Why Are We More Divided Than Ever? - Michael Morris

Why does tribalism exist? Why Why did it evolve? Well, tribalism is what got us out of the Stone Age. It's what led to our human specific form of social life, which is different from the social life of other social species, including our cousins, the chimpanzees. They live in minimally collaborative troops that can ever get larger than about 50 individuals, or they turn into a bloodbath. And we evolved uh some social quirks that enable us to live in culture-sharing groups. And these culture-sharing groups allow for a level of collaboration and um common fate and common concern that that is not uh present in other in any other social species. And so tribes Tribes are large groups united by shared culture, and our tribal instincts were, you know, adaptations or mutations that changed our psychology slightly to enable us to live in this kind of group. And it just turned out to be the ultimate killer app of evolution because once we were in these culture-sharing groups, it snowballed. You know, the the cultures started getting more complex and more adapted to the local ecology with each generation. And then humans, without becoming any brainier, were more capable of surviving and thriving cuz they could tap into these better cultures each generation. And they just left all the other species in their dust, you know, so that's the basic story about tribalism, and we're stuck with it because it's in our wiring. You know, it doesn't always lead us to do the right thing, but I still believe that it's mostly adaptive that our tribal instincts enable us to do most of the things that we are proud of and that we benefit from. We notice it more when it leads us to do things that are dysfunctional and certainly there are examples of that in the world today. That so tribalism is predicated on culture that without culture there can be no tribalism. Is that is that a fair? Yeah, that's a fair way to say it and that's not always that's not always a prominent theme. I mean most of the talk about tribalism is by the sort of political pundits, you know, and they're just kind of grasping for a catch-all explanation to understand, you know, the red blue rift and the record racial protests and religious conflicts and you know, it's it's an easy quite facile thing to say, you know, oh, it's our resurgent tribalism, you know, our tribal instincts have reappeared, you know, and we're we're uh we're descending into tribalism and our democracy will never be the same. You know, that's that's what we've been hearing and I think it's a I call it the trope of toxic tribalism and it it's it's a pretty despairing theme because the idea is that somehow somehow the genie got out of the bottle and there's no way to get it back inside again and I don't I don't really think that's what's going on. I think you know, we have some bad conflicts in the world today, but that's true that's true every generation. Every generation thinks they're presiding over the the end times, you know, what's new is this this way of talking about the conflicts as though they reflect some evolutionary curse, you know, some some drive to hate other groups that is always going to be, you know, undermining us and I don't think that's true. I think that the tribal instincts are are are instincts that evolution sculpted in order to help us be culture-sharing animals. And that enabled us to live in very large collaborative groups, and a side effect of those tribal instincts is that we sometimes get into conflicts with other groups. But, you know, they're not instincts for hostility. They're instincts for solidarity. Uh all of our instincts will lead us astray in some situations. You know, we we evolved we evolved to be attracted to sweet taste because, you know, fruit has a lot of nutrition. Now, if you live on a block with two donut shops, you know, that that wiring might lead you to eat in an unhealthy way. It doesn't mean that it's an instinct for gluttony. Uh it's an instinct for fruit. And if we understand that, we have a better way of coping with the problem than if we think that we're cursed with some flawed wiring, which is, you know, a way of thinking about human nature that is kind of attractive in a tragic way. You know, like that Why do you think it is? Cuz I I I've noticed this, too. And look, I I'm going to fight the fight for the it seems like people hate out-groups more than they love in-groups today. I'm going to try and I'm going to try and stress test it as much as possible. Thank you. Um but what do you think is so alluring about this sort of myth of martyrdom? The the this woe is everything. It's all sort of Why is it that that's uh a tempting seductive uh talking point? Well, it's this kind of Manichaean message, right? That, you know, the the world is coming to an end because, you know, along with our evolutionary blessing of intelligence and, you know, familial loyalty has come this uh curse of genocide. And you know, it's like it's you know, the person delivering the message feels very important, you know, and the people listening are spellbound at least in the short term. everybody the opportunity to be Cassandra. Exactly. Yeah, and you know, it's it's yeah, tragic plays don't always don't always talk about the end of the world, but um, even a tragic play which talks about the end of a particular person's life or success is is kind of um, riveting, you know, and always has been riveting. Uh, but yeah, I think I think that uh, the problem the problem in the media or the problem with thought leaders, you know, and you and I are probably, you know, prone to this is that uh, we get rewarded for dramatic statements. Uh, the more dramatic, the more worrisome, the more clicks, you know, the more, you know, so I think that there has been a cascade of Cassandras, you know, there have been everybody wants to out-Cassandra the other Cassandras and uh, become the pundit uh, du jour. So, I think that some of that has been going on and um, Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah. What makes for good What makes for good op-eds doesn't necessarily make for good policies. And that's that's where I think, you know, a little bit more grounding in science when we talk about tribalism Mhm. would elevate the discussion a little bit. The uh, perverting incentives of clicks, it's I wish I had a more sexy answer because it just seems so cliché and so obvious for me to say, well, people need to get attention and this is how the attention economy works and blah blah blah. And then downstream from what people say, other people believe because people believe what others say, especially people who have been chosen by the media or whoever to be the proselytizers about our current level of culture. So, I I think an interesting framing is is tribalism an us thing or a them thing? Like, how much of tribalism is in-group favoritism versus out-group persecution? That's That's really well put. I would say 95% of our tribal wiring is about us, not about them. Our Our evolutionary forebears did not have that much contact with other tribes. You know, the the population density in in Stone Age Europe or, you know, Africa before that was very low. There were very few Homo sapiens total. You know, the the whole the entire population was like a small city today. So, they didn't have that much contact with other other tribes. What they had a lot of contact with was each other. You know, they had daily contact with each other. And what what paid off evolutionarily was having traits and having capacities that enabled you to collaborate effectively with the fellow members of your tribe. And um evolutionary scholars can, you know, slice the salami very thinly when they talk about these adaptations. And I I'm someone who I've been a a business school professor and a sort of political consultant, organizational consultant for 20 years. And and also a researcher of cultural psychology. So, I tend to uh distinguish tribal instincts in three major waves because I think it corresponds to three major systems in our group psychology that we can still recognize in ourselves today and that, you know, effective leaders or activists or managers or coaches draw upon and harness today. Um So I can go into those but I think I would say in answer to your question is that it's 95% us instincts. They're not them instincts because them instincts just wouldn't have been adaptive right? You know, it wouldn't have been adaptive to go looking for other tribes to fight with. So just to linger on that I want to get into peer ancestral etc instinct in a bit but what what does it mean to have an us instinct in absence of a them instinct? What does that mean? Surely only by there being a them can we define an us? Well, I'm I'll agree partly with that. I think that an out group is often a foil that allows for a more precise definition of the in group and a stronger feeling of distinctiveness in the in group and part of in group identity is usually trying to find some way to feel slightly better than another group. And it's interesting when you look at studies all around the world it's not like every group feels like they're more technologically advanced than everyone else and it's not that everybody feels like they're better looking or that they are better athletes than everybody else. But almost every group in the world feels that somehow they're more humane. You know, they're they're sort of more human than the other group. In a lot of indigenous groups the name for their own group is also the name for human. You know, so the implication being that other people are slightly less human than the in group. So um, yeah, so it it is once you know, I I I can imagine that groups that had almost no contact with other human groups, they had contact with animals. They had contact with other kinds of things. They had some basis for a comparison. But, um, in the modern times where we have a lot of contact with other groups, it does become a salient part of how we define the in-group. Interesting. So, I'm thinking about again, ancestrally, let's think about some of the stories that would have been told about what the weather is, about the moon being a god or a goddess, about the sun being some sort of either benign or malevolent or assistant force in some way. You know, we have all of these personified stories that we have which created them. The them may be different species, different astral plane, different dimension, different whatever. Um, but we have a them and an us. Is it your opinion then, I'm jumping way ahead, but I this is just too