Video summary
The Huberman Lab podcast explores the science of emotions, establishing them as complex phenomena rooted in specific neural circuits and developmental history rather than isolated brain regions like the limbic system. A central theme is that emotional experience arises from a dynamic balance between interoception (internal bodily awareness) and exteroception (external environmental focus). The host demonstrates how infants begin with an intense interoceptive bias, relying on caregivers to predict whether their internal needs will be met; this ability to trust external reliability allows the brain to shift attention outward. As development progresses into adolescence and puberty, driven by hormonal changes such as leptin signaling body fat levels and kisspeptin triggering reproductive maturity, individuals transition from being generalists capable of broad learning to specialists with heightened neuroplasticity that tapers off in early adulthood. This period is critical for forming social bonds and establishing the predictive models necessary for understanding others' behaviors. The discussion delves into specific biological mechanisms governing social connection and emotional states, challenging popular myths while highlighting ground truths about hormones like oxytocin and vasopressin. While mirror neurons are often cited as the basis for empathy, current neuroscience suggests these cells function more to predict the actions of others than to directly generate empathetic feelings. Oxytocin is identified as a key modulator that promotes monogamous behavior and pair bonding by reducing stress during conflict and enhancing positive communication between partners. Similarly, vasopressin plays a crucial role in regulating social bonds and mating behaviors, with studies on prairie voles showing distinct receptor levels dictating whether an animal remains monogamous or seeks multiple mates. The host notes that while intranasal oxytocin sprays are marketed for bonding, their efficacy is nuanced, and natural production via vitamin D and melatonin may be more reliable than exogenous administration. A significant correction made in the episode addresses the widespread misconception regarding vagus nerve stimulation (VNS). Contrary to the belief that stimulating the vagus nerve induces calmness, recent research indicates it actually increases alertness, dopamine release, and cortical activation. The host shares a compelling case study of a severely depressed patient whose mood improved dramatically after increasing VNS intensity; her frown disappeared, she became cheerful, and her ability to recall positive memories returned instantly. This evidence underscores that the vagus nerve is not solely a calming mechanism but a vital component for activating emotional engagement and alertness. Consequently, emotions are framed within three primary axes: valence (good or bad), arousal levels (alert vs. calm), and the interoceptive-exteroceptive balance, providing a structured framework to understand pathological states like depression and anxiety rather than viewing them as simple chemical imbalances. The podcast concludes by emphasizing that conceptualizing emotions through this scientific lens allows for greater emotional richness and regulation without requiring constant mechanistic analysis of daily life. The host warns against the over-interpretation of certain biological effects, such as combining oxytocin with ketamine or relying on caffeine to boost social hormones, noting that many popular claims lack robust data support beyond initial headlines. Looking forward, the episode sets the stage for deeper dives into psychedelic therapies like psilocybin and MDMA, promising a future discussion grounded in this rigorous neurobiological framework rather than anecdotal storytelling. Ultimately, understanding emotions as built structures involving specific brain-body connections offers tools to navigate difficult emotional situations, enhance social bonds through reliable prediction of others' behaviors, and maintain long-term health by aligning lifestyle choices with metabolic realities revealed through blood testing and genetic data.
Read the full video transcript
Welcome to the Huberman Lab podcast,
where we discuss science and
science-based tools for everyday life.
My name is Andrew Huberman, and I'm a
professor of neurobiology and
ophthalmology at Stanford School of
Medicine.
This podcast is separate from my
teaching and research roles at Stanford.
It is, however, part of my desire and
effort to bring zero-cost to consumer
information about science and
science-related tools to the general
public.
In keeping with that theme, I'd like to
thank the sponsors of today's podcast.
Our first sponsor is InsideTracker.
InsideTracker is a personalized
nutrition platform that analyzes data
from your blood and DNA to help you
better understand your body and inform
your health goals.
I'm a big believer in getting blood
tests taken because it's simply the only
way to get in-depth data about your
metabolic factors, hormones, all the
things that inform your immediate and
long-term health.
Nowadays, there are also excellent DNA
tests that can further inform you about
your immediate and long-term health.
Now, the problem with most blood tests
out there is that you get information
back, you get a lot of numbers, and
they'll tell you whether or not your
numbers are in normal range or high or
low, but they don't inform you what
steps to take as a consequence.
In addition, they can often be very
confusing what all the factors are and
what they really mean. InsideTracker has
a dashboard and a platform that makes
interpreting all that information really
easy. It also points you in the
direction of certain lifestyle factors,
exercise, nutrition, et cetera, that you
might want to change in order to bring
the numbers into the ranges that you
want. So, InsideTracker is something
that I've been doing for some time now,
and it's really helped me inform the
choices. For instance, I've swapped out
some of the foods that I was eating
regularly. I found out I was actually
too high in certain vitamins and
minerals. I was too low in others. It's
really helped me adjust my diet and my
exercise regimes, and it really gives me
the confidence that I'm on the path to
long-term health. So, if you want to try
InsideTracker, you can go to
insidetracker.com/huberman
to get 25% off any of InsideTracker's
plans. Use the code Huberman at
checkout. That's
insidetracker.com/huberman
to get 25% off any of InsideTracker's
plans and use the code Huberman at
checkout. Our next sponsor is
ExpressVPN.
ExpressVPN is a virtual private network
that keeps your data safe and secure and
private. It does that by routing your
internet activity through their servers
and encrypting it so that no one can see
or sell your data.
I started using ExpressVPN because my
bank account got hacked. I still don't
know exactly how it happened, but it was
an absolute mess.
I lost money. I lost a lot of time. I
wouldn't want to have it happen to
anybody.
When that happened, I talked to my
friends in the tech community and they
told me that even though you think your
internet connection is secure, often
times it's not. So, I tend to use
internet connections on planes, in
hotels, in cafes, but also at home. And
I was told that even at home, your data
may not be as secure as you think. And
so, with ExpressVPN, your data is
absolutely secure. So are your online
activities. The great thing is you don't
even notice that it's operating. It's
running in the background. You just turn
it on and it goes without you realizing
that your data is being protected. It
doesn't interfere with any of your
online activities.
So, I use ExpressVPN when I travel,
anytime I'm outside the house, when I'm
at work, and when I'm at home. If you
want to try ExpressVPN,
you can go to expressvpn.com/huberman.
And if you do that, you'll get an extra
3 months free on one of their one-year
packages. That's expressvpn.com/huberman
to get 3 months free on a one-year
package.
The final sponsor of today's podcast is
Magic Spoon. Magic Spoon is a zero
sugar, grain-free, keto-friendly cereal.
As I've mentioned before on the podcast,
I'm neither ketogenic, nor am I all
meat, nor am I vegan. The way I eat is
that early in the day I fast and then
sometime around noon I eat my first meal
and that meal is always low
carbohydrate. And then throughout the
day I maintain a low carbohydrate diet.
The fasting and low carbohydrate diet
during the daytime optimizes alertness
and wakefulness. I want to be awake and
be able to work. And then at night is
when I eat my carbohydrates cuz it
facilitates the transition to sleep. So
for me, Magic Spoon is a terrific snack
in the afternoon. I'll sometimes even
have it with lunch. And the reason I
like it is because it tastes really
delicious and it's compatible with the
keto-friendly or you know, keto-like
meals that I eat throughout the day.
They come in a variety of flavors,
cocoa, fruity, peanut butter, frosted. I
particularly like the frosted because it
tastes like donuts in my opinion and I
love donuts. As a consequence, I love
Magic Spoon cereal. I can consume it, it
tastes like a pastry and it has 0 g of
sugar and it's compatible with this
nutritional regimen I mentioned earlier.
If you want to try Magic Spoon, you can
go to magicspoon.com/huberman
to grab a variety pack. Use the code
Huberman at checkout and get $5 off your
order. That's magicspoon.com/huberman
and use the code Huberman to get $5 off.
This month we're talking all about the
science of emotions and tools related to
the science of emotions. We've talked
about the science of stress and
resiliency, tools to access more calm,
tools to raise your stress threshold to
become more resilient. We've talked
about motivation and the role of the
dopamine system.
I'd like to make a couple of
announcements about some new resources.
The first one is that we have now
captioned all the Huberman Lab episodes
in English and in Spanish. We were able
to do that thanks to your support of our
sponsors and on Patreon.
So now all of the podcasts have a
captioning feature on YouTube and those
were done by experts. So, while there
might be the occasional error, for the
most part, they're very precise. We've
done that so that people that prefer to
consume the content in Spanish or that
like to read the content from the
English subtitles can do so. And we're
going to continue to expand the number
of languages that are captioned for the
Huberman Lab Podcast. So, we want to
thank you for that resource. It's now
available for all episodes.
In addition, in previous episodes, I've
talked about NSDR or non-sleep deep
rest.
NSDRs come in a variety of different
forms. There's self-hypnosis.
I've pointed you to some resources for
that previously. There's yoga nidra.
NSDR is really about achieving calm
quickly and doing that in a
self-directed way for many reasons in
order to access sleep more readily, in
order to de-stress very deeply, in order
to replace sleep that you've lost. It
also seems to aid neural plasticity. It
can enhance the rearrangements of
connections in the brain that occur
during learning. There's scientific
support for that.
There's a link in today's episode
caption to a new site. This is a YouTube
video that was brought free of cost by
the folks over at Madefor, a company
that's been a sponsor of the podcast
previously. So, this is an NSDR script
that doesn't contain any of the
intentions or some of the more typical
language of yoga nidra. Instead, it's
focused purely on the breathing
protocols as well as includes a sort of
body scan where you direct your
attention to different locations around
your body. It has all the core elements
of non-sleep deep rest, but is distinct
from yoga nidra.
I just offer this to you as a resource
if you'd like to use it. It's about 30
minutes long and should be very
effective in bringing you into deep
states of relaxation for all the reasons
I mentioned before.
So, let's talk about emotions. Emotions
are a fascinating and vital aspect of
our life experience.
It's fair to say that emotions make up
most of what we think of as our
experience of life. Even the things we
do, our behaviors, and the places we go,
and the people we end up encountering in
our life,
all of that really funnels into our
emotional perception of what those
things mean, whether or not they made us
happy, or sad, or depressed, or lonely,
or were awe-inspiring.
