The Hidden Power of Negative Emotions | George Loewenstein | The Art of Charm
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George Loewenstein explains that emotions are evolutionary survival mechanisms that fundamentally alter our memory, perception, hormones, and muscle function, effectively making us different people depending on our current emotional state. This biological reality creates a significant "empathy gap," particularly an intrapersonal one, where individuals struggle to accurately predict their own future feelings or behaviors when they are in a different emotional state than the present moment. Because evolution prioritizes survival over happiness, negative emotions act as a powerful "stick" that is distinct and highly effective at motivating necessary actions, whereas positive emotions serve as a less distinct "carrot." Consequently, humans adapt quickly to positive events but remain stuck in negative ones for much longer, a process often hindered by hope which prevents the brain from adapting to improve a difficult situation.
The consequences of this asymmetry are profound, leading to distorted moral judgments and self-perpetuating cycles of negativity. Negative emotional states cause people to interpret neutral events as threats and remember only bad experiences, reinforcing the initial mood; similarly, negative self-esteem is deep and lasting while positive self-esteem is fleeting, meaning a single harsh comment can ruin one's mood just as effectively as a single roach ruins a barrel of wine. This gap also explains why individuals often judge themselves leniently when in an emotional state, such as an addict believing they will not steal while craving, yet judge others harshly for the same behaviors. Furthermore, the fear of rejection can lead people to preemptively reject others, creating self-fulfilling prophecies, and jealousy can drive actions that cause the very loss one fears, illustrating how these emotional programs can damage relationships by causing individuals to cut off partners based on isolated events rather than total character.
Attempting to manage these powerful emotions often backfires if done incorrectly, as venting negative feelings like anger is counterproductive because it reinforces rather than releases them. Loewenstein compares this act to pouring gasoline on a fire or blowing air on flames, noting that sharing information might relieve the urge to disclose but does not mitigate the anger itself, a point illustrated by an anecdote of a friend whose anger intensified after discovering her husband's infidelity. Instead of immediate responses to angry emails or texts, he advises waiting at least a day and engaging in perspective-taking to foster forgiveness and understanding. By studying emotions rather than trying to eliminate them, we gain insights into "meta-emotions"—feelings about our feelings—which helps mitigate self-torture over natural human reactions and reduces the guilt associated with having difficult emotions.
Ultimately, the goal of understanding these emotional mechanisms is to cultivate self-compassion and recognize shared human frailty, which provides relief through the realization that we are all vulnerable in similar ways. While true empathy, defined as feeling exactly what another feels, is rare or impossible for internal states like depression, sympathy remains limited by visibility, leaving those with invisible pain feeling isolated because others cannot sympathize without visible cues. By acknowledging that emotions reprogram us and that our reactions are often automatic evolutionary responses rather than moral failings, we can reduce meta-emotional guilt and break the cycles of negative judgment and behavior. This approach does not remove our capacity for anger or sadness but provides the tools to navigate them with greater wisdom, preventing the physiological feedback loops that exacerbate anxiety and performance failure in high-stakes situations.
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An emotion is basically a program that
um evolved in our evolutionary past um
to deal with recurring situations of
evolutionary significance like escaping
predators. Emotions are all-encompassing
programs. They change our memory. They
change our perceptions. They change our
mindset. They change our hormones. They
change our muscles. When we are in a
diff different emotional states, we are
effectively different people. Emotions
reprogram us and we have as little
empathy for ourselves in a different
emotional state because we're really a
different [clears throat] person when
we're in a different emotional state as
we have for another person.
[music]
Welcome to the show. It's great to have
you.
>> Great to be on it.
>> You've spent your whole career studying
why people misjudge their own emotions.
If you had to boil it down to one
sentence, what is it?
>> I guess it's something I would call an
empathy gap, but it isn't about well, it
isn't mainly about interpersonal
empathy. It's about um empathy for
yourself.
And the basic idea is when you're in one
emotional state, it's almost impossible
to imagine how you would feel or behave
if you were in a different emotional
state. And that applies like if you're
in a emotionally cold state, you're not
emotional. It's very difficult to
imagine how you would feel or behave if
you were in an emotional state. And but
the reverse is also true. When you're
caught up in emotions, you lose
perspective and it's hard to imagine not
being in the state that you're currently
in.
>> What's working against us here? Because
it feels like for many of us, especially
in our audience, they feel like they
have a good handle on their emotions and
they can work through them at will.
