U.S.-Canada Trade, De Minimis Exemption, and Tariff Evasion and Transshipment
Watch on YouTubeVideo summary
The episode opens with a discussion on the latest developments in US-Canada trade negotiations, highlighting President Trump's recent decision to delay the implementation of additional 50% tariffs on key Canadian imports by three days. This reprieve was viewed as a strategic leverage move intended to push Canada toward concessions, reflecting a negotiation style where extreme demands are made with the expectation of eventual compromise. While the administration claims victory in reducing tariffs on steel, aluminum, and automobiles, experts note that these reductions bring North American production closer to parity with European and Asian competitors, effectively undoing some of the protectionist measures previously claimed as victories. The negotiations are further complicated by domestic political pressures in Canada, where Prime Minister Mark Carney faces significant challenges in balancing his need to maintain supply management systems for sectors like dairy against the intense backlash from Canadian provinces regarding alcohol bans and other trade barriers.
A major segment of the podcast addresses a recent court ruling that upheld the Trump administration's move to eliminate the de minimis exemption, which previously allowed low-value shipments under $800 to enter the United States without duties. Although the court validated the executive action, the legislation repealing this exemption is set to take effect in 2027, rendering the current legal battle somewhat academic. The removal of the exemption is expected to place a massive administrative burden on Customs and Border Protection, requiring hundreds of millions of packages to undergo full inspection and value assessment. Critics argue that this change is particularly regressive, as it will disproportionately affect lower-income consumers and small businesses compared to large corporations, while also potentially disrupting legitimate supply chains that rely on efficient customs processing for low-value goods.
The final topic explores a new White House report on tariff evasion and transshipment, which identifies over 40 economies as potential risks for routing goods through third countries to avoid US tariffs. The report acknowledges that the administration's creation of differential tariff rates has inadvertently incentivized companies to engage in tariff arbitrage, where goods are shipped through lower-tariff nations and relabeled or slightly modified to claim origin from those countries. This practice complicates rules of origin enforcement and raises concerns about using artificial intelligence to track products, a recommendation that could lead to discriminatory outcomes against US multinationals with international operations. The discussion concludes by warning that unilateral changes to these trade rules could fragment global supply chains, forcing companies to maintain separate logistics networks for different markets and undermining the efficiency that harmonized customs standards have provided for decades.
Read the full video transcript
I'm Scott.
>> I'm [music] Bill. And we're the Trade
Guys.
>> You're listening to The Trade Guys, a
podcast produced by CSIS, where we talk
about trade in terms that everyone can
understand. I'm Alex [music] Kistling
and I'm here with Scott Miller and Bill
Reich, the CSIS Trade Guys.
Thanks for listening to the Trade Guys.
On today's episode, we discuss the
latest developments in US Canada trade
negotiations, a recent court ruling on
the Trump administration's 2025 move to
end the dimminimous exemption, and a new
White House report on tariff evasion and
tram shipment. All that and more on
today's episode of the Trade Guys.
[music]
Well, hello everyone and welcome back to
the Trade Guys. Bill and Scott, we have
a lot to cover today, but we of course
have to start north of the border and
discuss the latest on US Canada trade
negotiations. On Tuesday, President
Trump announced he would delay for 3
days his plan to impose additional 50%
tariffs on some key imports from Canada.
His announcement came right near the
deadline as he announced trade
negotiations would continue in the days
to come. So, let's start there. Bill,
we're recording this on the afternoon of
Thursday, August 20th. So, where do
things stand on the negotiations as of
today? Well, as Scott said before we
started recording where we're sort of in
overtime now, the president g provided a
reprieve late on Tuesday night which I
heard just I was about to do a BBC
interview on exactly this subject and
they were headlining the fact that like
5 minutes earlier the president had
announced that he was going to postpone
this. So the new deadline is Saturday. I
think it was a leverage move primarily
designed to push the Canadians. I think
the president was unhappy with the pace
of negotiations. You know, and to be
honest about it, anybody who's ever
negotiated with Canadians would tell you
that they're very tough negotiators.
They're very difficult to deal with.
They cling to their positions
religiously. And past US trade
representatives have all learned this.
