What's in store for Syria after US drops Damascus's terror designation?
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The United States has officially removed Syria from its list of state sponsors of terrorism, a designation that had burdened the country for nearly fifty years. President Ahmed al-Shara celebrated this decision, thanking Donald Trump personally and framing the move as a pivotal moment to shed a dark past in favor of development and reconstruction. Following a mandatory congressional review, Secretary of State Marco Rubio stated that the removal recognizes the new government's commitments to distance itself from international terrorism. The lifting of these restrictions aims to eliminate barriers for foreign banks and companies, potentially unlocking investment and reintegrating Syria into the global financial system after years of civil war and isolation.
However, this diplomatic shift remains highly controversial due to the background of Syria's new leadership. Ahmed al-Shara, formerly known as Abu Muhammad al-Julani, commanded al-Qaeda's Nusra Front and once carried a ten-million-dollar bounty on his head before ousting Bashar al-Assad in December 2024. Critics point to severe human rights abuses under the new regime, including sectarian massacres that killed thousands of Alawites and Druze civilians, arguing that the former jihadists have not truly reformed. For Washington, the decision is a calculated risk intended to incentivize inclusive governance, whereas for Israel and many regional minorities, it raises profound concerns about legitimizing leaders with a history of violence against their communities.
The geopolitical implications extend significantly to Israel, which has firmly rejected the US move and refuses to withdraw its military buffer zone in southern Syria. Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz emphasized that maintaining this presence is essential to protect Golan Heights communities from jihadist forces, citing the trauma of October 7th as a primary motivator. Analysts describe the situation as a "roll of the dice" for the United States, noting a growing divergence between Trump's strategy of engaging with regional powers regardless of their past and Israel's security-first approach. While Turkey and Saudi Arabia have encouraged the US decision, Israel remains skeptical, fearing that without trust-building measures, any attempt at a broader security arrangement or peace deal is destined to fail.
Amidst rising tensions between Israel and Turkey over Syria, Azerbaijan has emerged as an unlikely but crucial mediator to prevent a direct clash between the two nations. Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has facilitated dialogue between Israel and Turkey, leveraging Baku's unique position as both a major buyer of Israeli arms and a supplier of oil that passes through Turkish territory. This backchannel is seen as more effective than US-led efforts because Azerbaijan shares ethnic ties with Turkey while maintaining a level of trust with Israel that some American figures lack. Experts warn that a military miscalculation, such as the downing of an aircraft or an attack on a radar system, could spiral into a wider conflict, making Azerbaijan's role in stabilizing the region and preventing escalation increasingly vital.
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For nearly half a century, Syria carried
Washington's most damning label. Now, it
is officially gone. President Ahmed
al-Shara celebrated the US decision to
remove his country from the list of
state sponsors of terrorism and thanked
Donald Trump personally.
>> Today, Syria is shaking off a dark
burden and tearing out a painful chapter
of its past to embark on a path of
development, reconstruction, and
rebuilding. The sanctions have been
lifted and the restrictions removed.
>> The decision took effect following a
45-day congressional review. Secretary
of State Marco Rubio said it recognizes
positive actions and further commitments
by al-Shara's government to fully
distance Syria from international
terrorism.
The designation had restricted US
assistance, defense exports, and
financial transactions and remained one
of the biggest deterrents for banks and
foreign companies considering business
in Syria.
>> We hope that removing this final
obstacle will open the way, improve the
economic situation, and reconnect Syria
to the global financial and economic
system. This would also help increase
investment in Syria.
>> But Washington's embrace of Syria's new
leadership remains controversial.
Al-Shara, known as Abu Muhammad
al-Julani during his years commanding
al-Qaeda's Nusra Front in Syria, once
had a $10 million US bounty on his head.
Washington withdrew it only after he
ousted Bashar al-Assad in a lightning
offensive in December 2024.
And his record in power has only
deepened concerns over Syria's
minorities.
1,500 Alawites were killed in sectarian
massacres in March 2025
involving forces under the new
government's command. Months later,
1,700 people, most of them Druze
civilians, were killed in Sweida. Israel
has repeatedly warned against
legitimizing al-Assad's government.
Foreign Minister Gideon Saar previously
said Syria's new rulers were jihadists
and remain jihadists, even if some of
their leaders have put on suits.
For Washington, removing the designation
is a bet that investment and
international engagement can stabilize
Syria after years of civil war.
For its critics and many of Syria's
minorities, the question is whether
al-Assad and the former jihadists around
him have truly reformed.
