U.S. and Allied Burden Sharing: A Progress Report | All About the Base
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The 2026 National Defense Strategy emphasizes a shift where U.S. allies and partners must assume greater responsibility for their own security by increasing defense spending and contributing more to collective defense. Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022, nations across Europe and Asia have responded with significant financial increases and expanded military capabilities. European NATO countries and Canada have raised their defense budgets by over 50%, with the most dramatic growth occurring in nations closest to the conflict zone such as Poland, Latvia, Estonia, Norway, and Denmark. Similarly, in the Asia-Pacific region, countries like Australia, Japan, South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan are ramping up investments driven by strategic competition with China, though their spending trends show steady growth rather than the sharp spikes seen in Europe.
Beyond mere financial expenditure, burden-sharing is evolving into a broader concept that includes building domestic production capacity, diversifying procurement sources, and fostering industrial cooperation among allies. Recent agreements, such as those under the AUKUS framework and the Partnership for Indo-Pacific Industrial Resilience (PIPR), illustrate this shift from simply buying equipment to co-producing systems and sharing technology. In Europe, major deals have been announced involving joint production lines for missiles like ATACMS in Germany with Rheinmetall, the manufacturing of MQ-4C Triton drones by Northrop Grumman across NATO nations, and Swedish Saab building Global Hawk aircraft. These initiatives demonstrate that allies are moving toward a model where defense spending translates directly into shared industrial capacity and supply chain resilience rather than just purchasing from the United States.
In the Asia-Pacific region, this trend is marked by significant diversification and the rise of new defense exporters, particularly South Korea, which has become a major supplier due to shorter backlogs and competitive pricing compared to U.S. systems. While the U.S. remains a primary source of arms transfers in the region, accounting for nearly 60% of trade over the past five years, allies are increasingly producing their own advanced systems, such as Japan adding SM-6 interceptor capabilities and Australia preparing to manufacture Precision Strike Missiles. Furthermore, partnerships like the one between Taiwan's National Chung-Shan Institute of Science and Technology and Anduril highlight a deepening integration of industrial bases that allows for technology sharing and localized production, creating a more robust and interconnected defense ecosystem across the Indo-Pacific.
Ultimately, the rise of capable allied defense industries does not diminish U.S. involvement but instead opens new avenues for deeper collaboration through co-production, license manufacturing, and technology exchange. The core challenge for U.S. policymakers is to leverage rising allied investment into tangible industrial partnerships that strengthen collective deterrence without compromising interoperability or U.S. leadership. As burden-sharing becomes less about who spends the most money and more about what the alliance can collectively produce, sustain, and replace during a crisis, the strongest alliances will be those that combine resilient national industries with deep cooperative ties. By expanding these industrial partnerships, the United States can build a more resilient defense base while ensuring its allies contribute meaningfully to global security in an increasingly complex geopolitical landscape.
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The 2026 National Defense Strategy calls
for US allies and partners to take
greater responsibility for their own
security and contribute more to
collective defense. But what does that
burden-sharing actually look like today?
Since Russia's invasion of Ukraine in
2022
and amid growing strategic competition
in the Asia-Pacific region, allies
across Europe and Asia have
significantly increased defense
spending, expanded military
capabilities, and invested in their
domestic defense industries.
European NATO countries and Canada have
increased their defense spending by more
than 50% since 2022. While the countries
closest to Russia have moved
particularly quickly to modernize and
expand their forces. In Asia-Pacific,
countries such as Australia, Japan,
South Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan are
also increasing investment. While
initiatives like AUKUS are creating new
frameworks for industrial and
technological cooperation.
But spending more is only part of the
story. As allies seek greater sovereign
capabilities, they are also building
production capacity, diversifying
procurement, and expanding industrial
cooperation with one another.
Recent European procurement agreements
and initiatives like AUKUS and the
partnership for Indo-Pacific Industrial
Resilience or PIPR suggest that allies
are beginning to think about
burden-sharing not just in terms of
dollars dollars spent, but in terms of
what they can produce and contribute to
collective defense.
This creates an important opportunity
for the United States.
A more capable allied industrial base
does not necessarily mean less US
involvement. Instead, it could open new
avenues for co-production, license
manufacturing, technology sharing, and
deeper partnerships between the US and
allied defense companies.
So, how is burden-sharing changing? And
what does the rise of more capable
allied defense industries mean for the
United States? Let's look at the data
and find out.
As usual, I'm your host Jerry McGinn,
and welcome back to another episode of
All About the Base.
>> [music]
>> Now, let's start let's start by looking
at our European allies and Canada.
The data here
is shows the tremendous dramatic
increase in defense spending since 2022
and Russia's invasion of Ukraine. You
can see the hockey sticks all over this
chart. The dramatic increases in
countries such as Poland,
Latvia, Estonia, even Canada,
um and other uh countries, you know, you
see these dramatic increases, almost all
of them since 2022.
Now, this spending increase is also
continuing. So, that's through last
chart I talked about through 2025.
And here's the current defense budgets
for 2026. And you see again these
dramatic increases. That percentage
change, for instance, in Denmark is
almost 180%.
Uh if you look at um uh Norway, 135%.
Uh you look at Canada, 94%.
Germany, 84% increase. You see these
tremendous increases in um uh projected
spending uh among our uh European
allies.
So, these numbers are compelling, but if
you look at the map, you see that
geography really matters.
The the dramatic increases in spending
are almost exclusively
around where the conflict zone is in in
uh Russia and Ukraine. So, the Baltics
uh the Scandinavian countries, Poland,
and even Germany, that's where you see
really dramatic increases in NATO
Europe.
And [clears throat] so, where are they
uh the um NATO allies getting their
equipment?