Now, one thing that is absolutely true
is that everyone's perception of emotion
is slightly different. Meaning, your
idea of happy is very likely different
than my idea of what a state of
happiness is.
And we know this also for color vision,
for instance. Even though the cells in
your eye and my eye that perceive the
color red are identical, right down to
the genes that they express,
we can be certain, based on experimental
evidence, and what are called
psychophysical studies,
that your idea of the most intense red
is going to be very different than my
idea of the most intense red if we were
given a selection of 10 different reds
and asked which one is most intense,
which one looks most red. And that seems
crazy. You would think that something as
simple as color would be universal, and
yet it's not.
And so, we need to agree at the outset
that emotions are complicated. And yet,
they are tractable. They can be
understood. And today, we're going to
talk about a lot of tools to understand
what emotions are, for you to understand
what your emotional states mean, and
what they don't mean. And in doing that,
that will allow you to place a value on
whether or not you should hold an
emotional state as true or not true,
whether or not it has meaning or it
doesn't, as well as whether or not the
emotions of others are important to you
in a given context.
We're going to talk a lot about
development. In fact, we're going to
center a lot of our discussion today
around infancy and puberty. We're also
going to talk about tools for enhancing
one's emotional range
and for navigating difficult emotional
situations. I'm not a clinical
psychologist, I'm not a therapist, but I
do have some background in psychology
and today I'm going to be drawing from
the psychology greats. Not me, but from
the greats of psychology who studied
emotion, who studied emotional
development, and linking that to the
neuroscience of emotion. Because
nowadays we understand a lot about the
chemicals and the hormones and the
neural circuits in the brain and body
that underlie emotion. So, while there's
no one single universally true theory of
emotion, at the intersection of many of
the existing theories, there are really
some ground truths. So, today we're
going to visit those ground truths,
we're going to talk about the tools that
emerge from them, and we're going to
talk about some absolutely wild and
wacky experiments that people are doing
out there right now that I don't
necessarily recommend you do of inhaling
different types of hormones and trying
to get attached more quickly. You're
actually going to do some experiential
stuff today if you like. There's some
things that you can do in real time
while listening to the podcast in order
to tap into some of the mechanisms that
I'll be referring to. So, today's going
to be very interactive in a way that
previous podcast episodes have not.
If we want to understand emotions, we
have to look at where emotions first
develop. In fact, this is a critical
central theme if you want to understand
brain science and psychology.
There's a rule in neuroanatomy.
Because if you look at 50 different
brains of humans or you compare the
brains of dogs and humans, there are a
lot of differences. Certain things are
the same, but certain things are
different. And the rule that every good
neuroanatomist knows is that if you want
to understand what a part of the brain
does, you have to address two questions.
First, you have to know what connections
does that brain area make.
What is it connected to? Where does it
get inputs from and where does it send
inputs? So, for instance, if there's an
area of the brain that gets direct input
from the neurons in the nose,
you can be pretty certain that it has
some role in analyzing smell, in
measuring something about odors, or
analyzing something about odors. Now, if
it also gets input from the eye, you can
also conclude that it gets input from
the visual system, that it cares about
light and photons. This is sort of
obvious. And yet, you need to know that
connectivity, and you need to know
what's called the developmental origin
of that structure. You need to know
where it was early in development.
Because things move around a lot as the
brain develops. The brain, of course, is
this more or less squishy thing floating
around in some liquid that's stuffed
inside your skull, and as a consequence,
things move around a lot. They are not
always in the same place in two uh
different species
or two individuals of the same species.
So, you have to know where they started
out, because where they started out
informs what they do, as well.
And when we're talking about emotions,
we cannot point to one area of the
brain. We can't say that's the area of
the brain that's responsible for
emotions. There is this so-called limbic
system that has been linked to emotions
in various ways. We're going to talk
about that today.
But, the limbic system is just one
component of the inputs to create
emotions. It's not the place for
emotions. You can't go in and lesion one
location in the brain and eliminate
emotions entirely. It just doesn't work
that way.
So, first of all, we have to ask what
are the circuits for emotion? What are
the brain areas for emotion? And
nowadays, there's a lot of debate about
this. For years, it was thought that
there might be circuits, meaning
connections in the brain that generate
the feeling of being happy, or circuits
that generate the feeling of being sad,
etc.
That's been challenged. In fact, Lisa
Feldman Barrett has been the the who's
really challenged this head-on, and has
very good evidence for the fact that
such circuits probably don't exist. And
yet, I think there's good evidence for
circuits in the brain such as limbic
circuits and other circuits that shift
our overall states or our overall level
of alertness or calmness or whether or
not they bias us toward viewing the
outside world or paying more attention
to what's going on inside our bodies. If
none of this makes sense right now, I
promise it will make sense soon, but the
important thing to understand is that
emotions do arise in the brain and body.
They arise because there are specific
connections between specific areas in
the brain and body. And if we want to
understand how emotions work, we have to
look how emotions are built.
And they are built
during infancy,
adolescence,
and puberty. And then it continues into
adulthood, but the groundwork is laid
down early in development when we are
small children.
So, let's think about what happens to a
baby that comes into the world.
A baby comes into the world, you were
born into this world without really any
understanding of the things around you.
Now, there are two ways that you can
interact with the world and you're
always doing them more or less
to some degree at the same time.
Those are interoception, paying
attention to what's going on inside you,
what you feel internally, and
exteroception, paying attention to
what's going on outside you. Hold that
in mind, please, because the fact that
you're both interocepting and
exterocepting is true for your entire
life and it sets the foundation for
understanding emotions. It's absolutely
critical.
As an infant,
you didn't have any knowledge of what
you needed. You didn't understand
hunger, you didn't understand toys when
you first came into the world, you
didn't understand cold or heat or any of
that.
When you needed something, you
experienced that as anxiety.
You would feel an increase in alertness
if you had to use the bathroom. You
would feel an increase in alertness if
you were hungry. And you would vocalize.
You would cry out. You would act
agitated. You might coo. You might do a
number of different things, but all you
knew was what you were feel feeling
internally. And then your caregiver,
whoever that might have been, would
respond to that. So you would feel some
agitation, a caregiver would come and
make a decision. Oh, you need food and
give you milk. Or change your diaper. Or
wrap you in a blanket if you were cold.
But they didn't know if you were cold.
They could just assume that you were
cold. So this is actually really
important to understand that a baby
when you were a baby and when I was a
baby, we didn't have any sense of the
outside world except that it responded
to our acts of anxiety, essentially. Now
this isn't Freudian theory, right? It's
it There are components of it that are
embedded in Freudian theory, but all
developmental psychologists agree that
babies lack the ability to make
cognitive sense of the outside world.
But in this feeling of anxiety and
registering one's own internal state and
then crying out to the outside world
either through crying or subtle
vocalizations
or even just cooing, making some noise,
we start to develop a relationship with
the outside world in which our internal
states, our shifts in anxiety, start to
drive requests and people come and
respond to those requests, hopefully.
And the reason I say hopefully is that
we've all heard
presumably about these cases of neglect.
There are a lot of cases where if you
neglect a baby, you neglect an
adolescent or a teenager, development
doesn't go well. And we'll touch on some
of those, but those are really extreme
cases. They're sort of like the parallel
to experiments that are often done in
the laboratory with animals where you've
probably heard of these enriched
environments where they'll give mice a
bunch of toys and they'll give them
some different foods every once in a
while and they'll house them together
with other mice. And what you find is
that the animals they will say, "Oh, you
know, their brain is thicker and their
neurons have more branches to them and
all that." But that's really comparing
deprivation with normalcy.
What we want to center on today instead
is what happens when things go well.
And why things might not go well in
certain circumstances is interesting,
but to me not as interesting as what
healthy emotional development looks
like. And if you haven't achieved
healthy emotional development, what can
be done as an intervention at later
times in order to rescue that. So, the
baby you as a baby, you're flopping
around there in your crib, you're
getting care where you where you need it
and when you need it, presumably.
And this gets to the basis of what
emotions are about, which are emotions
are really about forming bonds
and being able to predict things in the
world.
That's really what emotions are about.
Whether or not the baby feels angry or
happy or sad, we don't know. We can
guess, but we don't know. In fact, most
of the time we don't even know how we
feel, let alone how other people feel.
And that's true for adults. So, if I ask
you how you feel right now, I don't know
that you could tell me in any kind of
rich language that would I would say,
"Oh, I really understand." If you said
you were very, very depressed or very,
very happy, I'd have some sense because
of how extreme that is, but I don't know
that I would really know. And I don't
think you know how I feel right now,
either. I could be furious right now, or
I could be very happy. You don't have
any idea. Now, of course, we have these
things called expressions, our pupils
dilate, there are various cues of how
people feel. We're going to talk about
those cues, but you really don't know.
And at this point, I actually just want
to pause and mention a really
interesting tool that is trying to
address this question of what are
emotions and what do they consist of
that you can use if you like. This is an
app. I didn't develop it. I don't have
any relationship to them, but the app
was developed by people at Yale
um by groups at Yale who do research and
it's called Moodmeter and it's actually
quite interesting. I think it's either
free or it's 99 cents. Again, I have no
business relationship to them, but what
they're trying to do is put more nuance,
more subtlety on our words and our
language for for emotions and be able to
to allow you to predict how you're going
to feel in the future. And it's actually
quite interesting. I'm on the app right
now and I know you can't see this, but
um it's called Moodmeter and um you can
find on Apple or Android. And you go
into it and it asks you, you know, it
says to me, "Hi Andrew, how are you
right now?" And I click the little tab
that says, "I feel." And I can either
pick high energy and unpleasant, high
energy and pleasant, low energy
unpleasant, or low energy pleasant. And
I would say right now I feel high energy
pleasant. So, I just revealed to you how
I feel. So, I click on that and then it
gives you a gallery of colors and you
just move your finger to the location
where you think it matches most. And as
you do that little words pop up. I know
some people are looking at this on or
listening to this on audio only, so I'll
say motivated, cheerful, inspired. I
would say I'm feeling right now
cheerful. So, you click that and then
you just go to the next window and it
just says, "What are you doing?" And I
this feels like play to me, but I'm
going to call it work. And then that's
it. And then um what it does is it
basically starts to collect data on you.