interesting to ask. What has been so perverting about the modern world to cause tribalism to happen in the way that it is? Is it simply our exposure to the number of different ways that we can slice and dice and fracture and fragment society? Yeah. Well, I guess, you know, it depends on what we mean by the modern world. Do we mean like contemporary times? I think that's what you mean. Like, why do we have political tribalism so much worse than just a few generations ago? Um, and I think you can tell very clear stories about these particular historical developments. Um, so in the case of the political tribalism in the states and and I think in in many other, you know, Western democracies as well, you have political parties that didn't used to be a a salient basis of individual identity. You know, two generations ago uh my parents, they didn't know whether their neighbors were Democrats or Republicans. They didn't know if their work colleagues were Democrats or Republicans. You know, there's the occasional zealot who puts out a lawn sign, but that was that was it. But what has happened in the United States at least over the the last two generations is you first had an enormous wave of residential sorting. Uh as technology changed and transportation changed, you know, you you you were freer to live in any part of the country that you wanted to and liberals moved to the coasts and to the college towns. Conservatives moved to the heartland and to, you know, the exurbs. And um that meant that, you know, you weren't going to the Norman Rockwell town meeting and listening to a wide range of opinions and having to reconcile your beliefs to your neighbors' beliefs. You were living in these ideologically inbred communities where when you went to the grocery store or the softball game or whatever, you kind of heard opinions very similar to the ones that you already held. And then, starting in, I think, the '90s, you know, you had this fracturing of the media landscape where previously there were three network television shows that were required by the FCC to provide very boring bland balanced coverage of every issue. So, everybody was listening to Walter Cronkite. Everyone was getting their news from the same place. And everyone knew that everyone else was doing that, which contributes to that sense of common common knowledge, right? Like I know you watched Walter Walter Cronkite last night, too. So, I feel uh a lot of commonality with you. And what happened is you started to have cable news stations that were 24/7 news instead of 1 hour a night and they were partisan. You know, you had Fox, you had MSNBC and then the next generation were websites that were even more partisan like Talking Points Bulletin or you know, the Hill and then you have social media feed which is even more of an echo chamber for reasons that you know, we've all talked a lot about in the last years. You know, that it's not just that I am connected to people who share my politics but that I have ready opportunities to to spout off on my politics and get massively reinforced for it. The the costs of virtue signaling have gone way down and the rewards have gone way up, you know, compared to the old days where you had to actually go to a political rally and shout in someone's face and maybe get shoved, you know, so so yeah, so we've had this first this fracturing or this this sort of change in our residential landscape and then a change in our media landscape where we get our news from and one of the the fundamental tribal instincts is what I call the peer instinct and it's it's something we all know about. It's our it's our tendency to conform. It's our tendency to imitate what we see around us more than we realize. It happens unconsciously and that's become the primary way that we form political beliefs. We we sort of learn by osmosis from what we're seeing on TV and what we're hearing across the neighbor's fence and so we we have these political beliefs that we think are well informed but they they come from a relatively narrow range of the full opinion spectrum but because we consume more news than ever before, we we're confident in our beliefs and then we we we hear a politician from the other party on television and we just we're just dumbfounded. You know, we we we're baffled. We don't understand how they could possibly believe what they're saying. And so then then the attribution is, well, maybe they don't believe it and they're they're not sincere and they're just saying it cuz it's in their self-interest even though they know it's wrong. Or uh they have some cognitive problems. You know, they were that accusation was being made about, you know, Biden, about Trump, then about Harris, right? You know, we had so many accusations of uh IQ deficiency. Hardly everybody's got senility or dementia now. Yeah, some kind, right? Um so, whether you think that they're being insincere or you think that they lack cognitive acuity, it's, you know, it's not a very charitable attribution. And so you there are negative feelings. And um so, I think that's that's how this this this sort of antipathy for the opposite party and this polarization has become so much more salient in the last two generations than it was in our parents', our grandparents' time. And it's not something that came from an innate drive to hate. It it came from this conformist instinct, which is which is an us instinct, you know? It's it's an affinity for the in-group. It's a it's a desire to mesh with the in-group that that operates pretty subconsciously and we're not aware of how much it drives us and we we kind of naively think that we have an accurate view of reality, but in fact, you know, our view of reality is conformist and the other side's view of reality is conformist, but we don't realize our own bias, so their bias looks so extreme to us that we then start to attribute all sorts of negative things to them. So, that's that's what I think and what I think a lot of behavioral scientists think about the political tribalism and then, you know, there is also tribalism ethnically and racially in the United States that has escalated in the last, you know, 10 20 years after a long period of progress. And, you know, I think that we can explain that in terms of the us instincts, not in terms of hate. And that's an important correction because there's this enormous, you know, DEI industry that is not exclusively, but it it largely makes use of bias training workshops where people are told that they have a sort of unconscious hate for the other side. And it makes people feel falsely accused, and there's a lot of evidence that it polarizes groups. It It It It makes people more inhibited about interacting or mentoring or hiring across ethnic lines. So, it it can have counterproductive effects. Um What Yeah, I think it's good to move on from just focusing on sort of political divides only a week or so after the election, still in the blast radius of that. Um but yeah, when I think about tribalism, and I keep on getting it in my head, it's not just tribalism, it's polarization. And I think that the word is being used interchangeably. It seems like you maybe have a more sort of scientifically grounded definition of what tribalism is, and that what the media is using the word tribalism for is maybe to just highlight polarization, groups that don't agree with each other. sometimes yes, but I think often it's They're They're They're trying to say, "What is the psychology that is driving this?" You know, and so And then they they they have different theories about It's a funny thing because they they want They often want to say it's an evolved psychology. And I think they're right about that, that our evolved psychology is contributing to this. But then they they sometimes can't really explain why now. Why is it worse now if it's our age-old psychology? And I think if you go into the science of tribal instincts, you can you can start to understand why certain things have become more salient and at certain points in time. Yes, I think, you know, the again, to fight for the hang on, I thought everybody hated each other. Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, you're you're being a good devil's advocate. The conversation needs that. Trying my best. Um I I you know, thinking about breaking it down. Yes, racial lines, you know, we we've seen an awful lot of movements. Good example of this, BLM a lot of the time. A movement called Black Lives Matter defining itself around the in-group. But what did much of that movement, what did much of the communication end up being? It was a demonization of the out-group. A lot of that discussion was around pointing the finger outside. The Me Too movement, right? It was around protecting women. Title nine around protecting women. But how was the communication? What was the sort of language that was being used? A lot of the time it seems to me and again, that might be the more nefarious edges, the spiky extremes of these movements almost certainly will be the newsworthy ones that capture the sort of crazy Twitter reposts and whatnot. But still, it seems to me like a lot of even in-group movements defined around an in-group communicate themselves as being not an out-group. And I I've seen the the stats that said in 2012 people stopped voting for the in-party and started voting against the out-party. The messaging that was come around, was it 30% of Trump's campaign budget in some states were only spent on that one Kamala Harris is for they them, Trump is for you thing. Like it's Apparently it was the most apparently it was the most effective ad in this election. Yeah, so I think you're right and oddly enough, it was about pronouns, you know, or it was about, you know, at least so sort of about pronouns. So yeah, it it was very effective. It it was pithy and it captured that. Um I think you're right. I would push back, you know, the the Me Too movement it wasn't just a women's empowerment movement. It was a it was a a movement of saying you were sexually abused by your boss? Me too. I was sexually abused by my boss. I kept quiet for a variety of reasons, but now there's strength in numbers because we know it happened to so many people. And so we can all speak out and there's the possibility for change. So, I think that movement it wasn't something that, you know, metastasized from a us movement into a you know, you're bad movement. It was it kind of started from uh you know, the other group other groups misbehavior. Um but Black Lives Matter, I think you're you're right that it um but again, it was it was implicitly about police