>> Um, very few people really do have a
good handle on on your emotions. like um
>> even when you can let's say that you're
very down, you're depressed. Even when
you can kind of at a cognitive level
reason, okay, I'm depressed now, but I'm
probably not going to be in the future,
it still feels like you're going to be
depressed forever. And this is the true
this is like your true reality. Many of
us would label that as a a negative
emotion that we want to get rid of and
we want to put a lot of effort to remove
that feeling of depression or feeling of
sadness. And because of that, we try to
orient ourselves towards what we would
label as more positive emotions,
pursuing happiness, pursuing joy.
>> It's amazing to me how difficult it is
to get rid of negative emotions. Well,
nobody can really extricate them from
their life in general.
And it's not it isn't really that
surprising I guess if you're depressed
that it's not that easy to get out of
depression because you know people go to
see psychotherapists, they take drugs,
things like that. But there's some other
there are some other types of emotions
that are so counterproductive
and yet people just can't move past
them. As part of the book that I wrote
um the opposite of happiness, I did a
very big survey. I called it the misery
survey with over 500 people and I asked
them about kind of their pet misery,
[clears throat] like the misery that
they most suffer from. And I asked them
to tell me a story about it and I asked
them to tell me if they had any special
insights into it. I asked them when did
that story that you told me, when did it
happen and how bad was it? And something
that really struck me from looking at
the responses was how many of these
stories dated way way back in people's
lives and let's say it was something
like um anger or envy or jealousy.
People were decades after the story
happened people were still suffering
from the same emotion like anger. It
seems like um anger is such a miserable
feeling, kind of corrosive anger, such a
terrible feeling, and it would be so
good for people to just walk away from
it, to forgive and forget, but people
just aren't able to do that. What goes
along with that is the impact on our
relationships. So carrying on to those
emotions often will lead us to cutting
that person out of our life, breaking a
relationship that we've had for years, a
partner, spouse, a best friend over this
one distinct event and this emotion
surrounding it, unable to look past that
emotion and judge them more on the
totality of their character or the
relationship we've built up until that
point.
>> There's a category of people who are um
rejection sensitive. I think I mean that
um I think almost everyone f um is
vulnerable to to that to some degree but
some people are more vulnerable than
others and people who are rejection
sensitive very often
they'll preemptively reject people
because they're afraid of being rejected
themselves or they'll act behave in ways
that end up leading them to be rejected.
There was a very cool study where they
asked people to imagine that um they go
into they have a partner and they go
into the room and their partner's on the
phone and they try and they start
talking to the partner but the partner
doesn't pay attention to them. And they
ask like why do you think your partner
would do that? And the people who are
much less rejection sensitive say, "Oh,
it was probably that there was something
great on their phone that they could
they couldn't separate themselves from
and tear themselves away from." And the
people who are rejection sensitive think
that, "Oh, they're being hostile." And
then the two groups are asked like, "Um,
how would you respond?" And the first
the group that's less rejection
sensitive says, "Oh, I just wait for
them to finish viewing what they're
viewing." And the rejection sensitive
people say, "Oh, I'm going to wait till
they want my attention and then I'll
show them. I'm not going to pay
attention to them." So, like, I mean,
that's true of so many of these negative
emotions. They tend to be kind of
self-fulfilling. I mean, jealousy is one
of the worst. By jealousy. I mean not I
have a separate chapters on envy and
jealousy. Envy is kind of um when you
kind of like to have what somebody else
has. Jealousy is a fear of losing
somebody. It could be losing a friend
but usually it's losing a romantic
partner.
>> Romantic partner. And it's kind of
striking how the degree to which um
extreme jealousy leads people which is
fear of losing someone leads people to
do exactly what um lead which what ends
up causing them to lose the person
they're fearful of losing.
>> What I think is so interesting about
this especially going back to the the
misery uh study is how often that misery
is one direction. So, the person we cut
off might have no idea why we cut them
off and have no idea that we're feeling
miserable about it and about what they
did to us, but we have that
self-directed view around this emotion
and the way that we color the world and
our judgments of others. And the other
person's walking around completely
oblivious to what just happened and the
misery that we're carrying because of
them. in the modern world where we often
communicate by texts and emails. I guess
the young generation it's all text, no
emails. But in any case, I think there's
um huge differences between people and
how quickly they respond and also how
quickly they expect other people to
respond. I'm somebody who if I send an a
text or an email, I really want a rapid
response. And when I don't get a rapid
response, like the person takes a few
days, I don't think, oh, they must be
busy. I think, oh, like maybe they hate
me or something like that, I tend to
kind of catastrophize.
>> What's also interesting about that is
our emotional state has nothing to
really do with what the message is, but
that is the way we'll view that message.