You're giving it information and it
starts to link that to other features
that you allow it access to if you like
and it starts helping you be able to
predict how you're going to feel at
different times a day. It's actually
quite accurate in um certain ways, quite
interesting. And it points to a couple
of really interesting features, which is
that we don't really have enough
language to describe all the emotional
states and yet there's some core truths
to what makes up an emotion. And I want
to review that twice during today's
podcast.
Because this can really help people,
kids and adults, understand better what
they're feeling and why, and when best
to engage in certain activities, and
thankfully when best to avoid certain
activities, too. So, the way this works
is the following.
You need to ask yourself at any point,
you could do this right now if you like,
what's your level of autonomic arousal?
Autonomic arousal is just the continuum,
the range of alert to calm. So, if
you're in a panic right now, you are
like 10 out of 10 on the arousal scale.
If you're asleep, you're probably not
comprehending what I'm saying, although
maybe a little bit, but let's say you're
very drowsy, you might be at a one or a
two.
So, you you always have to ask, where
are you on the arousal scale? And then
there's this
other axis, this other question,
which is what we call valence. Now,
valence is a value. Do you feel good or
bad? I would say I feel pretty good
right now. On a scale of one to 10, I'm
like a I don't know, I feel like a
seven. Got good night's sleep last
night.
Had a good walk with Costello this
morning. I'm fed, I'm hydrated, I feel
good, so I'm like a seven. So, I'm alert
and I feel pretty good.
And then there's a third thing, which is
how much we are interocepting and how
much we are exterocepting. All right?
So, how much our attention is focused
internally
on what we're feeling and how much it's
focused externally. And this is always
going to be in a dynamic balance. So,
for instance, if you're really, really
stressed, often times that puts you in a
position to be really in touch with
what's going on in your body. If you
start having a lot of somatic, a lot of
bodily sensations, like your heart is
beating so fast that you can't ignore
it, then you're really strongly
interoceptive. But also sometimes you're
really stressed because someone's
stressing you out or somebody sends you
a text message or makes a comment about
a YouTube thing you posted or something
and you're really triggered by it. That
never happens to me, but it if it does
happen to you, then you're extra
recepting. So, there's three things: how
alert or sleepy you are, that's one, how
good or bad you feel, that's two, and
then whether or not most of your
attention is directed outward or whether
or not it's directed inward.
And much of what we call emotions are
made up by those three things. And so,
let's return now to development, but
tuck that away and just kind of think
about it. Alert versus asleep, good
versus bad, and focused internally or
focused externally because
when I looked at the whole of the
all the theories of emotion that were
out there, there were a lot of different
components to them, but they all seem to
center back to these same three features
in some way or to some degree or
another. And it can be very powerful to
understand and look at your emotions
through that lens.
So,
let's return to the infant. There's the
baby in the crib. It's mostly
interocepting.
As caregivers bring it what it needs,
you hope, milk, diaper changes, etc.,
warm blanket if it's cold, pull off the
blanket when the baby's fussing and it's
too warm cuz babies get too warm also,
it starts to intero- exterocept.
Excuse me, I misspoke. I want to be very
clear. It starts to exterocept. The baby
starts to look into the outside world
and start making predictions. It starts
wondering how much it needs to cry or
predicting, "Well, if I cry like a
little bit, then mom comes over and I
get my milk. Or if I
cry a lot, mom doesn't come over and
give me milk, so I need to really scream
at the top of my head." Okay? So, babies
are starting to evaluate and do all
this, but they're not doing it
consciously. They're doing this
strategically in order to relieve
anxiety. And I won't propose that that's
what we do into adulthood, but a lot of
what we do in adulthood is when we feel
something, we start exterocepting. Some
people are much better at just sitting
as a container and just interocepting
and paying attention to what they're
feeling internally, but most people do a
little bit of a balance of both. We
start We don't feel good, so we look for
an item of food that might make us feel
better. We're feeling anxious heading
into the dentist or something like that,
so we text somebody. We do this almost
reflexively. It's not always conscious.
So,
infants do this, and we continue to do
this. We start to now balance our
interoceptive and exteroceptive
focus, our looking inward and looking
outward.
And as we do that, we're starting to
figure out what gets our needs met.
Remember,
emotions are really there to form bonds
and to make predictions. And so, our
needs are going to be met to some degree
or not. Sometimes, sadly, there is
neglect. Sometimes, people don't show up
for us the way that we would like. And
in general, our our responses to that
have to do with whether or not we
predict whether or not they would or
not. When we expect something and it
doesn't happen, it's a big letdown. That
was the discussion about dopamine last
episode. So, the many theories of
emotion, the triune brain theory that
you have a primitive and evolved brain,
something that's a little bit on shaky
ground these days. The idea that Darwin
proposed that there are these universal
expressions of emotions. The work of
Helen Fisher on love, that you have
circuits in the brain for lust, circuits
in the brain for love, and circuits in
the brain for long-term bonds.
As well as the work of Lisa Feldman
Barrett saying that emotions are
contextual, that they have a social
component. And
I'll be talking more about this, but the
work of Allan Schore, a uh clinical
psychologist and researcher at UCLA,
about right brain, left brain,
and its role in emotional development,
all of them have strong elements of this
idea of paying attention to what's going
on inward and outward.
As a young creature, an infant, and
young toddler, you were mainly focused
inward and you started to understand
what was going on outward as a way of
predicting what would bring you
relief, what would remove your anxiety.
And that's where the fundamental rules
of your experience, your emotional
experience were laid down. Now, I
realize that's a lot of information and
it's somewhat of an academic talk, but
there were two tools in there that I
just want to highlight. One is the Mood
Meter app, if you're interested in it,
can give you some insight into the
different kinds of nuance within
emotions and allow you to actually
predict emotional states. Um if you want
to try that
then you might find that interesting.
The other one is this idea that there
are three axes to emotion, three
continuum that interact, the level of
alertness and calmness, how good or bad
you feel, and whether or not you're
mainly focused inward or outward,
because those are going to form a useful
toolkit for the information going
forward. So, now let's talk about what
kind of baby you were,
because that actually informs your
emotionality now.
These are classic, they're actually
famous experiments done by Bowlby and
Ainsworth. Anyone that studied
psychology or has taken a psychology
class might have learned about this.
This is this classic experiment of the
what was called the strange situation
task
in which
and I'm describing it very coarsely
here, I realize, but a mother and child
come into the laboratory.
Yes, this is now also been done with
fathers.
The baby and the mother
or father play together for a bit and
then the mother leaves.
The mother leaves for her some period of
time and then comes back.
And the research
is is
to understanding the response of the
child when
the caretaker, the mother or the father,
returns.
Most all children, not every child, but
most children
will cry when their primary caretaker
leaves. They don't like that.
And there are good reasons for that.
They formed a bond and an attachment,
and we will talk about some of the
deeper chemical reasons for those bonds.
However, the experiment is focused on
the return of the caregiver because
Bowlby and Ainsworth and many of their
scientific
offspring and colleagues
identified at least four patterns that
babies
display when their caretaker returns.
And they group these into group A, B, C,
D. So much so that the kids were
referred to as A babies, B babies, C
babies, or D babies.
You may know which one you were, but the
categories are really interesting. The
first babies are the A babies. So these
were kids that would get upset when
their caretaker would leave, but when
their caretaker would return
the infant would respond with happiness,
with what looked like delight. They
would go to the caretaker, they seemed
happy. If they had been fussy before or
sad, they felt relieved.
These are referred to as secure attached
kids.
So they have a healthy response to
separation and they have a healthy
response to re-engaging with the
caretaker.
The B babies, as they're called,
were
less likely to seek comfort from their
caregiver when the caregiver would
return.
So they would sometimes continue to play
with their toys or they would be with
the They had an adult in the room while
the parent was gone, they would stay
with them. It was sometimes complicated
and nuanced, but these were referred to
as avoidant babies.
Don't run away with any conclusions
about the language here just yet.
It's not clear that avoidant babies
become avoidant adults.
But, bear with me. The C babies
would respond to the return of the
caregiver with
acts of annoyance. They seemed kind of
angry, right? So, it wasn't that they
ignored them. They seemed kind of angry.
And those were referred to as ambivalent
babies. Not to be confused with A
babies. These are the C babies were the
ambivalent babies. So, the infant's
reaction to the returning caregiver were
inconsistent.
They It seemed like they wanted to bond
with them again, but that they seemed
kind of annoyed. I think we've all felt
this way before with people that we care
very much about, especially people we
care very much about. And then the third
category, the D babies, were the
disorganized babies. That's what they
called them. They weren't disorganized
in that they were messy. The child
avoided interactions with everyone
and acted fearful when the caregiver
returned. And their behavior didn't
really change whether or not the
caregiver was there or not. And that
fourth category was actually added
rather late in the course of this
research.
I should mention these
experiments have been repeated with a
huge variety of different contexts.
There was work done by Mary Main at at
UC Berkeley and many others looking at
all sorts of variations on this theme.
But, over time it made it clear that
certain babies
are able to feel secure upon re-engaging
with their caregiver and others don't or
they're confused about it.
So,
we probably don't know whether or not
you were an A, a B, or a C D baby unless
you were in these experiments and
somehow you had that knowledge. But,
this work, this classic work, opened up
a huge set of important questions that
relate to what is the re-establishment
of the bond really about? I mean, what's
actually being figured out here is not
whether or not there are four categories
of babies. That's interesting, but it
presumably is more interesting to focus
on
what is it that
defines a really good bond, a secure
attachment, or an insecure attachment,
or an avoidant attachment.
And the four things
are gaze,
literally eye contact, and doesn't have
to be direct beaming eye contact with no
blinks like people accuse me of before.
It can just be gaze that, you know,
people look at each other. You see
couples, they look at each other. They
don't always stare at each other long
periods of time, sometimes they do.
Vocal vocalizations, so what we say and
how we say it.
Affect or emotion, so the way that we
express, you know, crying, smiling, etc.
And touch.
Those four things. And you probably
could add a fifth dimension once
language and written language develops,
which is written word. Exchange of
letters, exchange of texts, exchange of
things of that sort, emails, are another
way in which people can bond. But gaze,
vocalization, affect, and touch
are really the core of this thing that
we call social bonds and emotionality.