brutality. Um and you know, and then people can argue about the statistics, you know, exactly. It is certainly the case that African-Americans had a a higher um statistical likelihood of of having interactions with police and then of having interactions that that um were harmful um in one way or the other. Um But so yeah, so I I agree with you that uh these movements are um uh these movements uh are adversarial or oppositional uh at some at some level. Um I wonder whether that's a natural uh outgrowth of just the pushback of anyone disagreeing with your in-group proposition. You make a proposition around us. A group that isn't you pushes back against that. So, what do you do? You lean in against the the argument. So, I guess, you know, we've spoken about a number of different ways that people can get split up in terms of tribes. What do people become tribal around mostly? Is it accent, appearance, familiarity, gene pool? Like, what is it? What What are the What are the core characteristics that compose tribals tribes? It's a very interesting question. So, and again, I think it um it it varies with these three basic tribal instincts. But, I'll I'll start with the the base one that I've mentioned, the peer instinct. I think what's really interesting about the peer instinct is that the many studies show that race is not one of the primary triggers. Uh it it becomes a trigger that people learn to use as a group marker if they live in a society like the United States where race where where physiognomy is correlated with cultural groups. But, in places like Israel, you know, you can't always tell from somebody's face whether they're Palestinian or Israeli. In the Ukraine, you can't tell whether someone's Russian or Ukrainian from their face. You know, if you get them to talk, then you can tell. You can sometimes tell from their clothing. So, the these uh these other cues are um there's a lot of evidence that we are wired uh more to use language as our basis of sorting I'm so glad. I'm so glad you said that because I have been spouting this people are more racist against accents than they are against skin colors thing for a while. It may very well be some of your work from a long time ago that I've been harping on about. Um but, if If true, then I'm uh No, it's it's totally true. Like kids kids don't use race. They don't like preferentially socialize with someone a stranger of the same race until they're like six. But the language thing starts when they're infants because even when even in the womb, the kid is hearing their mother's language and even their mother's dialect. So even like neonates, they'll have a preference, you know, if you kind of put them in front of you know, two screens and there's someone talking with their mother's dialect and there's someone talking with a different dialect, they'll reach for the food, you know, in front of the screen. It's not their mother, but it's their mother's dialect. So that So they, you know, the mother tongue is a super important and fundamental thing. And uh it's it's There's also some funny studies that show that uh children are wired to start assuming that that people who speak the same language as them will prefer the same food as them. And the way they do the way they do these studies is that, you know, they've got like a baby who can't talk yet, but uh the baby can you listen, right? And the baby sees one adult, you know, maybe speaking French and one adult speaking English. And then there's two kinds of food uh and they've seen, you know, the they've seen like an English speaker eat this food and they've seen a French speaker eat this food. And then if the French person speaks reaches for the English food, you know, the baby shows a surprise reaction, like startled, like, "Oh my god, the French person's eating." So what's really interesting is that babies are not racist. They don't judge you based on your race. But they already judge you on your accent. They already judge you on your accent and on what you eat. You know, they're already watching what you eat and your accent. So they're they're not, you know, they're not little Buddhas. You know, they're not racist, but they're not little Buddhas. They they're judgemental, all right. Fantastic. Well, dig into we've got these three instincts, peer instinct, hero instinct, ancestor instinct. Let's let's let's run through those. They seem important. So, I I've I've mentioned the peer instinct. That, you know, corresponds to what we might call con- conformist impulses or the herd the herd instinct, you know, the the bandwagon instinct. We uh we're wired to to sort of unconsciously learn what what the people in our group do. You know, we just form like a register of what's normal in our group without even trying to. And then we feel a sense of satisfaction when we mesh, when we match, when we fit in with what other people do. And this evolved, it's thought, to enable coordination. You know, even like a million years ago our um our forebears, Homo erectus, we have evidence now that they started hunting as a as a sort of collaborative group, you know, and gathering as a collaborative group in a way that other species can't do. Like working from a common plan. And uh that is something we deride today, um but uh it does limit independent thinking sometimes, but it is something that enables all of our collective thinking and enables our collective work. And even in fields like art and science you know, the the great contributions build on you know, they build on the work of other people. It's not it's not being done uh completely in a vacuum by one person. So, I think while we are wise to be wary of conformity, we should understand that this ability to mind meld with other people and this impulse to mesh actions and this this ease that we have at collaborating with people in our group, it's it empowers most of what we do. Yeah, what's what's uh peer instinct at its best peer instinct at its worst? The peer instinct at its best is the kind of um think of the seamless interaction between a basketball team that plays together, you know, behind the back no look passes, you know, like I I or in in in in football or soccer, you know, like I know you so well that I know that you know that I'm going to be here like we can read minds and we can do these amazing things together. Uh where it's at its worst is when you know, I'm an engineer and I know that the airbag design is unsafe, but the other 11 people around this boardroom are all saying it's good enough and so I censor myself and I go along with the group and then, you know, a customer dies in a in an airbag explosion, right? That's That's where conformity is at its worst and I think all of us have probably had an incident in our life like that where we we kind of went along with the group cuz we didn't want to get in the way of progress, um but we knew we were right and we should have spoken up, you know, so that's that's the danger. Mhm. There's a one point here, I guess you've mentioned is this sort of taxonomy, this breakup of different types of instincts. But I can see a world in which peer instinct would be restricting because conformity limits creativity. If you're sort of following a lot of the time, I imagine that breaking out of the box is something that then becomes more difficult. Yes, but I think part of creativity is having a point of departure, which is often somebody else's work. Um and uh and some creativity, you know, think of a jazz quartet, right? It's it's not one individual's work, you know, it's it's playing off of each other because of reading each other's mind and knowing where somebody's going to go and then doing something that complements it. So, there I agree with you, but I think we we have a we have a kind of stereotype of creativity that it involves the lone genius and I would submit that most creativity even in the arts or in the sciences is is collaborative creativity. Yeah, that's interesting. Okay, hero instinct. So, hero instinct it's something that was born about a half a million years ago when our ancestor Homo heidelbergensis uh began doing things that no humans had been doing before like uh at this time we start to see in the fossil record skeletons of people with congenital deformities that survived to the age of adulthood. What does that tell us? Someone was taking care of a person who probably couldn't pay them back, you know? Somebody was doing something prosocial. They were doing something good. We also see around this time they started hunting much larger animals like woolly mammoths and rhinos and stuff, which, you know, in some cases indicates an individual was willing to take some personal risk you know, be the lead hunter uh so that the group could then rush in and take down a much larger prey than uh was possible before. Um you also see at this time the tools much more sophisticated tools that required a lot more work are um are uh showing up at this time and the idea is that people started to have a new motivation, not just a motivation to be normal, which is the peer instinct, but a motivation to be normative, to be a contributor, to be to be more respected than the average person in the group. Um, and how do you how do you do that? Well, you you have to make sacrifices for the group. You kind of take a personal hit to benefit somebody else. Um, but you also have to know what the group values and that's not always trivial. Uh, and so a cognitive quirk that came along with the hero instinct is this idea of emulating people in the group with status. So, we look to the sort of cultural heroes in our community as beacons of what does the group value as a contribution. And we we look for distinctive quirks or behaviors of those people and we tend to emulate them. And this is also something that we often deride today because it is this kind of superficial status-seeking like I saw, you know, LeBron James wears these sneakers, so I'm wearing these sneakers. It doesn't I still can't dunk. You know, it doesn't really help. You know, but I'm I'm trying to be like LeBron, right? That there's there's a silly side of it. It leads to superstitious learning in some cases. But in general, it provided a sort of engine of innovation and adaptive cultural change because imagine, you know, an early agricultural group where everybody was planting, you know, one kind of peas and then somebody starts to plant corn or something, you know, or yams and and and then that tends to grow well cuz maybe maybe the climate changed or maybe the group migrated to a different different ecology. And uh, the younger generation sees that