You see these trends that looks at arms
transfers over the past um since 2019,
and you see an increase
uh um pretty much across the board from
um
NATO countries buying from other NATO
countries,
NATO countries buying from the US,
and then NATO countries buying from
non-NATO partners.
So, um
you see they're all kind of increasing,
and last year there was a big dip in the
amount of uh US um um equipment bought
from the US, and a sharp increase from
uh other regions. It's too early to say
whether or not that's a trend, but you
see they're diversifying their
procurement services. They're buying
more internal to to NATO countries
um as well as um you know, as well as um
uh outside such as buying equipment from
uh South Korea, for instance.
And this has been translated uh most
recently in the discussion at the NATO
summit earlier this summer. And they
announced $50
in defense deals.
Now, most of these um all of these
deals, none of them are fully complete
and signed, but they're some of them are
very very close. And as you see, it's an
interesting breakdown.
Uh number [clears throat] one, there's
an increase
across the board in terms of investment
in European capacity.
And it's broken out by two ways. One is
they're still buying stuff from from the
United States. There's partnership
between Lockheed and Rheinmetall.
Rheinmetall is a German company to build
ATACMS in Germany. So a new a new
production line or co-production.
Uh Northrop Grumman is um has a is has a
deal with a number of NATO countries for
the MQ-4C
Triton on unmanned aerial vehicle. And
then Lockheed Martin is also going to be
producing PAC-3s
in Europe. But then the other big deals
announced were Saab, a Swedish company,
is going to be building
um the Global Hawk their aircraft for
NATO to replace Boeing's their NATO
AWACS fleet, um which has been around
for many decades. And then also there
was announced this um
this deal to buy Airbus A400Ms, which is
a airlift
aircraft, a collective procurement
effort by a number of the NATO allies.
So that's where you see these deal the
the spending turning into deals and
building overall capacity.
So let's turn now to Asia Pacific.
Asia Pacific, you see increases, but
it's a different trend. You don't have
the dramatic hockey stick increase like
you do in Europe, but you do have some
significant increases in
in the in Singapore,
Taiwan,
and Japan, and even Indonesia,
where you've got you know, bright
significant increases over time. Some of
them started at low low low level, but
the the overall trend is
trending up across the Asia Pacific.
And you see this and you see this
geographically. It's not as stark as in
the European case, but the threat is
perceived in Asia Pacific as China and
you see Taiwan has increased their
defense spending by 56% in the past
decade.
Japan has increased their defense
spending by 60% in the past decade.
Singapore is up 48%
in the past decade. So you have
significant increases
among countries in the region
as well.
Now [snorts] the trade in Asia Pacific
70% of the defense trade in Asia Pacific
comes from outside of the region. So
they buy from the US or they buy from
other allies outside of the region. And
you see here's the
the dark darker blue is US transfers
from the US and you see that's been
been significant. It's you know from
around 35% up to over almost 60%
over the past
5 years and that's been pretty steady.
And then interesting thing in in Asia
Pacific is that South Korea has become a
major defense exporter. This has always
been a focus, but it's really really
starting to have an impact as you can
see in the last several years. And a lot
of this comes from
challenges in the US foreign military
sales system in the terms of some of our
we have backlog of a number of our
systems and the Koreans build capable
very capable systems that allies are
buying that have a shorter backlogs and
are quite a bit less expensive. So they
are becoming a significant player in
arms exports and they're looking to
become the fourth um in the world um in
a short in a short period of time.
And they're also, [clears throat] as you
can see, um taking strides to increased
their um um their
production in the region. Now, Japan has
had long-standing co-production deals on
a number on Patriots, on SM-3s, and on
Sea Sparrow. But, they're also adding
SM-6 capabilities and the glide phase
interceptors.
Uh as well as AMRAAM.
In Australia, you have the the
establishment of the G um the guided uh
munition multiple launch rocket systems
or GMLRS.
Uh and they're getting ready to also
start producing the Precision Strike
Missile there in in Australia. And then
finally, in Taiwan, you have um the um
National Chung-Shan Institute of Science
and Technology is partnering with
Anduril to produce the the Barracuda
missile there in Taiwan. So, you've got
significant um amount of deals happening
in the Asia-Pacific region involving um
US companies principally.
As the data shows, US allies and
partners are making meaningful progress
towards taking on a greater share of
responsibility for collective defense.
Defense spending is rising across Europe
in particular, but also in Asia-Pacific.
Countries are expanding their military
capabilities, and new initiatives are
creating opportunities for greater
industrial cooperation.
Yet, this progress should not be
measured simply by how much allies are
spending. The more important question is
what that spending is producing.
Across Europe, allies are increasingly
investment investing in domestic
production and pursuing defense
cooperation with one another.
In Asia-Pacific, initiatives such as
AUKUS and PIPER are beginning to build
deeper industrial and technological
ties.
But many of these efforts remain in
their early stages and significant gaps
remain in production capacity, supply
chain resilience, and the ability to
scale rapidly defense manufacturing.
Allies self-sufficiency and US
leadership should not be viewed as
competing objectives.
And instead, the growth of allied
capabilities creates an opportunity for
the US to build a more resilient and
integrated defense industrial base.
Expanding co-production, license
manufacturing, technology sharing, and
industrial partnerships will allow
allies to contribute more
while continuing to strengthen US
capabilities and sustain
interoperability.
Ultimately,
burden sharing is becoming less about
who spends the most and more about what
the allies and the alliance can
collectively produce, sustain, and
replace in a crisis.
The strongest alliances will be those
that combine resilient national defense
industries with deep industrial
cooperation and interoperable
capabilities.
For US policymakers, the challenge now
is to turn rising allied investment into
industrial partnerships and a foundation
for stronger collective deterrence.
Thank you so much for watching today's
episode. And we look forward to seeing
you again soon.
And remember,
it's all about the base.
>> [music]