Now, that's important. We know, for
instance, that there are brain areas
like the fusiform face area, which is
deep in the brain, that is
responsible for the processing of faces.
Children's recognition of their parents'
faces and voices is extremely
accurate and strong. Likewise, parents'
recognition of their child's
vocalizations, not just voices, but
cries, are remarkable. I If you've ever
had the experience of being at a party
with somebody who has small children,
and you're talking to them, and all of a
sudden they they hear something but you
don't, it's as if they've got wolf
hearing, and all of a sudden they go
running into the other room, and indeed,
you know, the kid is like, I don't know,
some kid is beating up their kid, or
their kid's beating up some other kid,
or the kid has done injured themselves,
or feels emotionally injured. This
perception of voices
There's a very good evidence to support
the fact that we are tuned to the
frequencies of of the voices and
vocalizations of people that we care
about. It's not just true in rodents and
in birds and other mammals, it's
definitely true in humans as well. And
babies are very tuned in to the sound of
their of their mother's voice even yes
while they're in the womb.
There's this whole
world of what's called motherese, which
is the the particular
style of speech that mothers and other
caretakers now we know use with
children. So those are the core
elements, right? How you look at
somebody and how they look at you, what
you say, what they say,
what they seem to be feeling and what
how that makes you feel. Smiles, frowns.
If you know someone really well, you can
read inflections in like even little
subtle things like you know, they don't
they don't really believe me or oh, they
they're really excited by this or
oh, you know, and now I know what
they're thinking. That kind of
processing, some people are more are
better at it than others, but everyone's
better at doing that with people that we
recognize and know. In fact, couples
come to know each other exceedingly
well, so much so that it can both
benefit and injure their relationship to
constantly be making these perceptions.
But there's a range. Some people are
more tuned into this than others. And
that probably has roots in the sorts of
attachments that you form early on. So
Bowlby and colleagues
developed this ABCD thing and has a lot
to do with face processing and gaze and
vocalizations and touch. All of those
happened on return with the mother, but
they weren't parsing those. They weren't
looking at them individually.
So
this raises a really interesting
question, which is
what is it when we feel something? Is it
because of something that happened
spontaneously in us, it's a memory, or
it's something that we realized we saw
on the internet or we got news about
somebody, you know, nowadays people get
so much information about the people
they know, both the people they like and
dislike, by way of viewing online
activities, right? So, they're
exterocepting and then it's impacting
your internal state. And it's clear from
most all of the theories of emotional
health
that an ability to recognize when your
own internal state is being driven
primarily by external events
is important for being able to
emotionally regulate.
Right? People who are constantly being
yanked around by the external happenings
in the world, you would say are
emotionally labile. They are not in
control of their emotions
even if they're calm all the time, if
that calmness only arrives because
they're in a placid environment and then
you put, you know, a cracker in that
environment and they freak out, well,
then they're not really calm. They are
They're calm in so far as there isn't
something disturbing in the environment.
So, how much your the outside
environment disrupts your internal
environment has everything to do with
this balance of interoception and
exteroception and it very likely has
roots in whether or not you were secure
attached or insecure attached,
disorganized, or ambivalent as a baby.
Of course, you can't travel back in time
and know, but there are some hints as to
what kind of emotionality each of us has
by examining
two periods of development. One is
adolescence and puberty and the other is
adulthood. So, while we can't travel
back in time, there is an exercise that
you can do
to address, at least in this moment,
whether or not you have a bias for
exteroception or a bias for
interoception.
Whether or not you are better, at least
in this moment, at paying attention to
what's going on internally or
externally. And of course, this will
vary with circumstance.
I think we all know people that maybe
it's you, you go to a party and you get
there and everyone seems to be talking
and having a really good time and you're
wondering whether or not you have any
food in your teeth or whether or not
there's something on your face or
whether or not your hair is right or
whether or not you said something the
wrong way, whether or not you're turning
red. People also experience this a lot
with public speaking. It's not just
about learning to clamp your level of
stress. It's also about how much your
exterocepting, how much you're out of
your head, they call it, but how much
you're focused on the events around you
versus
the events inside you. Actually, it's
interesting when you talk to people who
are very effective
athletes or they have very high-stress,
high-consequence jobs, they talk about
this notion of, you know, getting out of
your head. You only have so much
attentional resource and it can be split
between two things. You'll see that in a
moment. It can be anchored to one thing.
It can be fully focused on what's going
on internally or it can be fully focused
on what's going on externally. And if
you want to be effective in the world,
effective being in quotes,
it is useful when in very dynamic
environments,
especially social environments, to have
a lot of your attention focused outward
as opposed to trying to pay attention to
whether or not you're saying things
correctly or the timbre of your own
voice. That is more or less destructive
for the ability to engage socially. So,
here's the exercise.
You can do this. Please don't do this if
you're driving,
um but let's just try and illustrate or
allow you to experience this
interoceptive exteroceptive balance and
the extent to which you can move
interoception and exteroception
deliberately.
If you close your eyes right now
and concentrate on
the contact of any portion of your body
with, say, the chair or your car seat,
although please again don't do this
while you're driving.
Uh anywhere that you are, even if you're
just standing up or you're in the
kitchen, you're lying on the couch, and
trying to bring as much of your
attention to
that point of contact as possible. And
then from there, you're going to move
your attention even more deeply into,
say, the sensation of what's going on in
your gut. Are you full? Are you empty?
Are you hungry? Are you not? Is your
heart beating? At what rate? What's the
cadence of your breathing? Basically,
bringing your focus and attention to
everything at the surface of your skin
and inward. So, I'm I'm going to do a
rare thing on the Huberman Lab Podcast.
I'm going to introduce about 5 to 8
seconds of silence
in order to allow you to do that a
little bit.
Okay.
Now,
this is an exercise that you can
continue afterward if you want to extend
how long you do this. But, now try and
do something that for most people
actually is a little bit harder, which
is to purely exterocept. Put Put your
eyes or your ears or both
on anything in your immediate space. One
thing. And I would restrict that thing
to something small enough
that, at least in your field of view, it
would occupy, you know, 20% of your
field of view. So, it doesn't have to be
a pinpoint unless the pin is right in
front of you and you're holding it real
close. I would say, look across the
room, pick a panel on the wall, or a you
know, a leg of a table or something and
try and bring as much of your attention
to that as possible.
And again, I'll
take about 5 seconds of silence to allow
you to exterocept.
Okay. So, what you probably found is
that you were able to do that, but that
some degree of interoception is
maintained. It's hard to place 100% of
your attention on something externally
unless it's really exciting, really
novel. If you've ever watched a really
great movie,
presumably, you're exterocepting
more than you're interocepting until
something exciting happens and then and
then you feel something. You're actually
tethering your emotional experience to
something external.
And now,
you can also
do this dynamically. You can decide to
focus internally and then externally.
You can decide to split it 50% 50% or
70/30.
One can develop you can develop
a
heightened ability to do this.
And the power of doing that is actually
that when you are in environments where
you feel like you're focused too much
internally and you'd like to be focused
more externally, you can actually do
that deliberately. But as you notice, it
takes work. It involves taking your
attentional spotlight and what we call
the aperture of your attention and
narrowing that aperture to either the
self or something externally or
splitting the two.
And yet, there are practices that have
been developed that center on moving
interoception and exteroception from one
being more heavily weighted than the
other, more focused outward or more
focused inward. And it's dynamic. And
the circuits in the brain that underlie
intero- and exteroception aren't exactly
known, but they are anchored in the
areas of the brain that are involved in
attention, like the frontal eye fields
and areas that um when you third person
yourself, when you can see yourself
doing something, like if you put your
hand out in your environment and you
focus on your hand, you know that that's
your hand as opposed to some random
object. There areas of the brain that
are involved in that and recognizing
location of self relative to the rest of
your body.
These exercises are really what are at
the core of these development of
emotional bonds. Because as we mentioned
before, these four things, the gaze,
vocalization, touch and affect, those
are happening very dynamically. So if
somebody winks at you, you're paying
attention to their wink, but then you're
also notice how you feel. Then they
might say something, then you might say
something. This is very dynamic. So, if
it seems overwhelming to try and
interocept and exterocept and then shift
the balance, you do that all the time.
Your brain and nervous system are
fantastic at doing this.
Now,
some people have a very hard time
breaking out of a very strongly
interoceptive mode. Some people have a
harder time breaking out of their
exteroceptive mode.
It's very interesting to note the the
extent to which we have biases in how
interoceptive or exteroceptive we are.
Remember those three axes that we talked
about earlier. You have valence, good or
bad, you have alertness,
alert or calm, and you have
interoceptive or exteroceptive bias,
right? And
it's going to differ across the day,
it's going to differ across the
lifetime, it's certainly going to differ
according to whatever it is that you're
engaged in. But, early in development,
you start off with this interoceptive
bias. You are starting to develop
expectations, predictions about how the
outside world is going to work, and you
are trying to figure out the reliability
of outside events and people. And where
things are reliable, when people are
reliable, we are able to give up more of
our interoception. There's literally
trust that our interoceptive needs, our
internal needs will be met through bonds
and actions of others. This starts to
veer toward the discussion about neglect
and trauma. We are going to devote
entire episodes, probably an entire
month, to trauma and PTSD, but these
those have roots in what we're talking
about now, and it's important to
internalize and understand what we're
talking about now in order to get the
most out of those future conversations.
So,
if all of this seems like a lot of
information and very complicated, I just
invite you to pay attention from time to
time how much you happen to be
interocepting or exterocepting, because
emotions and the intensity of those
emotions
will grow or shrink depending on how
much we're interocepting. If we are
feeling extremely sad
and
there is an outside event
that made us sad, chances are there's
going to be a balance, but that the
extreme grief, the extreme sadness is
going to lead us to mostly interocept.
Whereas when when we're feeling
extremely happy, the same is true. You
know, something great happens in the
world and we're just going to feel it
most of our perception, most of our
awareness is going to be on an internal
state. So, we are always tethered to the
outside world to some degree or another.
It's that was true when you were an
infant and it was true when you were an
adolescent and it's true as an adult.