This is not news. But Trump's standard
procedure, if he's not getting what he
wants, is to make more threats. And so
the 50% threat got things moving. Yeah,
I think there was a secondary objective
there too. Although there's an element
to hypocrisy of all this. Canada and
China were the only countries that
retaliated against the initial US
tariffs. And I think part of this was
Trumpian message to everybody. This is
what happens when you retaliate. You
know, the fact that we have done
something manifestally unfair to you is
irrelevant. The fact that you have
decided to go back after us and do the
same thing to us is unfair and we're
going to respond by doing something that
is even more unfair than what we did the
first time. But this is a Trump
approach. The message to other
countries, I think, is that tread
carefully because if we could do it to
the Canadians, we could do it to you. It
didn't work very well what he tried to
do with China. As we've all know and
have discussed before, the Canadian
situation is a little bit different. It
looks like they're uh they are on the
verge of a deal and to the surprise of
no one I think the deal is being
described in slightly different ways by
both sides. I would it it appears that
there will be concessions on both sides
which is not the first time Trump has
made concessions but it's a little bit
unusual. It looks like he is going to
reduce the tariffs on steel, aluminum
and probably automobiles uh not to zero
but to probably half of what they were
before or well in the case of steel
aluminum from 50 to 25% and rumor has it
on cars from 25 to 15%. And that's
important because keep in mind of course
that cars from Europe, Korea and Japan
are already at 15%. So what he had been
doing is putting basically North
American production at a disadvantage
visa v their competitors which is
exactly the opposite of what he's been
claiming that he's trying to do. So
getting those tariffs back down would be
a good idea. Trump made a comment that
amused me where he said, you know, we we
are eviscerating Canadian tariffs and
all of our stuff is going to get into
Canada tariff-free. Well, of course, you
know, it was already getting into ter
into Canada the tariff-free before all
this started. That was the essence of
the USMCA agreement.
>> Goes back to like 1988 with the US
Canada agreement.
>> Yes.
>> It had been that way for a little while.
>> Yeah. He's taking us back to square one
and claiming victory. But okay, I think
the other thing that will happen is, and
it's already happening, the federal
government in Canada has asked the
provinces to remove their alcohol bans.
Yeah.
>> Because in Canada, this is provinially
controlled, right? That's going to be
amusing to watch because I think the
provinces in the end will do it and it
won't make any difference. The Canadians
are so upset at us, they're not going to
buy anything anyway. Uh, you know, to
rephrase the old proverb, you know, you
could take a horse to a bar, but you
can't force them to drink American
whiskey. We're trading an import ban to
a boycott, and I don't think it's going
to make any difference in Canada. The
Canadians are not going to buy our
product. However, they can make the
concession to get rid of the ban, you
know, and that's kind of a gimme. So,
what will happen on dairy? I don't know.
The president seems to think that he's
going to get something on dairy. The
Canadians have apparently the prime
minister apparently in private assured
the other the provincial premers that
they're going to be able to maintain
their supply management system. So,
we'll have to see what actually comes
out on that. This may be one of those
cases which has littered the whole trade
landscape in the last year where the two
parties agree on something and then
immediately afterwards disagree on what
they agreed on. And we may see that
happening here where Trump says this is
a great victory for our dairy industry
and the Canadians say we've protected
our dairy industry 100%.
>> Yeah.
>> You know, and then we live to fight that
one all over again. I I want to get I
want to get Scott in here quickly, but I
have to ask. I mean, when Trump made his
announcement on Tuesday night that he
was delaying the tariffs for three days,
the online commentary almost reflexively
started calling it a taco moment. Was it
a taco moment?
>> I don't think so. No, I think he's going
to get some meaningful concessions out
of the Canadians on this. And I've been
sort of rethinking the taco point
anyway. This week I made a comment about
this. I think Trump has been comfortable
with the taco joke because he believes
that even when he's falling back, he's
still advancing the ball and he's
getting something. So, wasn't 100% but
this has been his style for his whole
life. Make extreme demands and then fall
back often way far back, but still end
up farther than where you were when you
began.
>> This is art of the deal. It's from his
book 30 years ago.
>> Exactly.
>> Exactly. which is at the end you could
afford to make concessions because
you'll gain a little more. You gain a
little flexibility as the negotiations
are coming to a conclusion. So this
feels like Trump.
>> So not exactly taco.
>> Yeah. So Scott, what are you tracking
here? And can I ask you also, how are
you viewing how Carney has been playing
this over the past several weeks?
>> Well, the Canadians, as mentioned, are
tough negotiators. They take this
seriously, but the entire USMCA
negotiations have been characterized by
a somewhat distant Canada and an engaged
Mexico. So, I think that pattern holds.