So, if I'm angry about something else
and I get a response that's neutral or
maybe a little rushed, I can read it as
curt and anger from the other person and
it can doubly anger me now that I'm
seeing this message in an angry state
and reading their perspective in an
angrier way than was intended. Emails
and texts are so dangerous because
unlike face-to-face communication where
you have all sorts of context and facial
cues and other types of information,
it's so easy to misinterpret them. And
so like there's a famous study where
people um sent messages that were
sarcastic and the people who picked them
up didn't interpret them that way. And
that's that that is a just a disaster.
Like um [laughter]
they say um oh you looked so terrible
today. What they really mean is you
looked amazing. But if you interpret it
at face value then you feel deeply
insulted and insecure. That's another
great example where someone's intention
can be humorous but our current
emotional state doesn't allow that humor
to come through or impact us in a
positive way. and we can then read them
and create our own personal misery
around the way we read. That's something
completely unintentional
>> and that's a terrible a perverse feature
of our kind of emotional composition.
When we are in a negative state, there's
a phenomenon called mood contingent
judgment and mood contingent memory.
Also when we are in a negative state we
tend to interpret thing um things that
happen to us things that people say to
us negatively which kind of pins us down
in our negative emotional state. In fact
it exacerbates the emotional state and
then also this phenomenon of mood
contingent memory. When we are in a
negative state, we just naturally
remember bad things like social
blunders, bad things that happened to
us, you know, and so on. And again, it
it pins us in a negative state. And
there's a lot of a lot of perverse
feedback mechanisms. Yeah.
>> Yeah. But what what I found interesting
around that is then its impact on
self-esteem
and the carryover effect of the way we
view ourselves just from what you
described. Some of those blunders, some
of those mistakes, some of those just
very human situations we find ourselves
in can impact our self-esteem in really
profound ways. I actually wrote an
academic paper titled fragile
self-esteem and it's exactly about that
and it's about the idea that you can get
get pinned down into a negative state or
pinned down in the positive state but if
you're in the positive state it's likely
that you're always worrying about um
falling into the negative state and
getting tra and getting trapped there.
There's some really nice research by um
the psychologist Roy Bowmeister and
others on um violence and aggression. So
like it used to be believed that violent
people had low self-esteem
and but when they actually measured the
self-esteem of violent people, it didn't
turn out that way. It actually looked
like they had high self-esteem. And then
Bowmeister came along and ca came up
with this brilliant idea that people who
are violent have high but fragile
self-esteem. It's like they're walking
on top of a wall and somebody's
negative comment or at least comment
that could be interpreted negatively
threatens to push them off the wall. And
so they're always um responding
aggressively to any perceived slight. I
think it's like a it's a really
brilliant theory for understanding
aggression.
>> Double tapping on that, I think many of
us feel that this idea of self-esteem is
more durable than it really is and we
build it once and we just carry it
through our our lives. But in actuality,
um there's great science that shows
that's not true at all. And one of the
early chapters of my book is on
self-esteem. And I talk about Mark Lir's
sociometer theory. The sociometer theory
is the idea that like when we were
evolving in small groups, it was really
essential not to get ejected from your
group. Like if you got ejected, you'd be
vulnerable to predators. You wouldn't be
able to share food. It was basically
being rejected by your group. It was a
death sentence.
>> And so it was incredibly important
>> um for you to maintain the respect and
esteem and liking of your group. And
according to sociometer theory,
self-esteem isn't really self-esteem.
It's um your appraisal. Self-esteem is
really your appraisal of how your social
group is evaluating you.
And and that and according to this
theory, your self-esteem, it isn't a
stable thing. It can vary from moment to
moment. Somebody, some random stranger
is rude to you and your self-esteem can
plummet like um
>> Yeah. And yes, just it's it's kind of um
crazy.
>> Well, well, even more fascinating to me,
the rude makes sense. Someone rude to
us, we feel like there's judgment
placed. But but even there are
situations where we could catch someone
laughing and we can assume they're
laughing about us and then we take that
down into our self-esteem and say,
"Okay, I'm doing something wrong." And
and judge ourselves negatively. And the
laugh could be about a joke they heard
in their AirPods, so listen to something
else. completely nothing to do with us.
But so much of this is the
personalization and then the building of
our own self-image and the fragility
around the influence emotions create for
us.
