on kinship inbreeding avoidance
altruism but also morality um and anger
and cooperation and coalitional
psychology. So, center for evolutionary
psychology is where I would uh direct
everyone. Um, and also you can read
about it in the textbook that is
hopefully forthcoming at, you know, at
the end of 26, beginning at 27. Um, and
if if you will permit me just to say one
thing as an academic and the frustration
that I often hear a lot of people who
want to get access to these things is
that they're hit with these pay walls.
And so one my business venture with a
partner the problem we're solving is
allowing people to get access to
articles not only news but journal
articles uh that are currently held
behind pay walls for subscription but
allowing people to get just the one
article they want when they want it. So
that's what I'm up to.
>> When's that available? Can I get that
now?
>> Um check an app store soon. Uh
Mediabyte, we are on it.
>> Okay. When do you think it'll be
launched? When it'll be live?
>> Uh hopefully late 26. Okay. Well, hurry
up because I need that. Uh, Deb, you're
great. Keep doing your thing.
>> Thank you. You, too. Be well. This is
great.
>> Congratulations. You made it to the end
of an episode. Your brain has not been
completely [music] destroyed by the
internet just yet. Here's another one
that you should watch.
Go on.