We'll have to see what gets delivered in
the end. In my view, I think Ambassador
Greer has made comments to the effect
that he'd like to take this section 338
for a test drive. This seems to be a
good set of facts on which to do it. I
think their discrimination case is
pretty solid on auto parts and spirits,
maybe less so on dairy, but there's the
concessions made or market access given
to Europeans on dairy are restricted to
US exporters. So, I think all around it
was a good case. I'd like to see how the
law works and put it into practice. The
3-day delay for, as I mentioned, is very
art of the deal. That's very Trumpian
and Carney has prime minister Carney has
said the right things and his
negotiators have been present but it's
been tough to see movement and the
comments afterwards are starkly
different between the two sides. That
just could be the oporadic nature of the
Trump era of trade negotiations but and
it could be the three-day delay but
we'll have to see what comes out of it.
To some extent, this reminds me of a
20-year-old South Park episode called
Canada on Strike, where if you remember
the episode, what Canada really wanted
was respect from the world. And I think
what they wound up with was benefits
coupons. So [laughter] there's a respect
issue here that is deeper than the
domestic politics. Sure, that seems to
be thwarting agreement, but I think as
Bill pointed out, it would make sense
for all the parties, commercial parties
who are engaged in North American trade
to get some of these solutions woven in.
I mean, look, there is one aluminum
industry in the US and Canada. It's the
same industry and the tariffs there make
very little sense. Let's stop hurting
ourselves all the way along and not
seeing it happen yet, but I have
confidence that we'll find that way.
We've been doing business for too long
to throw it all away on what appears to
be not much. Go ahead, Bill.
>> I think Trump is misreading the Canadian
politics on this a bit.
>> Yeah, he's really created an enormous
negative reaction towards the United
States. Not Americans as individuals. I
was there last fall and everybody was
very nice, but to the American
government, Trump in particular, I mean,
they're really deeply offended by what
he's doing. And they don't understand
why he's treating a friend so badly. in
fact better than he treats his enemies,
which is becoming a theme of his
administration. But the other problem
that Carney has because of Trump's
unpopularity and the unpopularity of
what he's done, he's under enormous
political pressure in Canada to take a
strong stand.
>> His parliamentary margin is only one or
two seats right now. And initially, it
was a minority government technically
and then a couple seats changed hands.
So now he's got a slight majority. He's
under enormous pressure. And I think
what's been happening is the more Trump
pushes him, the harder it is for him to
make concessions because for him to make
concessions is going to be cause
enormous political problems inside
Canada, which means his job. So if you
wanted to get more concessions out of
the Canadians, I think that you would be
handling this differently than the way
Trump is. But that's a dream. I don't
think he's capable of doing it any
differently than he's doing it. I wanted
to ask earlier just for argument sake
here that say we have a deal that's
struck over the next couple days and
that that will happen before this
episode airs but what does that mean for
the future of USMCA negotiations that
open things up here or what does it
portend on that front?
>> Yes, missed deadlines can be set aside.
I think this thing can be put back
together but it needs work and Bill's
exactly right. It's tough. Our approach
to global politics is making it tough
for Canada to do things that are
ultimately in its interest and in our
joint interests.
>> All right, we will continue to track and
I'm sure we will touch upon this next
week as well. But I want to move on to
news out of the Court of International
Trade where on August 13th the court
upheld President Trump's decision to end
the dimminimous exemption which had
allowed shipments worth less than $800
to enter the United States without
duties. The administration first ended
dimminimous treatment for goods from
China in May 2025 before extending the
policy to imports from all countries
later in August of 2025. Scott, if we
can, let's start with the basics here.
What is dimminimus exemption and what
was at the heart of this case? Well, the
dimminimous exemption is part of customs
law that says a shipment of minimal
value, which is what the Latin phrase
dimminimus means. That minimal value is
able to be passed through customs
without additional inspection or
verification. So, it simplifies customs
procedures for low value shipments. It's
been part of customs law in the US and
elsewhere because it really helps risk
management for the customs authorities
more than anything else. It's a low
value exemption. It was raised in the
United States to $800 in, I believe,
2015. There was a bipartisan effort to
pass a customs bill. At that time, it
was fun to watch because back then Ohio
had two senators on the Senate Finance
Committee, Rob Portman and Sherid Brown.
And this became sort of the Brown
Portman bill or the Portman Brown bill.
I think Portman came first because
Republicans had the majority in 2015.