and they will emulate that and then you'll have a sort of gradual shift of the culture towards what's working, you know, currently or working in the new new environment. So, while we can deride status seeking, this hero instinct, it was a it was a way for individuals to become rewarded by the group, to have status and tributes, you know? And and it's funny, you know, anthropologists, there's a certain, you know, group of anthropologists who are really invested in the idea that in hunter-gatherer groups, there was absolutely no hierarchy. That everybody was totally equal and that it was like classical communism, you know, like food was distributed according to need and Everyone's Everyone starved. Yeah, yeah. And the reason for this, like in the in the Bushmen, you know, the Bushmen of which for a while you weren't supposed to say the word Bushmen, now you're supposed to say Bushmen again, apparently, from what I What were you briefly supposed to say that you're not supposed to say anymore? You're supposed to call them like the the San people or the Kung people. Uh but now now I've read some things that they actually that, you know, some people actually think Bushmen is a better word. I don't know. But so I've said all three words now. So I should be safe. Equally Equally safe or equally canceled? Um so uh they have this wonderful ritual in their group that's called insulting the meat. And the way it works is when the young hunters come back from hunting, you know, like one you know, most of them probably got nothing and one of them got like a little rabbit and then one of them got an antelope. And so the old men and women of the village, when the hunters come back, they start insulting the hunter who got the antelope. And they're like, "Look at that scrawny thing. There's practically no meat on it. What is that? A mouse?" You know, and they kind of go on like that, you know, in the way that you could you could picture uncles in Brooklyn on their stoop, you know. talking. Yeah, [ __ ] talking, essentially. And they call it insulting the meat. And so anthropologists said, "Oh, look, you know, it's because they don't obviously don't want to have any status differentiation." But but sort of modern modern anthropologists who use more biological methods, what they they're really into measuring uh fertility. So, they'll they'll measure for, you know, over time, you know, living with a group, they'll measure, okay, which hunters were successful most often? Like, what's the batting average of these different hunters? And then 10 years later, okay, which of these hunters has the most children, you know? And surprise, surprise, the correlation between status, measured by successful hunts, and um and reproductive uh reproductive uh success Success. um is just as high in the hunter-gatherer group as it is in the kingdoms, you know, in the groups that that celebrate inequality. You can insult the meat all you want, but what can I say? That's a that's a to complete that sentence for you. That's an attractive That's an attractive man carrying a good antelope and and taking to bed. it's um there would be a serious incentive problem if the hunters genuinely felt insulted. You know, it's a status leveling thing, right? You don't want the hunter to get too big a head because we did we all have to live together. there was Think about it this way, if there was no reward for working that hard beyond the caloric input that you get, like, you're working you have this excess output, there's additional risk, you know, if you're the one that takes down the antelope or the whatever, like, it's you that's the one that's potentially going to be killed by it, you've got to drag it back, presumably you're carrying it for a good chunk of the way, if not all of the way. Yeah. Uh why? Why you doing that? Is it just because you want to bestow your caloric excess surplus onto the group? Or is it because you think you're going to get laid? Or is it because you think that you're going to be uh your children are going to be better protected or that people are going to revere you or that all of the downstream benefits that come from status are going to be bestowed on you? Obviously, that's going to be the case. Yeah, I think that what's really interesting about it is that prosocial behavior is socially rewarded. Right? We can see in this group, it's rewarded through social opportunities. Uh in other groups that are hunter-gatherer groups, like the Ache, they distribute food in a completely socialist way, but the productive hunters get better medical care. You know, if they're injured, the the chief sees to it that they get like the medical prioritize the person that's providing all the food. Exactly, right? I mean, it's not it's not surprising. Uh but what's interesting is that evolution didn't just wire us to be calculating and to be revenue maximizing. E- E- even though our my economist colleagues tend to think that the world works that way, it it also wired us to care about esteem as an end in itself. You know, the standing in which we are held, uh and the internal esteem that we feel when we know that we've done the right thing. And I think one of the reasons that we became wired with that sort of pride-shame system, um is because social rewards tend to come uh probabilistically and with considerable delay. So, if I was a person who was only going to be prosocial, like I was only going to try to hunt hard if I was sure that there was a reward waiting for me, I wouldn't do it very often, you know? But if I'm wired that I want the feeling, you know, I want the feeling of being celebrated and the feeling of knowing I'm the I'm the contributor, then I probably will get more rewards because I'll I'll do the prosocial thing more often. So, I think we're wired for both. We're wired to to contribute in order to be rewarded and we're wired to contribute as an end in itself. Mhm. Yeah, well, I mean, that's what the conscience is, right? I've been thinking about this a lot more recently. I did a ton of ton of therapy over the last year and if you do tons of psychotherapy and you're talking to someone face-to-face, your conscience apparently just the volume gets turned up and you can't hide things from yourself anymore. So, um yeah, I've been really thinking about that. You have this sort of I don't know. It's like a representative of the group sat on your shoulder, your better self sometimes, uh just judging you. You should should you have done that? Should you have said that? Is that a is that a virtuous behavior? Is that a non-virtuous behavior? Like, what is that? If If not, this sort of sense of social obligation to the rest of the world. Now, if you're religious, maybe, you know, it's it's your virtue speaking up on high. It's something a little bit more transcendent than that. But, uh at least functionally, adaptively, why would it work? Well, it's to ensure that you know what other people would have thought about the thing that you just did or said or thought about doing. Yeah. Yeah, Freud, you know, Freud talks about the superego as your sort of internalized voice of authority, but I really think it's more like it's the internalized voice of the of the the respected members of the community. You know, it's like your board of advisors, your internal board of advisors is a suggesting that what you're about to do is unwise. And that's that's the emotion of pride, shame is kind of like a good PR agency. It it encourages you to do the things that are thought well of and it encourages you to decline the temptations to do things that are not thought well of. And then it also encourages you to um publicize when you've done a good thing. So the In every culture when Olympic athletes win a gold medal, you know, they go like this. You know, they expand their body, they they they speak more loudly. And when people lose, they you know, they cower, they they disappear, they become smaller. So we we not only have these emotions that are driving us to to do what the group rewards, but we are also wired to showboat when we have done something well and to hide it when we have not done something well. So I I just to kind of round out the hero instinct bit, in a more socially complex group structure, what status bestows on certain people, the people that achieve that benefits, that requires uh a degree of experimentation, adventure, risk-taking, divergence from the peer instinct, which would be more conformist. So someone's going to go and do this thing, we then have uh benefits bestowed to that person, which is the reward for them taking the risk effectively and and well and pulling it off, doing the dance, killing the the antelope, whatever. And then downstream from that, because you now have this kind of uh social capital capitalist system where everybody's trying to accrue as much social equity as they can, I look at the person that's done really well and I think, "Okay, well, he did that. What are some of the principles that I can take from that? Maybe uh specifically or maybe even um sort of more philosophically." Well, he did something different or he was courageous or he was what he you know, uh honorable or whatever it might be. Um is that's a good framing for hero instinct? Exactly. Yeah. Yeah, and I think I don't know. I I When I was writing about this and you know, obviously I've been reading a lot and I do research in the area, but I often reflect back on to when I was an adolescent, like when I was in high school. And I feel like a lot of my mental life in those days when I was unfolding as a person was these Walter Mitty-like fantasies of heroic action and and glory, you know, like uh "Oh, the high school caught on fire. Oh, I'm going to save the pretty girl, you know, or oh, you know, my parents are in a car crash. Well, I'm going to, you know, go run and get get medical attention." You know, it was all this constant um scenarios about uh things that I might do which, you know, I would regard as, you know, I think a lot of our fantasies, whether they're sexual fantasies or fantasies about achievement they reflect you know, these programs that are partly evolved programs and then take on a particular cultural, you know, instantiation, but they're they're they're programs for action. And so I think that probably these um hero scripts, you know, that go through our heads uh are gendered and they may take a different form at different subcultures, but they uh they certainly seem to be things that are essential parts of your mental life, especially when you're young. You know, when you get older, then you're actually doing