So, now I want to just pause
just shelve the discussion about
interoception and exteroception for a
moment and I want to talk about what is
arguably the second most, if not
equally important aspect of your
development as it relates to
emotionality and as it relates to this
what I called trust, but this ability to
predict whether or not things in the
outside world are reliable or not
reliable in terms of their ability to
help you meet your interoceptive needs.
And that period is
puberty.
So, up until now we've been talking
mainly about psychology, not a lot of
biology, not a lot of mechanism. And now
we're going to transition into talking
about mechanism, hormones, receptors,
etc.
Puberty is a absolute biological event.
It has a beginning and it has a specific
definition, which is the transition into
reproductive maturity. So, there are a
lot of hormonal changes. Yes, there are
also a lot of brain changes. And most
people don't realize it, but the brain
changes occur first. The brain turns on
the hormone systems that allow puberty
to occur.
Puberty is occurring earlier nowadays
than it did in the past.
The current numbers that I was able to
find is that in females, in girls, the
transition is starting around age 10,
whereas in boys it's about age 12.
That's going to differ by way of a
number of different factors. Those are
averages. So, depends on where you are
in the world, depends on all sorts of
things. One of the primary triggers for
puberty
is actually body fat.
This is interesting.
The peptide hormone leptin,
some people call it a peptide, some
people call it a hormone, but it meets
both definitions depending on how you
look at it, is made by fat. So, leptin
had a lot of popularity in the '90s
because it was discovered as being
produced by fat, and it was seen in
animal studies that it could promote
leanness. It actually communicates to
the brain that there's enough body fat
in order
to allow the metabolic factors and
processes to occur to liberate more fat.
This is why people have trouble losing
that last 5 lb. It's because leptin
levels are very low. This was actually
the basis for the whole cheat day refeed
thing. That the idea was if you um eat a
lot for 1 day a week while dieting hard,
that you can signal to the brain that
there's enough leptin. I don't know if
that's the reason or whether not the
cheat day is just provided some
psychological relief, probably both.
But in any case, leptin is made by body
fat, and when there's enough leptin, it
signals the brain
to trigger puberty. There was a paper
published in the mid-'90s in the journal
Science, excellent journal, showing that
leptin could be injected into
younger females
that would not
have yet gone into puberty, and you
could accelerate the onset of puberty
with leptin. So, the more body fat, the
earlier puberty. That's true. Leptin is
also involved in various growth effects
in the body generally, and it's
interesting very obese children
don't necessarily undergo puberty
earlier, sometimes they do, but they do
tend to be larger bone, their bones
actually grow more quickly, and they
tend to have higher bone density because
leptin is also involved in bone density.
The whole issue of onset of puberty also
has some really interesting social
effects, and I want to really highlight
that most of these effects are so-called
pheromone effects. Remember, a hormone
is a substance secreted from one area of
the body, travels, and impacts tissues
and cells elsewhere in the body. A
pheromone is a chemical that's released
by one member of a species that goes and
acts on and impacts other members of
that species or even other species. So,
for instance, rodents are very good at
detecting the
the urine and the scent markings of
large carnivores that want to eat them.
So, that's a pheromonal interaction.
Whether or not there are pheromonal
effects in humans is very debated. I did
a post on this on Instagram a little
while ago about some pheromone effects
that were reported in humans, and I had
a couple people
come at me saying, "Look, it's never
really been shown in humans that there's
a pheromonal vomer what's called the
vomeronasal organ. There's something
called Jacobson's organ. It's
rudimentary. Some people have it, some
people don't."
Very controversial. So, I want to point
out that human pheromone effects are
controversial, although I think there's
in my opinion, there's ample evidence
for them. Synchronization of menstrual
cycles for many people report, then
people say there's some studies that
show that it's not true.
Then there've been some data showing
very impressive pheromonal effects of
female partners
being able to detect the odor of their
significant others on t-shirts that were
washed several times, so they can't
consciously perceive it, but they say
this one smells like them, this one
smells like my partner. And indeed
it the the match was way above chance.
So there does seem to be weak pheromonal
effects at least in my opinion when I
look at the data but much more needs to
be done. So one of the more interesting
pheromone effects that impacts puberty
at least in animal models is the
so-called Vandenbergh effect which is if
you take a pre-pubertal female so a
female that has not undergone sexual
maturation
and you introduce a novel male that is
not the father or a brother, not a
sibling
she will undergo puberty almost
immediately.
So this is really striking. For years
this was thought not to occur in primate
species but there was a paper published
last year in Current Biology, Cell Press
journal, excellent journal showing that
mandrills, a particular type of primate
they exhibit this Vandenbergh effect.
There are also all sorts of other
pheromone effects. There's the
the most infamous one is called the
Bruce effect where the introduction of a
novel male
to a
pregnant female animal
causes spontaneous miscarriage.
And that effect seems to be protected
against by the presence of the father.
So in other, you know, that the
interpretation of this and I want to
really highlight that this is these are
animal studies but
the way this works is that if
a pregnant female is in the company of
the male that impregnated her
then her young are protected by his
scent presence or his pheromone presence
but if he's gone and a novel male shows
up
there's a tendency for her to
spontaneously miscarry
and essentially for
uh fetus to be lost. Now, whether or not
this occurs in humans is still very
controversial, but nonetheless these
pheromone effects exist and that one is
called the Bruce effect named after
Hilda Bruce, who is the scientist that
discovered it.
The one that's relevant to the puberty
discussion is the Vandenbergh effect,
which I mentioned a few minutes ago,
which is a novel male showing up.
Sec- it has to be a sexually competent
male, so he has to have already passed
through puberty, and
his presence triggers activation of
puberty in a female that otherwise would
have remained pre-pubertal for longer.
Again, whether or not this happens in
humans, unclear.
Well,
what
can we be sure about when we think about
puberty?
Puberty is triggered by a number of
different factors. There are changes in
GABA expression in the brain, an
inhibitory transmitter. One of the more
interesting molecules that triggers
puberty in all individuals is something
called kisspeptin, k i s s p e p t i n.
Kisspeptin.
Kisspeptin is made by the brain and it
stimulates
large amounts of a different hormone
called GnRH,
gonadotropin-releasing hormone, to be
released. Gonadotropin-releasing hormone
then causes the release of another
hormone called something like called
luteinizing hormone or LH,
which travels in the bloodstream
and stimulates the ovaries of females to
produce estrogen
and the testes of males to produce
testosterone.
Kisspeptin has other effects as well,
but those are some of the main ones as
they relate to puberty.
Now, this is interesting because at this
point the testes in males start churning
out tons of testosterone in order to
trigger the development of secondary
sexual characteristics, body hair and
all the others, deepening of voice, etc.
And in females, estrogen is doing
various other things, breast
development, etc.
Normally, in an adult,
somebody who has passed puberty, a big
increase in gonadotropin-releasing
hormone and luteinizing hormone would
eventually be shut down because the way
that the brain works, the hypothalamus
and the pituitary are actually measuring
how much hormone is in the blood, and if
testosterone or estrogen or any other
hormone too high, they shut down the
release of things like luteinizing
hormone. It's a way It's called a
negative feedback loop. It basically is
like a thermostat in a house. It's more
complicated than that, but once
levels get too high in the bloodstream,
it shuts down. But kisspeptin is able to
drive very high levels of these hormones
in an ongoing way so that puberty can
commence and can continue. And
incidentally, kisspeptin has now become
uh yet another of the panoply of um
hormones and peptides and cocktails that
um athletes take in order to try and
stimulate natural hormone production,
essentially to create their own
performance-enhancing drugs uh
endogenously.
No judgment there, but that's a fact.
There's a lot of kisspeptin use. People
I'm not I'm truly not suggesting anyone
do this, but um people are buying and
injecting kisspeptin for the specific
reason that even past puberty can
stimulate the large increases in things
like estrogen, large increases in
testosterone, and things of that sort.
It has a number of psychological
effects, too. Seems to have big effects
on libido, etc. All these things, of
course, are subject to feedback loops,
um so they don't work indefinitely. And
I'm going to highlight again, I'm not
suggesting anyone do it, but I do like
to pay attention to what's out there.
And kisspeptin, because it wasn't
discovered that long ago, is one of the
things that you don't often hear about
uh when people talk about uh
performance-enhancing drugs or um
therapeutic endocrinology. These things
also have therapeutic uses um in the uh
endocrine setting.
So, for instance, kids that don't
undergo puberty or kids that are
hypogonadal or adults that are
hypogonadal, they're not making enough
hormone, will take things like
kisspeptin,
among other things.
So, that's how puberty happens at the
biological level, gets triggered by
leptin and kisspeptin, and then this
young
child
is now a different creature to some to
some extent. Not just because they're
reproductively competent, of course, but
because
there's a shift in a number of the
things that underlie these social bonds.
There are There's a marked shift in a
number of the things that allow children
and adults to engage in predictive
behavior about each other. And the whole
nature of adolescence and puberty is to
take
a child that was a generalist and to
make them a specialist. And this is very
important as it relates to the
conversation about emotionality.
But it's important
in terms of all aspects of brain
function and in terms of learning and in
terms of who each and every one of us
will and has become.
In adolescence and in childhood, sure,
there are some genetic biases, you know,
hair color, eye color, height, and
things like that. A lot of that's
programmed into the genome.
There are other genetic biases, too, of
course,
that we inherit,
but
it's in adolescence and puberty that we
go from essentially being somewhat good
at a bunch of things or
somewhat poor at a bunch of things to
becoming very good at a few things and
very poor at a lot of other things. And
that's because of the relationship
between puberty and neuroplasticity.
This ability to change the brain in
response to experience is starting to
taper off, such that by our early 20s,
it's harder to achieve.
Now, the transition from generalist to
specialist is one aspect of adolescence
and puberty, but the other is the
formation of social and emotional bonds.
And most of what consumes the minds
and waking hours of adolescents and
children who have gone through puberty
and going through puberty is questions
about how they relate to social
structures, who they can rely on, and
how they can make reliable predictions
in the world now that they have more
agency, that they are physically
changed. In fact, you could argue that
puberty is the fastest rate of
maturation that you'll go through at any
point in your life. It's the largest
change that you'll go through at any
point in your life in terms of who you
are
because your biology is fundamentally
changed at the level of your brain and
your your bodily organs, all your
organs, from the skin inward.