They worked very well and did what was
right for Ohio and one of the provisions
was to raise the minimum to $800. This
was good for a number of reasons. It
saved a feared collapse at the customs
as customs was implementing a new
automated system and the relief from
small packages helped them implemented
that in a way that was not harmful or
fairly smooth for large importers. So it
worked well in the short term from that
standpoint. It was preferred by many
retailers, particularly small retailers,
as it made it easier to hand
international returns. Didn't burden
your customer who wanted to return an
item they bought from you online in ways
that a low dominous would make that a
very difficult transaction. But it
became controversial with regard to
China's use of it in fast fashion and
other topics became almost toxic. And so
the president used his authority to
withdraw it from China. Subsequently,
the Congress has repealed the diminous
as of 2027. So by the time the court got
around to considering the arguments, the
Congress had already acted and
dimminimus will have to fight that
battle another day. It looks too much
like a loophole for it to survive at the
moment.
>> Yeah. I mean, in a way, the court case
is kind of academic. It's going to be
gone in less than a year anyway by
statute. So Detroit Axel was a company
that brought the case. I don't know if
they're going to appeal further or not.
Even if they do, it's going to be kind
of a pirick victory because the statute
is clear going forward in I think July
of 2027. The Congress may end up
regretting doing what they did in the
form in which they did it for exactly
the reason that Scott said. This is a
management tool for customs. And uh for
years it was $50, you know, and then
going back to 1930 it was $50. And then
at some point several decades ago it
went up to 200. and then it went up to
800 2015. Uh you can make an argument, I
think a legitimate one, that 800 is a
little high. But what they've done now,
I think, is take it back to zero, which
means that everything coming in is going
to have to be have its value assessed,
which means hundreds of millions of
packages
annually are going to have to go
through, you know, the more or less the
normal customs procedure. This is going
to end up being a huge burden. having
some sort of dimminimous level makes
sense. And like I said, I can make an
argument that 800's is too high. There
was objection to it at the time, mostly
from CBP who felt that it would make it
easier to illicitly import drugs under
the dimminimous rubric. And I think
there was some evidence that that's what
happened, although that's hardly the
biggest issue.
>> Well, that was at the heart of Trump's
argument about this, right? It was
fentanyl shipments and other things.
Yes, he wasn't wrong about that. But if
you go back to zero, I think it puts an
extraordinary burden on CBP to do all
the paperwork. Well, right now
electronic work that's associated with
it. So, um I think probably the
authorities will come to regret all this
in a few years of administration. But,
you know, right now, you know, it's gone
and we're going to have to live with it.
There's not a lot of data about what
this means. There was a study back last
year when this was on the table that it
would probably cost the US economy
probably around $1 13 billion. The
stronger point I think is that it
probably is regressive in the sense that
that removing it is going to hurt poor
lower income consumers more than it's
going to hurt upper income consumers
>> and small business much more than big
business. Yes.
>> But that's not anything new for this
administration. the tariffs that are
supposed to generally have had exactly
the same effect.
>> Okay. All right. Well, I want to move on
to our our final topic today and Bill,
I'll start with you, but I really want
to dive into this new White House report
on tariff evasion and trans shipment.
This report argues that exporters,
particularly from China, are
increasingly routing goods through third
countries to evade US tariffs. And the
report identifies more than 40 economies
as potential trans shshipment risks. So,
Bill, again, if we could start with the
basics here, what is trans shipment and
how does it allow companies to get
around US tariffs?
>> Well, let me say first, I thought this
was kind of a cool report, and I don't
usually compliment this administration
on anything as listeners know, but this
was kind of a cool report. First of all,
it didn't have as much of the Trump is
brilliant and everybody else is stupid
rhetoric that we see in a lot of stuff
that comes out of the administration.
Second, it contained an acknowledgment
that surprised me, which was an
admission that actually what Trump has
done is made the problem worse rather
than better and which I'll explain in a
minute. Third, it didn't have any stupid
recommendations, which is also novel.
It's designed to deal with a serious
problem and trans shipment. I think the
simplest way to explain it is country A
makes something and they could export it
directly to country C and pay whatever
the tariff is on it. But if that is a
high tariff, country A may be tempted to
transship the item to country B where it
is relabeled or changed in some way and
labeled then a product to country B
where it is then exported to country C
at a lower tariff rate. Historically,
customs fraud has been a problem for
centuries. So, this is not a new thing.