things. But uh You don't have time to dream. You're too busy with tasks. Yeah. Yeah. And then there are people like, you know, I don't I don't know. Walter Mitty might be a reference where I'm aging myself, but it's a it's a story by James Thurber about this this guy who goes through his life fantasizing about acting heroically, but never doing it. Um and it was sort of a commentary on modernity. Um but uh, I think that there's also some interesting interesting studies that help us understand who are the Walter Mittys and who are the people who actually step forward and do contribute to groups at a sacrifice to their own safety or at a sacrifice to their own comfort um, and then gain the actual glory rather than just the fantasized glory. Mhm. Yeah, I'm a I'm going to have to ask you if I'm I imagine that you do know. I want to have a conversation with someone about the psychology of courage and bravery. I'm sure that there's somebody out there that's done it, but it's something I've been pretty fascinated by recently and it sounds like that, you know, you posit an ideal, you find yourself falling short from that ideal, and it's all it's it's not due to something structural, it's simply due to your own commission, your own lack of of willingness, of effort. Yeah. Well, in in in my in my book Tribal, I'm not sure if I'm supposed to mention it, but I I I I write about this one study that I found fascinating. Um, there was this program called the um, Freedom Summer, which was uh, designed to help register African-American voters in the state of Mississippi in in the 1960s when a very small percentage of um, African-Americans were registered to vote um, because, you know, arbitrary inconveniences were put in place to stop them. So, this group said, "Okay, we will train idealistic college students to go for the summer uh, to Mississippi and they'll go to every community and they'll sort of build trust with people and then help people fill out the paperwork so that we have a much higher rate of registered African-American voters." And uh, applications were taken at all different colleges across the country and people answered all sorts of questions and sent in their applications, and then the best people were selected and they were brought to a university in Ohio, not in the South, uh for some initial training. And then, just when the the first volunteers were sent down to Mississippi, several of them were murdered in a very brutal way by the KKK. And that created a crisis in the program, as you might expect, where people thought this was going to be a difficult summer, but they didn't they didn't think they were going to get murdered. And so, um a third of the people, um I'm trying to remember I I think a third of the people stayed and two-thirds of the people decided probably don't want to do this in the end. And then, you know, they ran the program at a slightly smaller scale than they expected and there were no more killings, but there were some difficult circumstances. And after the fact, this uh sociologist realized all those applications, all those applications are still on record. So, I want to go back and look at those applications and see if I can distinguish who were the stayers and who were the quitters, right? Who were the Who were the people who stayed even though suddenly it was looking like a much tougher gig. You know, it was looking like something that was going to be dangerous. And what was interesting is that they these people had written essays about their political values and they had talked about their experience being involved in political activism and that sort of thing. And none of those things mattered. None of those things differed between the stayers and the quitters. The only thing that differed was that the stayers were people who happen to have close personal friends who were also in the program and were people who were part of organizations that were involved with the program. Like they they belonged to a political organization that was one of the sponsors of the program. So, the conclusion was that these people were embedded in relationships Mhm. where they couldn't quit without really disappointing some people that they definitely were going to see again, right? They were going to they were definitely going to see the the political club that they were a part of back in there in their hometown and they definitely were going to see their friends who were also part of this group. So, these being in a network of people who are committed to a cause it sort of anchors you to that cause Wow. so that you stay with it even when the going gets tough. It's saying that the the key to bravery and courage is social pressure. And uh uh uh social pressure and social incentives, right? Right. A sense of support if you do it well and a sense of Studies of studies of militaries have found that, you know why do why do people risk their life on the battlefield? Is it for their country? Is it because they care about democracy? No, it's because of their buddies from boot camp, you know? It's their buddies from boot camp who are out there and they're going they're not going to run one if their buddy's out there. Uh even in um even in insurgent groups or you might call them terrorist groups um there was a theory that terrorists were mentally ill, crazy people. Uh but then when people actually did studies, they they typically found the inconvenient finding that these terrorists were above average in mental health and were not these weird deviant loners. They were popular people, well-connected, you know, and so it's because for the same reason the people who are central members of the community, like the mosque or whatever, if the mosque gets rationalized radicalized, those are the people who are going to throw stones or throw Molotov cocktails. It's a I I had Edward Stringham on the show. Oh yeah, he's one of the researchers of this material. He's phenomenal. So, um he did that book about alcohol uh over time. And he told me this really great story about how it's a very common initiation {slash} bonding ritual for armies, troops to drink together. Uh maybe not the night before the battle, but at some point not too far off. And uh it's the impact of alcohol fascinating. It makes you worse at lying because it down regulates your PFC, but it makes you better as a lying detector. So, it's this sort of uh truth serum milieu that gets thrown through everything. But even more important than all of that is the fact that you're going to feel like [ __ ] the next day. It's the suffering, the shared suffering that you go through. So, when you're on the battlefield with your buddies in a week's time and there's a ton of horses charging at you and you you've got your pipes in the ground or whatever, there is this sense of shared camaraderie because you have been through something already that was difficult. Albeit maybe just a rough hangover. Um but yeah, I I just really love that idea. I love, you know, we often and I think this is something that's potentially robbed from uh uh modern generations who get too coddled, too cotton wool helicopter snowplow parented that um if you don't not only do people not create the ability to be antifragile and resilient against life individually, but they don't get the opportunity to go through the really important formative bonding processes of sharing in that suffering, sharing in that discomfort with other people, too. And uh you know, as somebody who I spent a lot of time in solitude, I'm an only child, this business and everything that I've done is in in one form or another been on my own. Uh the more that I'm able to let other people in, the guys that work with me now on the podcast, the people that I worked with in my events company previously, the more that I can do that, the more I feel like I've got sort of uh stabilizing wheels to sort of weather the ups and downs, the turbulence uh that that comes along with stuff cuz I'm like, "Ah, [ __ ] we're in it together." Like, we're in it together. They're doing it for me, I'm doing it for them. Isn't this cool? And um yeah, it's uh it's it's good, it's noble. It it it's definitely functional as well. Yeah, I I um in a I'm in a pretty solitary profession myself, you know, being a behavioral scientist and a professor. And I found that even I I tend to like courses that are team taught, you know, the core courses where we have to have a team of professors who all go and deliver the same material on the same day to different groups. Even though they're more work, there's something wonderful about that experience of being in in a shared battle. You know, then you regroup at the end of the day, and how did it go? Oh, yeah, my afternoon session was a nightmare. Oh, couldn't have been worse than mine, you know. The the commiseration and uh and uh working together. Yeah, it's it's a it's a wonderful bonding experience. In in a lot of traditional cultures, particularly ones that are um cultures where people have to hunt or people are in in battles where people are warriors, you have rites of passage that adolescents go through that are really dysphoric, that involve painful and frightening experiences that you typically go through with your age-mates, you know, with the with the group of people within 1 or 2 years of you. And you are for the rest of your life bonded with those people because you've you've gone through this terrifying, painful experience with them. Mhm. Okay, and then we've got the ancestor instinct. Yes. The ancestor instinct is the most recently evolved wave of adaptations that contributes to our ability to live in tribes. And in some ways, it sounds like the most primitive of them. It's It's the urge to replicate the ways of past generations, to to maintain traditions. It We can recognize it in ourselves. It's our our curiosity about past generations of our family or, you know, the original family recipe for this, you know, this uh meal. Uh We We sort of fetishize antiques, you know, objects that come from the past. We want to hear about founders, not just the founders of our nations, but the founders of religions, the founders of the of the organizations that we are a part of. So, we have this kind of irrational curiosity, this kind of irresistible curiosity about um the past and this impulse to maintain these ways. And we feel really good when we maintain a tradition because uh we feel that we feel connected not just to the current community, but to the past generations of the community. And many many uh anthropologists think that it has something to do with our fundamental fear of mortality