So,
I want to visit a little bit of the
research about some of the core needs
that occur during puberty and
adolescence,
not just for parents or for the people
that might be in puberty and
adolescence, but also so that people can
reflect on which of these sort of uh
boxes were checked off for them as they
approached emotional matur- maturity.
So, there's a terrific review article
that was published in the journal
Nature, which is
if not the premier, then certainly among
the top three premier journals in the
field of science, about the biology of
adolescence and puberty, as well as
some of the core needs and demands that
have to be met for successful emotional
maturation during that time. We'll We
will provide a link to that, but I'm I
just want to highlight a few of the
things that they place in the final
table. I don't want to go through all
the results right now because you could
do that on your own if you like.
They mainly highlight a lot of the
changes in neurons and neural circuits.
For instance, I'll just highlight one.
There's a connection between the
dopamine centers in the brain and an
area of the brain that's involved in
emotion and dispersal. Dispersal is very
interesting. What you observe in animals
and humans
is that around the end of adolescence
and during the transition to puberty,
both because of changes in the brain and
changes in hormones,
there's an intense desire on the part of
the child to
get further and further away from
primary caregivers. Not permanently,
they always return. Similar to a child
that walks off and then looks back, sees
if everything's safe, and then continues
on.
During adolescence and puberty,
both
in animals and in kids, there's it
almost seems like there's a bias for
action, and the action is always in the
direction away from the primary
caregiver. Now, as soon as I say that, I
can just imagine in my mind that
somebody out there saying, "Well, no, my
kid, as soon as they hit puberty, they
just want to stay home with us all the
time." That's not typical. It happens,
but it's not typical. Mostly, there's a
desire to start spending more time with
friends, more time with peers, and less
time with
adults. And I find it extremely
interesting to note that that's not just
true in humans, that's true in other
primate species, that's true in rodents,
that's true in almost every other
mammalian species.
So, there's something about these
hormones that don't just allow sexual
reproduction, they don't just change the
brain and bodily organs and the shape of
of us, they also
bias us towards dispersal, getting
further and further away from primary
caregivers in particular. So, parents of
teenagers or future teenagers, it is not
just normal, it is baked in to the
biology of humans to disperse around
adolescence and in the teen years. So
again, I just want to highlight a few of
these what were listed as intervention
strategies
to promote healthy adolescence and
puberty. It's very interesting because
the entire article
um I should mention um the who wrote
this article. Apologies. Um one of them
is a is a friend of mine. So uh the
first author is Dahl Ronald Dahl, not
the children's book author, I'm
assuming. Um
uh no, from the School of Public Health
at uh University of California,
Berkeley. Um and
Nicholas Allen, Linda Wilbrecht, and um
Anna Balanhoff-Suleiman.
Forgive me for the pronunciation of the
last one. I I know uh Dr. Wilbrecht
quite well. She's done the the work on
dispersal. Is uh quite well known for
for that work.
And
it's a very extensive review, uh but I
think you can find it uh you'll find it
accessible. A lot of changes in
thickness of the brain at different
stages, etc. But I think most people
will be interested in what that
translates to in the in the real world.
And what's interesting is during puberty
there's increased con- connection,
connectivity as we call it, between the
prefrontal cortex, which is involved in
motivation and decision-making, being
able to suppress action for making
long-term uh goals possible,
uh as well as dopamine centers and the
amygdala. So there's this really broad
integration and testing. I think this is
the key element here. Testing of
circuits for emotions and reward as they
relate to decisions. And
I think that's useful because when you
look at the behavior of adolescents and
teens, they are testing social
interactions, they are testing physical
interactions with the world. Oftentimes
they're engaging in unsafe behavior. And
you can't um just I I would never try
and justify that with with the
underlying neurology. But the
neuroscience points to
increased connectivity between areas of
the brain that are related to
emotionality and
uh to threat detection like the amygdala
but also reward. So, it's a time of
testing behaviorally how different
behaviors lead to success or not. It's
how different behaviors lead to fear
states or not. Now, of course you could
say that of any stage of development,
but it seems like puberty is a is a very
very heightened stage in which testing
of contingencies, good or bad, is taking
place. And of course this is happening,
it's operating in a body that's now more
capable than the infant. So, an infant
can can damage themselves through error,
but it's harder for them to damage
themselves through deliberate planning,
you know? That's why it's important of
course to lock up all the medications in
the house, make sure infants can't get
to them, but it's
not likely that the infant is going to
devise an extremely diabolical plan to
get into the cabinet to get a certain
substance. Whereas a teenager might,
right? Uh so, you can start to map the
neurology onto some of this emotional
exploration. I do realize that this
episode is about emotions. Puberty is a
time in which the internal state of the
person or the animal is being sampled
and tested against different
exteroceptive events. Only now they are
able to guide those events with more
agency,
right? It's no longer just about whether
or not the caregiver is bringing you
milk or bringing you food. Now, of
course the parents will all say, "Yeah,
but I'm paying for everything that
they're doing. I'm paying for the car
and I'm paying for the food." Ah, true,
but the biology doesn't care about the
source. The child or the adolescent is
now able, the teen really, is able to
now sample many many more exteroceptive
events through behavior. So, some of
these recommendations are interesting.
The theory is that one of the
motivations is to learn to mitigate the
risk of famine and malnutrition. As
teenagers get older, they start
questioning whether or not their parents
are everything they thought they were,
whether or not they're the greatest
thing that ever was, or the worst thing
that ever was, perhaps.
Including whether or not they will be
able to provide them resources. So, they
test whether or not they can actually
feed themselves, whether or not they can
support themselves.
Although rarely, not
certainly it happens, but rarely are
they really taking care of themselves,
although some teens are forced to take
care of themselves, of course, cuz
parents are and other caretakers aren't
available.
The recommendations that map to the
biology include later There's been a big
push for later start times in schools to
match their shifts in circadian rhythms
and the need for extended sleep,
something we talked about during the
sleep episodes.
Um
to
insist on sleep interventions for youth
who are at increased risk for mental
health problems. Almost every mental
health issue is supported by getting
regular quality sleep of sufficient
duration. Sufficient durations can vary
from person to person.
Leveraging different kinds of social
relationships that reinforce positive
behavior. This is starting to sound like
kind of a boilerplate stuff. And yet,
really the goal is during puberty to
encourage as many the safe forms of
interaction that allow children,
teens, really, and adolescents. I keep
calling them children, but what I mean
are people children going through
puberty that allow them to test this
thing of autonomy so that they can start
to
make good assessments about their
exteroceptive events that they are
selecting and how those make them feel
internally. So, they're essentially
doing a buffet. The buffet has now
broadened to not just include the events
and experiences that their parents and
other caretakers bring them, but they
can now expand the the into things that
they can provide themselves. And so,
adolescence and puberty is really seen
as the period of development in which
one self-samples for these two elements
that we talked about at the beginning,
which are
how do I form bonds and how do I make
predictions about what will make me feel
good
at a level of interoception.
Some of that might sound a little
transactional, you know, that all we're
trying to do is figure out how we can
bond with people so we can get what we
need, so we can feel how we need.
I think that's true to some extent. Of
course, there's a richer, more um
uh
abstract aspect to relationships, too,
which are, you know, in relationships
you can access things you couldn't do
before. You can cooperate. There's
things like teamwork. You can do all
sorts of things.
But in terms of the biology, it's clear
that there's this stage of development
where more autonomy,
more physical capability is triggered by
these hormone changes in the brain and
these peptide changes in the brain and
body. And that nonetheless brings us
back to the exact same model that we
started with in infancy of alert or
calm. Feel good or feel bad.
Primarily exterocepting, primarily
interocepting. So, I keep going back to
this. I'm sort of like a repeating
record on that because the same core
algorithm, the same core function is at
play throughout the lifespan. And that's
a useful framework, in my opinion,
because it allows you to sort through
all the data and information that's out
there about, well, this area of the
Australia terminalis active or the
basolateral amygdala is active or gray
matter thickening or this hormone or
that hormone and return to a kind of
kernel of certainly not exhaustive
truth. It doesn't cover all aspects of
emotionality, but at least establishes
some groundwork from which you can start
to evaluate how different behaviors
might or might not make sense.
How certain emotional responses might or
might not make sense, regardless of the
age of the person or the organism.
A discussion about emotions would not be
complete without talking about the right
brain, left brain stuff.
And
this is a very interesting aspect of
sociology, psychology, and neuroscience.
There's a theory of emotional
development that I find
particularly interesting, which is from
Alan Shore at UCLA, that talks about how
most of our testing of bonds and
relationships is the seesawing back and
forth between very dopaminergic, so
driven by dopamine, or serotonergic,
driven by serotonin, states. And this
starts with infant and mother or infant
and father. I talked a little bit about
this in the previous episode, but just
to remind you, or for anyone that didn't
hear about it, that during development,
healthy emotional development clearly
begins with an ability for the caretaker
and child to be in calm, peaceful,
soothing, touch-oriented, eye-gazing
type of behaviors. Those really drive
serotonin, the endogenous opioid system,
uh
oxytocin, things that are very calming
and
are centered around pleasure with the
here and now, as well as excited states
of what we're going to do next. There's
actually a a kind of characteristic sign
of the dopaminergic interaction, where
both
caretaker and child have are wide-eyed,
the pupils dilate, that's signature of
arousal. They get really excited. Often
times the baby will look away if it gets
really excited. That Those are
signatures of dopamine release in the
body.
And in adolescence, these same things
carry forward, where their good bonds
are achieved through hanging around,
watching TV, just kind of being or, you
know, playing video games, or texting
together, or talking, whatever it is
that the the soothing local activity
happens to be as well as adventure and
things that are exciting. So, it could
be sports, it could be shopping, it
could be uh summer adventure, it could
be the next big thing. And so, this kind
of seesawing back and forth between the
different reward systems
seems to be
the basis from which healthy emotional
bonds are created. And I invite anyone
who's interested in this to uh look up
some of uh Dr. Shore's work.
Um
I think I misspoke on the last episode.