It was not a huge thing in the United
States. It was mostly employed in cases
where there were very large anti-dumping
or counterveail duties that have been
assessed against particular items or it
was employed in areas like apparel where
the United States has high tariffs. But
up until Trump, for the most part, the
average US tariff was a little bit less
than 2 and a.5%. And it was the same for
almost everybody, you know, except for
Iran and Cuba and countries on the bad
guys list. It didn't make much
difference to try and ship from A to B
to C because the tariff was going to be
2.5% or less no matter where it came
from, unless you were paying these extra
duties. In terms of how it works, you
know, there's a spectrum that ranges
from outright customs fraud. The most
obvious example being it moves from
country A to B and somebody slaps a made
in country B label on it nothing more
and then rehips it to United States
country C and that's the extent of what
goes on in country B the other end of
the extreme is what's called a
substantial transformation occurs and I
think the cleanest example which is a
true one is when China exports steel
slabs to South Korea
which rolls them into sheet and strip.
And under international customs rules,
that's called a substantial
transformation. That product is a
different product. It's not steel slab
anymore. It's a sheet or a strip or it's
wire. It's under a different tariff
schedule number. That makes it a product
of South Korea, not a product of China.
And that is, you know, as I said,
recognized under international customs
rules is that's legitimate. Now, of
course, between the two extremes,
there's a whole bunch of questions that
become very difficult. If you ship the
car to Mexico from Korea and then simply
repaint it, is that enough to make it a
Mexican car? If you ship the parts to
Mexico and then put them together in
Mexico, is that enough to make it a
Mexican car as opposed to a Korean or
Japanese car?
>> These are great questions.
>> This is what gets litigated. You know,
it's up the customs authorities in each
country to decide these things. And one
of the things that has happened that
makes it worse, as I said, Trump has
exacerbated the problem because, you
know, if the United States tariff is
essentially the same for everybody,
there's no point in doing this except in
the rare case of like a 300%
anti-dumping duty. But when you have a
system of differential tariffs like he's
created where the UK is 10, the EU is
15, Korea and Japan are 15, the
Southeast Asian nations are 18, 19 or
20, China is more than that, you create
an incentive for what could best be
called tariff arbitrage where you play
the game of let's ship through a lower
tariff country. So if you're China, it's
in your interest now to ship to any of
those other countries because if you can
then convince the authorities that your
item, even though it started in China,
has been substantially transformed in
country B, which might be any of the
countries I mentioned or others, and now
it's legitimately a product of country
B. If you can persuade the authorities
of that, you win, you know, and you get
a substantially lower tariff, which was
not really an issue before when
everybody had a most favored nation
tariff. So, it's gotten worse. And in
fact, the report acknowledges some 40
countries where it assesses that this is
a problem. It's not just a China
problem. And I think several things
where this is going is what is more
worrisome than where it is right now.
The report's recommendation basically
was to use AI to develop a better means
of tracking products and tracking and
discovering a trans shipment which seems
to be despite all the error rates of AI.
Uh that's probably a useful thing to do
particularly given the volume of trade
that's involved. But I'm a little
concerned about where this is going and
we're going to see this first in USMCA
because you know one of the things that
happens when you have differential
tariffs is it matters where something
comes from. When everybody was paying 2
and a half% it didn't matter whether it
came from Kyrgyzstan or Armenia or the
United Kingdom. It was all the same
tariff. Now, it makes a difference. And
what one of the other things that means
then is you have to have rules that help
you decide when something is a product
of that country and when it isn't. And
we went through this with USMCA in 2018
with automobiles because the Trump
administration wanted to ensure more
North American content in automobiles.
They wanted to make it harder for
Korean, Japanese, and European auto
manufacturers in Mexico to just ship
their cars in with minimal value added
in Mexico. So, they created very
complicated rules to increase the North
American share of content. It appears
now that what Trump wants to do this
time around is increase the share of US
content. But once you start down the
road of changing the rules of origin
which define where the product came
from, you end up talking about when is
something substantially transformed and
when is it not? And there have been some
rather novel suggestions that have come
up which so far have gotten no traction.
But I'm worried about them. And the most
dangerous one I think is the proposal
that you should define the country of
products origin by who owns the factory,
not where it was made. This proposal was
if it's a Chinese company, its product
is Chinese. Whether it was made in China
or whether it was made in the company's
factory in Germany or made in the
company's factory in Vietnam or made in
the company's factory in Mexico, even it
was totally made in those factories
because the company is Chinese. the
product is Chinese. By that same
argument in this steel slab case, I
argued those people would say once a
Chinese slab, always a Chinese slab. And
it doesn't matter if it becomes wire or
sheet or strip, it's still Chinese
steel.