that because we are the animal that knows that we will die, we have a sort of latent uh terror about our mortality. But if we feel like we are part of this enduring tradition, then we can feel that we are part of something that will also endure for many generations into the future, so that it's less terrifying. We have a kind of indirect immortality from our membership in a culture. So, the ancestor instinct the reason it was adaptive is that it allowed early human groups to hang on to the discoveries and the inventions of past generations, even ones that weren't immediately needed. Um so, it's what you see at this time is you start seeing that not just like the it was not just the case that people were replicating the tools, like the spears that were being made by the prior generation, but they were also replicating the cave art and the, you know, the little Venus figurines and the bone flutes, things that didn't have an immediate instrumental purpose, but it was something the past generation was doing, so therefore, let's treat it with reverence, let's continue it. We're not sure why we're doing it, but we're doing it. give me the give me the adaptive reason, cuz this just seems like superfluous archaic [ __ ] Well, the great thing about it about, you know, it sort of corresponds to like myths and rituals, right? Why did we have this ritual learning modality where we we we sort of learn something by rote and then we repeat it even though we don't understand it. Well, it it allows us to learn things that kind of go beyond our understanding. You know, maybe um the past generation figured out some way of making a fishing net and we don't we don't really understand why it works, but if we have this kind of sacrosanct attitude toward it, we will just copy it the same way it was and then it allows us to benefit from the technology even if we wouldn't be able to invent it. Or or imagine that um imagine that we're a group that lives near the ocean and there's a tsunami that happens maybe every 60 years, you know. Um if there's a myth about the tsunami uh and we repeat that myth even though generations go generations go by without a tsunami, but we still repeat the myth. The myth is there to protect us when the tsunami does come. And it's not a hypothetical example. Um there's a a group that are sometimes called sea gypsies that live pretty much on the water in Thailand. And they were not um they did not lose many people in the great tsunami of 2006. We don't even know many people in the coastal villages died because they have all these songs and and myths about how the ocean looks when there's a tsunami. It's tricky, you know, the ocean actually recedes before a tsunami, which is like a invitation to go look in the tidal pools, but if you have a lore in your culture of like if the ocean ever recedes, head for the hills. You know, that's that's an adaptive um it's an adaptive cultural uh lesson. are there any other uh seemingly superfluous uh cultural artifacts that you've fallen in love with during uh research for this that ended up being uh quite adaptive or just had a kind of interesting use? Uh well there are many like examples where I, you know, like I was like, "Oh my god, you know, I didn't know that. I wouldn't have suspected that." They're not necessary not not all of them are things that have been adapted for me personally, but like you know, we have this we have this myth about a primordial flood, you know, the Moses story, right? And many things about the story even as a child when you hear it, you're like this is made up nonsense, right? You know, like like yeah, he he built a boat just by himself and then he had all these animals it doesn't but it turns out that groups all around the world have myths about a primordial flood and um around around I guess around 8,000 years ago there was a major rise in the oceans that corresponded to the end of some kind of mini ice age or or something. I can't remember the exact geological details but the the ocean level rose all around the world and the Aboriginal peoples of Australia have they all have myths about a primordial flood. They have different kinds of myths about like what the ocean did and a few years ago some anthropologists who had collected the the flood myths all around the country they teamed up with some geologists who built simulations based on the topography of different parts of Australia and what they found is that the myths of these groups correspond pretty well to what we can simulate happened 7,000 years ago in that part of Australia. So you know, these really traumatic events they get they get really well preserved by myths because we treat myths in such a sacrosanct way, you know, where you're not you're not allowed to tell your version of the of the you know, Noah story. You know, you're you're supposed to tell the exact version that's in the Bible and uh similarly in these Aboriginal groups you're supposed to tell you know, the exact story of the primordial flood myth. So you know, the Moses story sorry, I keep saying Moses I it's the Noah story. The Noah story is our primordial flood myth, but it likely is the remnant of this event that happened that really happened, you know. to you it may just seem like a a whimsical story, but it's actually geology and meteorology masquerading as as a a tale from the past. Yeah, and it it lasted in the oral tradition for thousands of years before it was written down. things I had a great conversation with Alex O'Connor who is a uh atheist skeptic type person out of Oxford um but very open to the idea of religion and he was arguing for the side of religion and saying that basically in the modern world what we told was for people to let go of the thing that they found most easy to believe which was story. It was uh a persona and personification. It was narrative uh and to start to believe in the thing which is the least believable. Which is data and stats. And it's this so you know, it's very sterile. Yeah. Uh and when we have to sort of do we have to put ourselves into this very different type of uh world this very different type of mindset in order to be able to go and this many people will be saved by a mosquito net or etc. etc. as opposed to what we lived through for our entire human history. And yes, the problem with that is that you can't it it it's unfalsifiable. It allows all sorts of [ __ ] to be slipped in here and there. Uh but yeah, I I always think about that frame. I always think about uh things that are um figuratively true but literally false or uh things that are functionally true but literally false and things that are literally true but functionally false. And that myth story, you know, very well be maybe one of those things that's literally not that true but functionally is like perfect. Right. Right, in the sense that it you know, it provides a warning, you know, the person who lived to tell the story probably had some sort of boat. Yeah. Um Yeah, so I was someone who grew up as a very individualistic and very rationalistic person when I was young, and I studied the humanities, and I was told that what distinguished humans from the beasts was our rationality, our morality, and maybe our aesthetics, right? That's the That's the glorified notion of what makes humans humans. And in the process of doing the research for this book, I came to see that as very incomplete, that some of the things that make us human and that enabled us to build these these wonderful, comfortable civilizations that we live in today are conformity, uh status seeking, and kind of nostalgia about the past, sentimentality about the ways of the past. And these are the kinds of things I always used to critique my parents for, you know, like So, yeah, I think that I've I have come to uh different understanding of um the world, you know, through uh thinking a lot about how the mighty have fallen. Uh okay, so what about um what are the levers that pull on tribalism? What causes Yeah. cultural tribalism to ossify more or for it to change or become more contagious? Great question. Yeah, one of the themes that I try to express is that there's a myth that cultures are kind of like permanent fixtures, you know, that the the red and the blue party that we see today in the United States will be around forever and always have been. False, you know, like I'm old enough to know that it was it was completely different when I was a kid. The The There was as much variation within the Democratic Party as there was between, you know, there was northern Democrats and southern Democrats and And so cultures are in flux and the cultures that individuals and small groups express are in flux in an even more rapid way because we all internalize multiple cultures and the situations that we go into trigger different cultures. So, I'm I'm meeting you in your podcast self, but I'm sure if I knew you from the gym or if I knew you from, you know, uh church or whatever else you do in your life, you know, I would see a a different Chris, right? I would see a different person. So, um we have short-term fluctuations based on situations and then we have long-term evolution of cultures and there are levers of those short-term changes and levers of the long-term changes. So, in the short-term these three instincts, these three levels of tribal uh tribal motivation, they are they are triggered by slightly different things. So, the peer instinct, this kind of conformity, um this kind of set of shared habits that we just jump into, um it's triggered by the more than anything else by the audiences around us, by the ways that they speak, by the ways that they dress. Um what we call code-switching is an example of this. So, when when Barack Obama used to speak in a slightly different register when he was in front of an African-American group as opposed to, you know, a group of farmers from Kan- Kansas, that wasn't something that he was doing intentionally. That was just a reflex that came from the fact that he grew up with a mixed family and with different different parts of his life living in each of those communities. And when he's in front of people who look a certain way, dress a certain way, talk a certain way, and yes, you know, have certain ethnic characteristics, although that is less fundamental to it, um uh he clicks into one set of speech habits or another set of speech habits, and some of my research, you know, pushed a little deeper on that and showed that it's it's not just speech habits, it's your your basic biases in making sense of the world, making sense of ambiguous events. You know, cultures have different