He's not a psychiatrist, he's a clinical
psychologist and psychoanalyst, but has
deep rootings in neurosciences. So, it's
a I think a fascinating aspect. But, the
way it's framed in that book and in his
book and in some of the language around
that is uh around right brain, left
brain. And we've all heard this stuff
before that the right brain is thought
to be the emotional side. This is the
characteristic thing that you hear out
there. That the right brain is holistic,
that it's emotive, and that the left
brain is logical, sequential, and
analytic. And um
that's not what Shore was proposing. Um
there are some right brain, left brain
differences, but the idea that the right
brain is synthetic, holistic, and
emotive, and that the left brain is
logical, sequential, and analytic is
false. There is zero neuroscience
evidence for that whatsoever.
We're going to address this in more
detail during a month talking about
learning and memory and dementia, but
let's talk about some truths, some
differences between the left brain and
right brain because we can't have a
discussion about emotion without doing
that.
The left brain,
at least for people who are
right-handed, is linguistically
dominant. Meaning,
most of language is centered in the left
side of the brain
for right-handed people.
If you were a left-hander and you were
forced to become right-handed,
chances are
this is still true because of when
language gets laid down in the brain.
For left-handers, people that people
that naturally write with their left
hand and always did,
language is still mostly in the left
side of the brain,
but
it's also found more often in the right
side of the brain. So, it's not as
lateralized, as we say. It's kind of
distributed between both. Okay? So,
right-handers, most of your language is
coming from the left side of your brain.
Left-handers, it's probably a little bit
more evenly distributed. And there are
some variations whether or not you're a
hook righty or a hook lefty. There's all
sorts of nuance to this, but that's the
the general aspect.
So, language tends to be centered in the
left side of the brain. And that
includes lexicon, grammar, syntax, all
of it. Except for one, and we'll talk
about one aspect of language that seems
to be more right brain. That's very
interesting.
There does seem to be some arithmetic
advantage, so ability in math, in the
left side of the brain. And I'm going to
talk about how all this was discovered
in a minute.
The right brain,
however, is linguistically primitive.
Most people don't realize this because
the right brain is always described as
the emotive side. It's super emotional
and holistic, but it's actually
linguistically primitive. And there's a
way that that's been teased out
through experiment.
It's very good at manipulating spatial
things and visual spatial tasks. It's
primarily handling that stuff, but it's
sort of non-language,
except one aspect. And there isn't a ton
of evidence for this, but the evidence
is strong, which is prosody. Prosody
is the lilting and falling of language.
So, a good example would be Italian. I
don't speak Italian. I only know a
little bit of Italian, but the most of
the Italian I know is um when my Italian
colleagues have said to me, "Ma cosa
dici?" which means like, "What are you
trying to say? What are you saying?" I
Yeah, I think I'm getting that right.
Basically, they're saying I don't speak
Italian, which is true. Or uh because
one of them knows and loves Costello
very much,
they always say un pigrone, which means
big lazy guy, which accurately captures
Costello. So,
even those few examples, right? My cos'è
di ici,
un pigrone, there's a lot of lilt and
fall in Italian. Other languages not so
much, and it varies by language. One of
the reasons I find Italian so beautiful,
not the Italian I speak, but the Italian
that other people speak, so beautiful to
listen to is that that prosody and that
the shifts in intonation are really
quite remarkable. It's almost like a
singing song in listening to the to them
speak. And I used to like to go to
scientific meetings, and I'd always hang
out with the Italians cuz I have some
good friends in Italian labs, but also
cuz they always knew where the best food
was. Their standards for food are
incredible. They would rather starve
than eat terrible pasta, and the pasta
they do find and that they're willing to
eat is always fantastic. But in addition
to that, they always brought a guitar.
They were a lot more fun than a lot of
my other colleagues to hang out with at
meetings. So, in any event, the right
brain is doing things that are more
about manipulating spatial information.
And I'll talk about this more in a
future episode, but I
this was discovered in split-brain
patients, so people that lack connection
between the two sides of the brain.
And it this had to be teased out through
very complicated experiments. People
like Roger Sperry, who won a Nobel Prize
for this, who was at Caltech, Mike
Gazzaniga and others figured out these
lateralized differences. But let's just
try and demolish the myth that, you
know, that the right side is synthetic
and holistic and emotive and that the
left side is logical, sequential, and
analytic, that you're a left-brain
person or a right-brain person. Nothing
could be further from the truth. There's
no scientific evidence to support that.
And there's a a few lesion studies that
can tease out effects that make you
think that's what's happening, but the
really careful work points in a totally
different direction. We can't have a
complete conversation about emotions and
bonds and social connection without
talking about oxytocin.
Oxytocin has come to such prominence in
the last decade or so
and seems to be everywhere anytime you
hear a discussion about neuroscience in
the brain or hormones in the brain.
Oxytocin is released in response to
lactation
in females. It is released in response
to
sexual interactions. It is released in
response to non-sexual touch.
It's released in males and females. And
indeed, it's involved in pair bonding
and the establishment of social bonds in
general.
How it does that seems to be by matching
internal state. It seems to both
increase
synchrony of internal state somehow.
Maybe it sets a level of calmness or
alertness. That seems like a reasonable
hypothesis.
As well as raising people's awareness
for
the emotional state of their partner.
And again, this brings us back to this
alertness calmness axis and this
interoceptive exteroceptive axis.
In order to form good bonds, we can't
just be
thinking about how we feel. We also need
to be paying attention to how others
feel and we're evaluating a match. We're
trying to see whether or not there seems
to be some sort of synchrony between
states. And oxytocin both seems to
increase that synchrony and increase the
awareness for the emotional state of
others.
Now, I know many of you are probably
screaming mirror neurons, mirror
neurons.
Mirror neurons, as some of you may know
and some of you perhaps may not, are
neurons that were discovered in animals
and humans for their ability to respond
when people engaged in certain physical
actions like lifting of a pen, but the
same neurons would respond when somebody
watched someone else lift a pen. So,
they were really mirrors of or
representing mirrors of behavior both in
self and in others.
Mirror neurons are very controversial.
There are many neuroscientists who I
respect a lot who don't think they exist
because
they look at the data and the data, at
least in their mind, were
over-interpreted in the realm of empathy
and in assigning value to the emotional
states of others. And when I look at the
literature, my opinion is
that indeed there are neurons in the
brain that clearly represent the actions
of others, but it's not clear that
they're wired into the emotion and
empathy system in any direct way. And I
think the growing consensus is that
mirror neurons, while the name is
terrific, is
so catchy
and encompasses so much of what you
would love for it to encompass, but that
the data don't really support that. But
this is controversial, and I'm perfectly
happy to
get experts on here that could debate it
better than I could.
There are, however, neurons in the brain
that were discovered by my colleague
Karen Haroush
at Stanford
when she was working in Noam Ziv's lab
that
clearly point to the fact that
primate species
are
making assumptions and are trying to
predict the behavior of other members of
their species. It's an experiment I
don't have time to go into in real
detail. We should probably just get
Karen on here. For those of you that are
familiar with the prisoner's dilemma,
which is really a a model of
cooperation, you can either cooperate or
one can one member of a given
interaction can cooperate and the other
one won't, or you can you can both not
cooperate. There are ways in which you
can solve this so-called prisoner's
dilemma by looking at previous behavior
and making predictions about the likely
next behavior that the other individual
will engage in. And there do seem to be
neurons that are doing these sorts of
predictions or computations. And I again
I I'll go into this in more detail in
the future. So rather than think about
mirror neurons like neurons for empathy,
I think it's more
correct to think about neurons that are
trying to predict the behavior of
others. And that's as we said one of the
core features of
emotions which are to make to establish
bonds and through those bonds to be able
to predict behavior. So oxytocin is one
component of this ability to predict
others' behavior and to guide our own
behavior. So here are some
experiments that involve the
administration of of intranasal
oxytocin. This is actually people Now I
think you need a prescription although
in some places you don't. There are
people who are taking intranasal
oxytocin in order to try and increase
the depth of bonding.
And
I don't recommend you do that. I've
never tried that. I whatever oxytocin
I've released I've made without an
intranasal exogenous application.
But
what's been reported is
increased positive communication among
couples. So people have taken intranasal
oxytocin in studies. So that study just
a few for those of you like was
published in Biological Psychiatry which
my psychiatry colleagues tell me is a
fine journal. And the title is
intranasal oxytocin increases positive
communication and reduces the stress
hormone cortisol levels during couple
conflict.
They have them fight
or they have them fight without with and
without oxytocin. So interesting. Um
very much in line with the idea that
oxytocin is the quote unquote trust
hormone.
That's sort of in keeping with that.
That was a 2009 paper.
There's other evidence for instance that
men report a greater sense of connection
and intimacy with their partners during
sex
after taking intranasal oxytocin.
There are studies in autistic children
giving them intranasal oxytocin as a way
to try and help them establish better
social connection and
quote-unquote empathy or theory of mind.
I've talked about theory of mind before
or understanding of what other
children or and adults are experiencing.
So, you know, oxytocin does seem to
create these general effects
and how nuanced they are in one
situation or or another, I don't know. I
I'm aware and I was told and I'm
definitely not recommending this that
there's a marketed oxytocin ketamine
nasal spray. Now, I have no idea maybe
someone can put in the comments why you
would want to combine oxytocin and
ketamine.
I can't imagine why. Ketamine is a
dissociative anesthetic that's used for
the treatment of PTSD. Uh it used to be
used as a recreational drug. Um it it's
a very similar to PCP, seems quite
dangerous in fact. Um
I don't know why those two things would
be combined or why one would want to
combine them, but
there are products out there that seem
to combine those two things and and I'm
not certain why one would do that, but
it's it's interesting to note that it's
happening.
A particularly interesting study about
oxytocin is that that was published in
the journal of neuroscience, which is a
good journal,
that oxytocin modulates social distance
between males and females. So, this is
interesting. What they did is they gave
oxytocin to
people that were in monogamous
relationships and then they evaluated
the extent to which the in this case the
males in those relationships would pay
attention to visual attention to
attractive other potential partners. And
it seemed like that the general takeaway
from the study is that oxytocin
administration seemed to promote
monogamous behavior. So, behavior that
was in line with monogamy of the
relationship that they were in as
opposed to foraging for potentially new
mates. Now, of course, these are
somewhat artificial experiments or very
artificial experiments depending on how
you interpret them, but the general
theme is that oxytocin is promoting
monogamy, it's promoting pair bonding,
it's promoting a understanding of the
internal state of others, which requires
enhanced exteroception for those
particular others. So, not just
generally having them look everywhere
and see what's going on in the world,
but particularly paying attention to the
emotional states of others.