>> Bill, it's been a long time since we've
had a good rant like this, but I see
Scott jumping out of his skin to jump in
here. This light lights my hair on fire
because [laughter]
imagine the opportunities for
discrimination against American
companies with international operations.
It writes itself. Paul Simon had it
right. The nearer your destination, the
more you're slip sliding away. The more
you try to turn this down and tighten
down exemptions, the further you get
from what you were trying to do.
>> So, what do you do about it?
>> Well, look, a lot of it is quite
legitimate. All right. For instance, you
know, in in the chemicals business, a
lot of uses for citric acid. Citric acid
was subject to anti-dumping. The least
citric acid from China was subject to
anti-dumping duties. But there are lots
of sources for citric acid and lots of
ways to modify it. And so a citric acid
importer could import that product to
Mexico from China, go to a toll
processor, have a chemical reaction
occur which creates a new product that's
entirely legitimate as a substantial
transformation and that new product then
is a product of NAFTA which enters the
United States duty-free. Now over time
that supplier will probably figure out
there's a local source of citric acid.
It's not a particularly complicated
product. And by doing so, he would be
able to celebrate with local politicians
that he's near sourced his supply, that
new ingredient. Well, this is crazy. But
the idea is that there's a real
difference between managing your costs
well by sourcing and customs fraud.
Customs fraud is a problem, right? But
trying to distinguish it on a case- by
case basis will create a lot of problems
for people who have complicated jobs the
way it is. So this is one of these
things at some point it's got to be
practical about what the potential gain
is and what you're really going to be
able to catch with AI or with human
beings.
>> Yeah. I mean it's a fascinating
question. Bill, go ahead. Well, the
systemic consequences could be
significant, too.
>> If a US multinational and the United
States develops unilateral definitions
of these things, which seems to be where
we're going, US companies are going to
have to maintain multiple supply chains.
You know, one for their supply chain of
stuff going to end up in the United
States.
>> Yes.
>> And a separate one for their stuff
that's going to end up in a factory in a
different country. Now this is where
chemical harmonization was such a big
benefit to the industry because we
agreed that subject to that for
non-preferential rules of origin a
chemical reaction denoted substantial
transformation. So simple mixing isn't
substantial transformation chemical
reaction is. And it makes doing business
much more straightforward and it's fair
to all concerned. And if you're going to
unwind that in the Chinese case, for
example,
>> right,
>> and not in other cases, you create a
nightmare for supply chain managers as
well as customs authorities,
>> right?
>> Just practically speaking, I mean, this
was just a report that contained
recommendation. There's no policy set
forth in this report.
>> Yes. And it did not recommend what we've
just been talking about. I want to be
clear about that.
>> Right. Right.
>> It was a very modest recommendation.
However, my sense is that if you listen
to the chatter out there, we're heading
in that direction and this will be an
issue in USMCA because the goal of the
US and USMCA as we've talked on this
subject many times is to prevent Mexico
and Canada from becoming a backdoor for
Chinese imports into the US. And that
means inevitably, it goes right to this
question. The Chinese, they ship to
Mexico or they build a factory in
Mexico. How do you decide what makes
that product Mexican?
>> And Chinese cars will be the test case.
And it's terribly difficult to stop. But
if you look at Europe, Chinese brands
are gaining massive market share in most
European countries.
>> Oh, yes. Yes. All right, Bill and Scott,
we're going to leave it there for today.
Before we close out, I do want a bit of
due to our great producer, Gina Kim, who
has helped us out on this show for a
long time. She has moved on to attend
graduate school in New York. Gina was a
terrific contributor to all that we do
on the Trey Guys. Gina, if you're
listening, we're wishing you all the
best. We'll miss you at CSIS, but we
can't thank you enough for all that you
did for the Trey Guys and for the rest
of the CSIS suite of podcasts. So, you
will be missed.
>> Thank you indeed.
>> Well, Bill, go ahead.
>> Gina, if you're listening, good career
move, smart move. Hope you do well in
school and that we all get to see you
again. I know she will do well in
school. She's a sharp one. So, all right
everybody, thank you for joining us this
week. We'll see you next week. Take care
until then.
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