>> Well, joining us now is Brian Katulis,
senior fellow at the Middle East
Institute. Brian, this is really a
remarkable turnaround. The US is
essentially moving from freeing Syria as
a state sponsor of terrorism to now
opening the door to investment. So, how
much confidence do you think Washington
should really have in Ahmed al-Assad and
his government given his past, his
al-Qaeda linked past?
>> Well, it is a roll of the dice, but it's
one that President Trump has taken
essentially since he returned to office.
If you recall on his trip to the Middle
East in May of last year, one of his
first moves was actually to meet with uh
President al-Assad, and he's said many
uh positive and favorable things about
al-Assad. And I think their strategy
here is to try to help offer a series of
carrots to induce and incentivize the
Syrian leadership to actually rule more
inclusively, but it's a roll of the dice
given uh his background and the
background of many people in his
government. And it divides, as we know,
key countries in the region. Israel is
very skeptical about this. Turkey and
Saudi Arabia uh have encouraged this
move. So, it it it it'll be it'll time
will tell whether this roll of the dice
actually pays off and and offers
stability to the region.
>> Right. I I mean, I want you to break
this down for our viewers because I
think there is a lot of confusion as to
why Trump would be so
ready and willing to accept al-Shabaab
as a leader and and and literally, you
know, send the messaging that he's been
sending out that he is a changed man
given the jihadist past of this
individual.
>> I think for two reasons. Number one is
we see with President Trump's dealings
with every global leader, he doesn't
really care about values. He's not a
democratic values kind of person.
There's even skepticism here in the
United States about whether he's
preserving America's own values. So,
he's happy to meet with North Korea's
leader.
So, in that sense, he admires power as
opposed to those that actually support
the same sort of values that we have and
quite simply, you know, al-Shabaab was
on the run from the United States just a
few years ago, but now he has power and
President Trump will work with him.
Second, I think that President Trump's
vision for the region, you know, people
focus on his goals of expanding the
Abraham Accord, his confusing zigzags on
Iran policy, but he actually has placed
a lot of time and attention on Syria and
Lebanon in the Levant and he wants to
actually help the leaders there
stabilize their own situation and that
has put him at odds with some of the
views we hear coming from countries like
Israel.
>> Speaking of Israel, Defense Minister
Israel Katz is reiterating that the
Israeli military is not going to leave
its buffer zone in southern Syria.
Brian, stick with us. I want to hear
what he has to say first.
>> We look down on Damascus from here, a
distance of 35 km. We look down on the
valley in Lebanon, on Hezbollah's
stronghold from above. And of course, we
look down on and protect the communities
of the Golan Heights and the Galilee
against the jihadist forces that are
here beyond.
Many jihadist forces that are also
within the Syrian regime, some in
various terrorist organizations.
From every direction, their goal is to
attack the state of Israel and the IDF,
which is here and will remain here and
will not move from here, guaranteeing
that these things will never happen
again.
This is the major lesson of October 7th.
>> Syria is essentially condemning the
so-called illegal entry of the Israeli
defense minister into the south of the
country, where we saw him make these
statements. Brian, I want to talk to you
a little bit about Israel and how you
think Israel's going to be impacted by
the decision by the United States to
essentially remove Syria as a terrorist
state from its list.
>> Well, as I mentioned, this is a roll of
the dice for the United States, but the
risk is really going to be born by
countries like Israel that have to live
with it in their neighborhood. And quite
frankly, you know, the Israeli
government that currently is in place is
more or less the same Israeli government
that failed to protect its own citizens
on October 7th nearly 3 years ago, and
it has done, I think, tremendous things
to try to defeat Israel's enemies in
Lebanon, in Tehran, and in Iran, and in
Syria. But it also has conducted, I
think, a policy of strikes without
strategy. It's not clear to me
what the sort of end goal of the current
Israeli government is, and it's really
interesting to see that on the Syria
file, at least, there's really, I think,
dissension between the United States
under Donald Trump and Israel under the
Netanyahu government. I think it's
because of that absence of a vision
coming from Israel right now.
>> You know, I think the final thing that I
just want to ask you is really about
Israel refusing to withdraw from, you
know, the the border with Syria, from
that buffer zone. We know that, you
know, Washington has been pushing Israel
and Syria to agree to some type of peace
deal, I guess that's what we can call
it. But do you think the, you know,
attempt to establish a broader security
arrangement with Syria is ultimately
going to be deemed impossible if Israel
is unwilling to withdraw from this area?