biases, and when you are around an audience from one of your cultures, you start thinking with that worldview, and when you're around people from another one, so when I when I'm around my fellow professors, you know, I'm I'm thinking in terms of data, you know, I'm thinking in terms of uh economic theory, that kind of thing. When I go to my hometown and I'm in I'm I'm with my buddies in a dive bar, you know, I'm not I'm I'm thinking in terms of different templates, different scripts, you know, ones that help me bond with them and help me be understood by them, but that wouldn't work as well with my colleagues at at Columbia. So, it's it's audiences, the the the tribes that we're around that trigger those peer instincts. And then for hero instincts, the impulse is to contribute, the impulse is to sacrifice and do something exemplary for the group. Some very potent triggers of that are cultural symbols. So, for the longest time armies would follow a national flag into battle. Um Crusaders followed the cross, you know, they they took the cross. Um Sports teams, you know, they the mascot runs out on the field and people go crazy. Uh Wouldn't an anthem be something similar? What's that? Wouldn't an anthem an anthem be the song that out to. Exactly. An anthem. uh You know, whether it's a national anthem or whether it's, you know, the fans will chant a song in the stadium. So, it's it's a kind of set of images or a set of words or, you know, phrases like, you know, in the United States if you say, "All men are created equal." You know, you trigger you trigger a certain political creed, you know, which is why Martin Luther King, you know, quoted the Declaration of Independence when he was trying to build a broad coalition for civil rights. And um so these symbols, these cultural icons, are potent triggers of hero instincts. If you want if you want to get people to be prosocial, uh to take risks, to make sacrifices, surround them with the symbols of their tribe. And then the the one that is maybe least obvious is the ancestor instinct. What is it that causes people to start thinking in terms of tradition and letting tradition guide them? Uh one of the kinds of uh cultural cues that is most important is ceremonies. So, ceremonies are public events that involve symbols, but that often involve synchronous movement. You know, so you're talking in unison, you're moving in unison, you're often marching or you're in church, you know, you're getting up and down, in a yoga class you're going through these positions together. And there's even a neuro neuroscience literature on this that synchronous behavior it lulls people into a different mental state where they're their self-concept as an individual is reduced, they become more open to unity experience, their critical thinking is somewhat reduced. Um and so they become more open to this idea of accepting tradition. So, if you're if you have a a moment in a yoga class or in a religious service where suddenly you feel part of a tradition, you know, that's because you've been in a ceremony and ceremonies bring that out in us. I uh I suppose that's the one of the vectors of weakness that cults cult leaders Yes. take advantage of, too. Make people more suggestible. You are a part of a bigger thing. Do you not Do you not feel this sense of connection to the wider world? Yeah. Yeah, in cults, I mean, there are daily ceremonies, you know, where you're you're kind of made to feel part of a broader system. Uh your individual self-consciousness gets dampened. Uh and I think people join cults because this unity experience is a wonderful thing to experience. It's a you know, a lot of us will experience it on a sports team or, you know, if you're part of a political campaign and you're throwing yourself into it, you you feel part of something larger and you're making sacrifices for that group and you feel connected to prior generations of people in the same community. So, it's a it's a wonderful experience uh that people get when they start to join a cult. And then I think cults cults differ from just a strong culture in some of their recruitment techniques. One thing that really characterizes cults is what's called network isolation, where they will you know, they'll they'll find somebody who maybe is not tightly embedded in a community, like maybe a a transfer student who is uh new on a large campus or someone who's recently gotten out of the army and hasn't really started work yet. And they will invite that person to some social activity, maybe a you know, a volleyball game or a dinner and they love bomb them. They they surround them with people who hang on their every word and tell them they have spiritual potential and you know make them feel wonderful. And if they respond well, then they get an invitation to come to our our group's retreat. You know, it's in this beautiful mountain setting where cell phones don't work and where there are no newspapers and no television. And then you have long days of getting up early, uh eating a low protein diet, you know, maybe meditating, chanting, hiking together, uh listening to charismatic lectures, having sort of confession sessions. And this is the same routine that seminaries used to recruit priests. It's the same routine that the Muslim Brotherhood uses to recruit you know, it's it's nothing cults don't have a monopoly on this set of uh recruitment techniques. But basically what you're doing is you're pulling somebody out of the the mixed social network that they ordinarily live in. And then after the after the retreat, usually 10 or 20% of the people are willing to move into a cult residence. And then once they're in the cult residence, then they're told you know, you should probably cut off some of these old friends because they they don't really get it about the important work we're doing here in the cult or at least give them a break. And maybe you don't talk to your family so much because a lot of families that may seem like good people, but they're a little bit hostile to the church, you know. And then of course the family gets angry because they haven't heard from you and they do things like trying to kidnap you or trying to convince you that the cult is bad. And that that ends up corroborating what the cult has been saying. And and then you get into a world where you're living in a day-to-day routine where you're completely surrounded by fellow cult members and they look up to the cult leaders and the cult leaders basically have this monopoly on status. Nobody else in your world has status. You're not seeing deference to anybody else, and that's when it gets really dangerous because it's abnormal. You know, in normal life, even if you're a very religious person, you know, you um you know, you you may think the Pope is a wonderful person, but you're you're also a big fan of Messi, and you like, you know, the music of Mick Jagger. And so, no no one of these heroes can dominate you completely. Uh but when you're in a cult and you're not allowed to listen to Mick Jagger, you're not allowed to watch Messi, and it's all day long ceremonies involving the cult leader, that gets dangerous. What about factors or or or uh situations in the environment that cause people to focus more on either collaboration or on competition? Um you know, I I kind of have it in my head around warfare, peacetime, wartime, a threat, uh etc. Surely those sorts of things, but there there must be a a ton of these. You're right. Um in addition to these sort of social triggers uh or you know, the the who you're around or who who you like whether you're in a ceremony or you're seeing symbols or you're seeing you're seeing audiences, particular uh emotional states also contribute to these things. And so, threat tends to be something particularly existential threat, like the the the fear of death, a brush with death, or the the fear of collective threat, like, you know, there's there's some sort of threat to your organization or threat to your country. That leads people to cling to traditions in ways that they don't do otherwise. So, um that's that can be very tricky in terms of setting off dysfunctional traditionalism because you know, in a corporation, when you know, there's a tendency to to think that your own traditions are wonderful and that the competition, that their traditions are silly. Uh but then imagine it's a time of threat, like your your business is not doing well. Well, the the tribal reflex is to cling to your traditions even more, but that's that's not adaptive because that's really a time when you you want to be learning from the competition. You want to be open-minded. Um similarly in in warfare, uh if you're trying to negotiate a a peace treaty, uh but there's like a risk of death because, you know, there's been some killing. Well, that makes it harder for people to, you know, take the perspective of the other side. So, threat uh leads people to anchor on their own traditions, on their own group. Hm. How much of that do you think is playing into the uh modern world? The the polarization side of tribalism. Lots of headlines, very scary news out there, threat. Yeah. Um I don't know. You know, like I mean, when when COVID happened, you know, a lot of people were dying. Um and and uh but I don't know that it it um I don't know that it led to partisan polarization. Um I do think that in the you know, in we see a lot of tribalism with regard to the Israel-Gaza conflict. You know, the campus that I teach in has been it's it's sort of like getting into an airport to get into the main campus because uh because there's been you know, protests that were very disruptive and now there's like really strong uh strong management of who can enter the campus and I think that that was a that was a conflict that escalated and became very acrimonious because of the the brutality of not just the people died but the people just died in in a horrible way both on October 7th and in in Gaza you know um so I do think in a case like that people um people start to even though they're fellow I you know fellow college students are marching and chanting and calling their their their classmates Nazis and it's it's bizarre because you know yeah there is a big problem in the world but your your fellow Columbia undergraduates are not the problem but there's this tendency for the you know these these protests started as vigils vigils expressing solidarity for vulnerable civilians in Israel and in Gaza but then a few months later the protests were accusations you know accusing the the opposite faction of students of being Nazis and being um genocidal so I do think