>> That's right. And what I mean one of the
central themes of my book is that when
it comes to positive and negative
emotions, there's huge asymmetry. So
there's when it comes to self-esteem,
there's almost no depth, no bottom to
the uh degree of bad self-esteem you can
experience. And you can experience that
for an awfully long time. When it comes
to positive self-esteem, you can, you
know, you can feel kind of good about
yourself, but it there's no um kind of
soaring to heights of high self-esteem,
unless perhaps you're a narcissist, but
even narcissists narcissists are
famously insecure. And feelings of
positive self-esteem also tend to be
much more fleeting than feelings of
negative negative self-esteem. And this
is true kind of across the emotions.
There's some emotions that don't even
have a positive counterpart. Like for
example, envy. You um envy is when you
recognize that somebody else has
something that seems desirable to you
that you don't have,
>> right?
>> And you feel bad. But suppose that you
recognize that somebody else doesn't
have something desirable that you do
have. Like, wouldn't it be nice
>> if that made you feel really good? And
you know, maybe it might feel make you
feel a tiny bit good, like you were able
to gloat a tiny bit about your
superiority, but really it's much more
likely, unless you're kind of a
psychopath, un it's much more likely
that the emotion you're going to be
experiencing is sympathy, another
negative emotion. And so,
>> yeah. So, it's kind of like
there's so many of these situations
where the down like you're walking on
this ridge and there's a downside in one
direction and a downside in the other
direction.
>> Yeah. And the asymmetry of it is
fascinating. So, I I know obviously
you're you're writing a book and you
could have all of your colleagues give
rave reviews, but yet that one negative
critique from someone who doesn't know
you at all is probably going to stick
with you more than all of the positive.
It doesn't matter if the positives reach
tens of thousands. Same with our
podcasts and videos. You know, there's
tons of people who are saying, "Oh, I I
love this." But those negative
commenters, those people who say
something about us, it's piercing weigh
far more on our psyche than any amount
of positivity.
>> Yeah, that's right. I I have that with
teaching ratings. like I remember
verbatim a few u negative comments that
I got in my teaching ratings. There's a
metaphor that um Paul Rosen uses to
describe this. It's the roach in the
wine. If you take a um a barrel of the
finest French wine and you drop a single
roach into it, you ru you ruin it. But
you could take a vat of roaches and no
amount of adding French wine is going to
help uh make it attractive. And it's a
it's a great metaphor like
>> you go to dinner with your significant
other. Let's say you go to a really nice
fancy restaurant and the food is
delicious and then um she makes a
thoughtless comment or even much more
common or at least in my case I make
some kind of a thoughtless comment and I
can tell she's bothered and all of a
sudden um you know we might as well be
in McDonald's you know like um the the I
don't taste the food.
>> Sunsets's ruined. Yeah. Dinner's awful.
>> Yeah, exactly.
>> So, what's going on with our brains
there? Why why is there such an an
asymmetry and imbalance here?
>> I mean, it's because um
our brains are produced by evolution.
And evolution designed us to be what all
that evolution cares about is that we
survive and re reproduce. That's called,
you know, evolutionary fitness.
evolution. Um, as the kind of um
the um a effective psychiatrist um Randy
Nest said doesn't give a fig about whe
whether we're happy. Happiness is just a
mechanism that gets to us to do things
and unhappiness is as well. But it turns
out that kind of negative affective
states are way more
effective in getting us to do the things
we need to do to improve our
evolutionary fitness than positive
affective states. There are all these I
mean if you look at the shelves of
bookstores they're filled with books
about happiness like and a lot of them
are self-help books about how to achieve
happiness but if you actually read the
academic literature on happiness the it
turns out that psychologists are kind of
flumxed about what the function of
happiness is and it turns out that
there's kind of a few different positive
emotions but if you look at someone's
face you can't distinguish
what emotion they're feeling if they're
in a positive state. But negative
emotions are very distinct from one
another. Like if we're afraid
>> or if we're envious or angry, you know,
like um humiliated, if we're ashamed,
they the the face and the body posture
is completely different for each of
these. And they each have their own
separate functions. And so evolution
figured out very very early that the
negative emotions are kind of much more
effective. It's the stick is way more
effective than the carrot for getting us
to do what we need to do to survive and
reproduce. What I also find fascinating
is what we think in perceive in the
future will make us happy as the
destination. when we often reach it, it
doesn't actually make us happy. And then
if we think back to our our version of
ourselves when we thought that would
make us happy and we say, "Hey, we
achieved it." We can recognize it, but
that still doesn't make us feel happy.
But so many of us get caught on this
pursuit of happiness and then feeling
unhappy even when we're achieving the
things that we mentally thought would
give us immense happiness.