>> Oh, absolutely. I mean, any government's
number one responsibility is to protect
its own citizens. And again, the the
memories of October 7th and the invasion
from Gaza live strong in the minds of
many Israelis. So, unless there's trust
and confidence built between the two
parties, Israel and Syria, and here's
the problem with President Trump's
mercurial performative diplomacy, it
often doesn't build trust and confidence
between the parties. It's why he can't
solve the the Russia war against Ukraine
or he's sort of zigzagging on Iran in an
erratic way. So, I understand why Israel
will want to try to maintain some sort
of buffer zone to try to protect its
citizens because of the uncertainty that
it sees in the region, but also the
uncertainty that comes from US policy
today.
>> All right, Brian. I'd like to thank you
so much for joining us. We're going to
be turning to our next topic now.
Azerbaijan. Could Azerbaijan be the
unlikely player that is keeping Israel
and Turkey from a direct clash in Syria?
Well, as tensions rise over Turkey's
expanding military presence there,
Azerbaijan is stepping in to mediate
between the two countries and keep their
forces from coming into conflict.
Israeli [snorts] sources say Azerbaijani
President Ilham Aliyev helped establish
a direct dialogue between Israel and
Turkey last year, including a mechanism
designed to prevent military
miscalculations.
And joining us now to break this down is
our correspondent Balazs Szaladin. So,
Balazs, Azerbaijan
is taking on this kind of unusual
mediator role. Why do you think Baku is
so invested in keeping Israel and Turkey
from clashing, and how effective do you
think this backchannel actually is?
>> Well, they have many interests here, of
course, because first of all, they are
one of the biggest buyers of Israeli
arms, especially during the
Nagorno-Karabakh war. And of course,
they are the suppliers of Israeli oil.
That's actually that goes through
Turkey, which is the other player here,
the other party here that is very close
to Azerbaijan also militarily but
definitely ethnically as well because
Azerbaijanis are Turks
first and foremost and that's why it is
very important for Azerbaijan not to see
any conflict between these two nations
that they need to take a side if
something escalates in the uh the uh
context of the conflict right now in
Syria if we can call it already a
conflict. Also, Azerbaijan wants to be
you know a more important player in the
region of Central Asia. We are talking
about the nation that uh just recently
have uh emerged with this new project of
the Zangezur corridor backed by the US
and of course they want to play a major
role in the area in general. Now,
regarding the effectiveness of this
whole um uh uh track that we see that
Baku is taking, it first needs to be
clarified that it comes alongside the US
track as well. But there's one more
advantage for Ilham Aliyev over the US
track which is the fact that he is not
Tom Barrack, someone that the Israeli
side doesn't trust at least um uh what
we see publicly from Tom Barrack,
something that absolutely Israel does
not um get along with and that's why
Ilham Aliyev now is more trustworthy for
the Israeli side specifically and that
casts a doubt right now on how much
Israel actually trusts or sees that the
US track, especially Tom Barrack, is
actually neutral uh in this uh um
Turkey-Israeli um
uh controversies in general.
>> Just looking ahead, what do you think
Israel's biggest concern is right now?
Is it Turkey's growing military presence
in Syria or at least attempted presence
in Syria or you know the possibility
that a miscalculation between these two
countries could spiral into something
much more serious?
>> Well, there's the tactical aspect of it
which is of course the most you know um
uh fearful of all cuz if something
happens when we see an Israeli aircraft
over Syria and then the Turkish uh
military thinks that this aircraft was
actually heading toward Turkish
territory and they shot it down. That's
definitely a situation where you can't
de-escalate from. And of so of course
the whole, you know, confrontation that
could happen if Israel attacks a Turkish
asset at some point in Syria, that's
also something that would be very very
difficult to manage. Now, this is the,
you know, tactical aspect of it, but
there's also the strategic one which is
Israel's, you know, um
you know, in the future how they see the
region that includes Syria. If Turkey
puts on Syrian grounds radars, advanced
radars, including of course air defense
system, that limits Israel's ability to
operate in general, especially when we
are talking about the situation with
Iran that is still not finished and
apparently is not going to be finished
soon. So, Israel uses Syrian airspace,
by the way, it used the Syrian airspace
also before the fall of the Assad
regime, but definitely right now they
want to seize this opportunity and use
the Syrian airspace in order to attack
Iran if something of course happens in
the future.
>> Mhm.