I'm sure several of you will be asking,
well, what can I do to increase oxytocin
if that's your goal. There's some
evidence and I invite you again to to go
to examine.com or another such site like
PubMed if you want to forge PubMed that
vitamin D is required for proper
production and in some cases can
increase levels of oxytocin when
supplemented, which is interesting. And
that, believe it or not, melatonin, our
old friend melatonin, which I have
pushed back against as a supplement for
sleep because of some of the
um
what I view as untoward side effects of
melatonin in most cases,
um but it seems like melatonin in some
cases can um
can
prime the system for slightly increased
oxytocin release. There's even one
report, although it didn't look that
strong to me that um low doses of
caffeine could increase oxytocin
release, but that to me falls under the
category of what was once described as
a drug when injected into a person or
animal is always effective at producing
a scientific paper, meaning that you can
get a result, but the result isn't
always so robust. So, you always want to
read past the titles and the abstracts
and get into the meat of the paper. And
when I did that, the effects were were
pretty negligible with caffeine on
oxytocin. But it's interesting that
vitamin D and melatonin may have some
positive effects on oxytocin release.
But like I said, many people are just
taking oxytocin directly through these
intranasal sprays. I'm pretty sure it's
prescription in most places, but but
check. And again, I'm not recommending
anybody do that. I've never tried it. I
don't know that I will. I think I'm
going to stick with the oxytocin that
I've got. The other molecule that we
make that's extremely important for
social bonds and emotionality is one
that we're going to talk about more in
the month on hormones, and that's
vasopressin.
Vasopressin
suppresses urination. It was actually
developed
It's made by the body, but it's It was
developed as a treatment for something
called diabetes insipidus where people
urinate excessively, and they actually
risk dehydration, and they can lose a
lot of electrolytes, etc. So it causes
water retention. Alcohol consumption
inhibits vasopressin. So large amounts
of alcohol make people excrete a lot of
fluid
and so forth. Vasopressin has effects on
the brain directly. It actually creates
feelings of giddy love. It also
increases memory in very potent ways.
There's a whole biohacking community
that has been dabbling with vasopressin
for some time. I have never tried it. I
certainly don't recommend it. It is
prescription, and it is a pretty serious
compound
to start,
you know, messing with
because it has so many different effects
in the body. It's It's interesting
because
it creates the sense of giddy love. It's
It's also used somewhat as an
aphrodisiac. So it's similar to
oxytocin.
It also has very interesting effects on
monogamous or non-monogamous behavior.
This Again, we will revisit in the
future, but there's a beautiful set of
experiments that have been done in a
little rodent species called a prairie
vole. Turns out there are two different
populations of prairie voles. Some are
monogamous. They always mate with the
same
other prairie vole.
And some are very robustly
non-monogamous. They mate with as many
other prairie voles as they can. It
turns out that levels of vasopressin and
or vasopressin receptor dictate whether
or not they're monogamous or not.
There's actually some interesting
evidence in humans when you when people
report their behavior assuming they're
reporting it accurately that vasopressin
and vasopressin levels can relate to
monogamy or non-monogamy in humans as
well. We're going to talk about this in
the month on hormones.
If we're talking about the neuroscience
of emotions, we have to talk about the
vagus nerve.
I described what the vagus nerve is in a
previous episode. That's these
connections between the body and the
viscera including the gut, the heart,
the lungs, and the immune system and the
brain and that the brain is also
controlling these organs. So, it's a
two-way street.
There's this big myth out there that I
mentioned before that stimulating the
vagus in various ways leads to calmness.
That it's always going to calm you down.
And that is false. I just want to repeat
that is completely false. In fact, there
was just a paper, yet another paper,
published the other day which is
fantastic which is from David
McCormick's lab up at the University of
Oregon. It's published in Current
Biology, excellent journal,
showing I'm just reading the title,
"Vagus Nerve Stimulation Induces
Widespread Cortical", the neocortex,
"and behavioral activation." I've read
the paper. It's fantastic.
It illustrates yet again stimulation of
the vagus increases dopamine release,
increases
activation of the brain, alertness.
It is a stimulant of alertness. It is
not calming people down. Now, this is
interesting in light of emotionality
because of work that's been done
by many groups, but in particular, I'm
going to focus on the work of a
colleague of mine, Karl Deisseroth at
Stanford, who's a psychiatrist, but has
also developed a lot of tools to
adjust the activity of neurons in real
time using light and electrical
stimulation and so forth.
I'll refer you to an article in The New
Yorker that was published about this a
few years ago. I'm going to read a brief
excerpt, but I'll put the the link in
the caption as well.
He's talking to an extremely depressed,
suicidally uh depressed patient who has
a small device implanted that allows her
to adjust her vagus nerve activity. Now,
vagus stimulation was originally
developed for the treatment of epilepsy.
It's now being used for various other
purposes.
Vagus stimulation can even increase
plasticity, it seems. So, again,
increasing activity of the vagus
increases alertness, and it's just
incredible to see what happens in real
time to emotionality when the vagus is
stimulated. Again, not calming, but
activating alertness.
They're in his office and they're
talking, and he asks her how she's
doing, and she she describes how she's
been doing as
um
previously as {quote} going pancake,
which for her just means totally laid
out flat,
not much going on. She talks about how
she doesn't want to pursue a job. She's
really depressed. Um and he says in, you
know, typical good psychiatrist fashion,
you know, well, that's a lot to think
about. That's actually the quote. Um
uh
and they talk about her blood pressure,
etc. And then,
she says, you know, mood's been down,
just spiraling down, talks about
insomnia, bad dreams, low appetite.
So, this is severe depression. This is
what we call major depression.
And then, she requests, can we please go
up to 1.5 on vagus stimulation? She'd
been receiving 1.2 milliamps
of stimulation every 5 minutes to 30
seconds, but was no longer able to feel
the effects. So, he says, "Okay, I think
we can go up a little. You're tolerating
things well."
They start
stim- stimulation and
quote, "In the course of the next few
minutes,
her name was Sally, underwent a
remarkable change. Her frown
disappeared. She became cheerful,
describing the pleasure she had had
during the Christmas holiday, and
recounting how she'd recently watched
some YouTube videos of Dice Raw."
She was still smiling and talking when
the session ended, and they walked out
to the reception area. So, this is just
by stimulating and activating the vagus.
Now, why am I bringing this up? Well,
for several reasons. One is the vagus is
fascinating in terms of the brain-body
connection. Two,
I'd like to
uh keep trying to dispel the myth that
vagus stimulation is all about being
calm. It's really about being alert. I
don't know how that originally got going
backwards, but
it's about being alert. And once again,
level of alertness or level of calmness
is impacting emotion. That this access
of alertness and calmness is one primary
axis in emotion. It's not the only one,
because there's also this valence
component of good or bad, and it Those
two aren't the only ones, because
there's also this component of
interoceptive exteroceptive that we
talked about earlier, and there will be
others, too. Again, it's not exhaustive,
but I find it fascinating, and it really
brings us back to where we started,
which is what are the core elements of
emotion, and what can you do about them?
And before we close up today, I just
want to make sure that even though I've
mentioned some tools, I talked about the
the Mood Meter app, I talked about um
oxytocin and some of the things that
impact oxytocin,
I talked about some of the ways that you
can conceptualize emotions,
this business of how you conceptualize
emotions is really the most powerful
tool you can ever have
in terms of understanding and regulating
your emotional state, if you're willing
to
uh try and wrap your head around it. I
realize it's not the simplest thing to
do, but rather than think of emotions as
just these labels, happy, sad, awe,
depressed, thinking them thinking about
emotions, excuse me, as
elements of the brain and body that
encompass levels of alertness that
include a dynamic with the outside world
and your perception of your internal
state. And starting to really think
about emotions in a structured way can
not only allow you to understand some of
the pathology of when, you know, you
might feel depressed or anxious or
others are depressed and anxious, but
also to develop a richer emotional
experience to anything. Now, of course,
I don't expect that as you're out there
interacting with friends and you're
watching TV and experiencing life that
you should be parsing every bit of of
your experience in some sort of
reductionist and mechanistic way. That's
not the goal here. But for those of you
that are practitioners, uh teachers of
any kind, for those of you that are
kids, for those of you that are trying
to understand what your emotional life
and your consciousness, dare I say the
word,
really consists of, I do believe that
these are fundamental elements that are
well supported by the science across a
variety of researchers doing
you know, things from a variety of
different perspectives and some of whom
agree with one another and some of whom
don't.
So, I offer it to you as a as a source
of knowledge from which you can start to
think about your emotional life
differently, I hope, as well as others
in a way that builds more richness into
that experience, not that detracts from
it.
One last point as it relates to that.
Many of you have asked me about
psychedelic therapies that are now
emerging, things like psilocybin and
MDMA.
We are, of course, going to dive into
that topic deeply. We have an expert
guest coming on to discuss that topic.
Those compounds clearly affect the
aspects of emotionality that we were
talking about today.
Calmness, alertness,
valence, good or bad, interoceptive,
exteroceptive, positioning. And so,
rather than just do a kind of cursory
exploration of those compounds and what
the therapeutic and scientific community
is thinking about them
and how they function,
I think it's more important to embed
that framework in our thinking so that
when we address psychedelics and we
address other sorts of therapies,
cognitive behavioral therapy, different
types of emotive therapies that relate
to individuals and couples, et cetera,
that we are able to think about them
with some sort of structure and rigor
rather than just talk about them as a
bunch of chemicals that produce these
amazing experiences that people need to
tell you about because if there's one
truth, it seems that psychedelics seem
to promote activity of storytelling
about psychedelic experience, but that
itself is not really what the
therapeutic community and the academic
and communities are interested in.
They're interested in trying to
understand the universal truths, the
universal biological shifts and
psychological shifts that occur in the
clinical use of those compounds. And so,
we're going to hold off for now, but we
will get to them. Once again, we've
covered an enormous amount of material
today. It's really the equivalent of two
if not three university lectures
in one podcast episode.
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