in that case because people are aware of the mortality and the bloodshed there's this way in which people take on this exaggerated sense of being you know vulnerable themselves like a lot some of my some of my Israeli colleagues who are leaders in the um in the protests they they would say things like you know my children would be more safe you know in Israel or in the Gaza Strip than they are at the Columbia campus. And I'm like, okay. There's not a lot of threat to physical safe There's a threat There's a There's been a threat to people's uh peace of mind because there's been some harassment, but there there are not people being killed. is this this threat to your like ideological mental model purity because you're going to brush up against and push up against other people that say you're wrong. That thing's not right. Yeah, I mean, this conflation between uh emotional or intellectual insults uh with physical ones uh and even you know, the the the ratcheting up of emotional insults as being uh as being something that you're never supposed to encounter is is a really interesting uh pivot. So, I guess, you know, we've laid out a nice paradigm. So, I want to kind of come back to where we started Sure. which was uh your compelling science that proves that we don't hate outsiders, that it is an us thing, not a them thing. Uh like I say, you know, the internet unfortunately and again, you are you've chosen a hell of a time to release a book given the uh the the the recent election. But, a lot of people will just think this can't be the case. I've heard all of these stories about how people aren't voting for their own side, they're voting against the other. Look at the messaging. Look at the fear. Look at the etc. is hostility. I'm not arguing that there's no hostility in these conflicts. I'm just saying it doesn't start from hostility. It doesn't start from uh a drive to derogate and and fear outsiders and that solidarity within one's group does not imply or necessitate antagonism towards other groups. And now, that may sound like semantic hairsplitting, but it's not because the diagnosis that that you know, there's this this discourse that we talked about of people saying like uh a deeply buried drive to hate outsiders has somehow atavistically reawakened to doom us to a future of internecine you know, it's like very grandiose rhetoric and it doesn't it doesn't suggest ameliorative it doesn't suggest ameliorative policies because well, if we're cursed by some drive to to hate and to be hostile uh that is not something that we can really work with. But if for example, we believe that the root of the increased partisan conflict um has to do with this conformity instinct which got into a feedback loop because it it it created residential sorting and then news media sorting and then once you're in these inbred environments then being conformist created you know, different political worlds. If that's your diagnosis, well there are things you can do about it. You can you can break out of your bubble. Uh you know, I live on the Upper West Side of Manhattan where there are not a lot of Trump signs and there are a lot of Harris signs and then even the businesses are like Lululemon and Whole Foods which basically don't they don't operate in Republican districts. You know, these are these are blue tribe symbols blue tribe icons and um I've been quite busy the last couple of days cuz I'm buying a house up state and up state is different. You know, up state if I'm going to going to be spending more time up there, I'm not going to be constantly reinforced and constantly triggered to think about the world through these blue tribe lenses uh I won't be in an ideologically inbred environment all the time. Um And there are things we can do beyond ourselves personally, you know, there there's been a lot of efforts to um to create dialogue across the red-blue factions of society. Some of it's going on at universities uh or, you know, town-gown, you know, like bringing the university students to talk to the people in the university town who may not share their view or we we we bring some of our students to industrial towns in the Midwest that have been suffered from globalization. Um the first wave of these programs very well-intentioned, but a lot of them had names like you know, red meets blue or uh town-gown encounter or hello from the other side. And it sort of accentuated that you are about to be confronted with one of them, you know, one of these people from the other side. And that raises defenses. That's not a form of interaction that people tend to learn more moderate views from. And the kinds of programs that the research suggests are more effective are are their names things like coffee party USA, uh make America dinner again, uh open lands discussions. And these the logic here is you bring together you deliberately bring together people that you know are registered Republicans and Democrats, but not to talk about divisive political issues, you know, to talk about things passions they have in common, like they they they all like coffee or they're all foodies uh or they're all Christian believers or they're all people who, you know, are outdoors people. And the idea is you start talking and then you move from this conversation to that conversation and you uh maybe eventually get to politics, but the conversation is one that is bonding and and one that is more likely to last than if you ask people to discuss global warming or if you ask people to discuss, you know, abortion or something like that. Doesn't doesn't lead to a usually a conversation that lasts very long. So So, I think the diagnosis does matter when it comes to trying to think about what can we do to get ourselves out of this bind that we're in that you know, it's not like we've always been in this bind. It's it's something that happened in the last couple generations for particular reasons that involve the interaction of some of our tribal psychology with some technological changes and and demographic changes. And um you know, we can find our way out of it. And we're not we the the doomsayers often will say things like, "America has never been more divided politically." That is absolute nonsense if you know your history. You know, Abraham Lincoln took over with less than 40% of the popular vote. Seven states seceded before his inauguration. The Civil War started, you know, a few weeks afterwards. And you know, that's what we call a political rift. You know, where your your country is in a civil war. You are not considered to be a legitimate president by a lot of people. And that's a real struggle, but um it's really interesting to me what he thought was the answer to that in his first inauguration he said um you know, he talked about the the daunting prospect of what the country faced. And then he said um I'm not I'm not going to get this perfect, but something like um "The mystic chords of memory will yet swell the chorus of the Union." Um and what he meant by of is that the best resource we have for healing the rift is our common heritage, our common history, our common ancestors. And if we if we think about them, we will feel like our current divide is not such a big deal. And the other thing that Abraham Lincoln did, which is kind of a seasonally topical um point, is that he is the one who instituted the holiday of Thanksgiving. Uh most Americans have the notion that Thanksgiving has been practiced ever since the pilgrims, you know, landed on these shores. That's a myth that was created in part by Abraham Lincoln and and the people around the thought leaders of the day who believed that this holiday would be an effective way to unify the country. Uh they they made reference to the precedents of the pilgrims and the precedents of George Washington holding a Thanksgiving event. In order to make people feel like this new holiday was not some alien thing, but was something that was already a time-honored tradition, already something that was part of the American tradition. And it became an instant tradition within a decade or so of Abraham Lincoln announcing that we're going to have this new holiday, Thanksgiving, it was a sacred national tradition and it it's something that helped bring the country back together. So, I think, you know, we talk a lot about you know, references to the past involved in divisive populism, you know, like talking about the good old days as a way to, you know, blame immigrants for a problem. But talking about history has also been useful for inclusive populism, for creating a broader group identity, for reminding people that we all we all share certain ancestors. So, I I'm someone who I I don't I don't believe that, you know, we're we're seeing the end of democracy. I think that the problems that we face are are not larger than the problems that, you know, our country has come through before or that other democracies have come through before. And that, you know, it's helpful to have a a diagnosis that is realistic rather than a diagnosis that is, you know, Manichaean, that talks about sort of, you know, good versus evil, and the end of the world, you know, these kind of really grandiose grandiose ways of talking about our situation. Yes, maybe less sexy, but uh hopefully a lot more uh inspiring and uh and more accurate, as well. Dr. Michael Morris, ladies and gentlemen. I I really love this orthogonal approach to tribalism. I think that uh we need to uh try and draw back some of that. And it's it's so interesting to think about the the positive outcomes that you get from having this, from having access to teamwork, from having access to aiming up, from having access to your your um history, the trends, archetypes from the past. It's uh it's cool. It's a it's a a really nice tribal psychology is is what made us human and underlies all of our proudest accomplishments. It goes awry sometimes, yes, like every instinct does, you know? But if we understand the instinct, then we can we can manage that. Okay. Michael, where should people go to keep up to date with all of your work? Well, uh I have a book website that's called tribalbook.org that is a good place to go to learn more about my book. Uh I also have a site called michaelwmorris.com where you can learn a lot about my research and the kind of courses that I teach, as well as learning about the book and other things that I've written. All right. Michael, I appreciate you. Thank you. Thanks so much for having me. Thank you very much for tuning in. If you enjoyed that episode, there is something else you will absolutely love right here. Go on. Give it a tap.