>> Right. I I think that's that that's
absolutely true. And
A big part of it is we when something
good happens to us and um it just
becomes part of who we are, it it kind
of recedes into the background. We take
it for granted and
um and we so we kind of hideonically
adapt to it very very rapidly. And so we
when we're thinking about oh if I could
let's say if you're an academic if I
publish this book I'd be really h I'd be
really happy. Well, the happiness lasts
just amazingly
um an amazingly short period of time.
Unfortunately, I mean, we do tend to we
we do adapt to negative things as well.
We can be happy in pretty diverse or not
too unhappy in pretty terrible negative
circumstances, but our adaptation to
negatives is much slower and less
complete than our adaptation to positive
things. And there are all sorts of
different things that can prevent us
from adapting to negative things. Like I
the the last chapter in the first half
of my book is about hope, the downside
of hope. And one of the things that can
prevent us from adapting to negative
things is exactly hope. Why is that the
case? Like it it doesn't rationally make
sense. Logically, I'm sitting here
saying, "Well, that doesn't make sense.
Why is our brain wired in that way? And
what what's happening there that that is
so misguided?" When we think that there
may be some prospect for relief in the
future, our brain says, "Okay, I'm not
going to do the mental work of adapting
to this thing cuz maybe it will get
better." But I mean basically adaptation
to negative things happens when your
brain programming decides that um okay
he's not going to I'm trying to get him
to change his behavior. I'm trying to
get him to improve his situation. He's
not doing it. Okay, it's not working.
I'll I'll cut off the negative feeling
because it's just not it's not
succeeding. But when then when you
introduce a little bit of hope then your
brain is kind of not it's not
consciously thinking this but at some
level it's thinking oh well um maybe
there is some prospect for improvement.
I'm not going to adapt it. It it does
make sense for me to keep like hitting
him with a stick and maybe he'll do what
he needs to do to make his situation
better.
Well, I I think so many of us have heard
the importance of developing empathy for
our interpersonal relationships for
becoming high EQ and you talk about this
empathy gap for ourselves like what is
going on there? What do you mean by
that? And how should we be looking at
empathy when it comes to ourselves?
>> I personally think that um empathy is
impossible. It it doesn't exist. I think
we can be let's start with other people.
Yeah,
>> I think I think we can be um sympathetic
possibly very sympathetic to towards
somebody else and that means that we
feel bad because they feel bad and I
think I mean sympa if if you yourself
are in a bad situation other people's
sympathy can be very rewarding right
it's nice to think that somebody else is
experiencing sympathy but to me empathy
means feeling the same thing so If you
are depressed, I can be sympathetic that
you feel depressed, but I'm not going to
be depressed myself.
And that would be empathy. So I can feel
sympathy, but not empathy. But even when
it comes to sympathy,
um I think there are huge limits on
sympathy. If you have if you feel
depressed or you have a migraine or a
backachche, these are things that
there's no external manifestation. For
all I know, at this moment, you're in a
deep depression, but you're not showing
it to me. And so, it's very hard for me
to sympathize. Now, on the other hand,
if you had broken your arm and there was
a bone sticking out of your shoulder,
I would be horrified and I'd be very
sympathetic to you. even if you even if
you if the bone wasn't really bothering
you at all. So another property of
interpersonal sympathy is that there's
very really very little connection
between how bad the target of your
sympathy is feeling and how bad you are
you are feeling. But empathy
>> if a bone is sticking out of your
shoulder I'm going to feel bad but it's
not going to feel like physical pain to
me. And so I don't really believe in the
existence of empathy. Um I think you can
get a little bit of empathy with another
person. Like I I had an experience that
um a friend of mine had been complaining
about back pains for quite for years
really and I I would say, "Oh god, that
sounds terrible." But I I never really
empathized with it. And
>> yeah,
>> I'm not sure how much I even truly at
some visceral deep level sympathized
with it genuinely. And then I was doing
some construction outdoors and I lifted
up this big rock and then I felt
something give in my back and my
instantaneous
response was not, "Oh, this feels
terrible for me." My instantaneous was
response was, "Oh, that's what he's been
telling me all this time. I I felt this
surge
>> of sympathy, maybe even a little bit of
empathy toward my friend that I hadn't
truly experienced until then. And I
think that's a reason why when we are in
miserable circumstances, if we are
depressed or we have a migraine,
um we tend to feel kind of isolated
because
we think it it feels like other people
just can't feel our pain. And right
>> that's true. It's true that they can't
feel our pain.
>> So there's obviously the phrase, you
know, misery loves company. So in these
scenarios, we would seek out not our
happiest friend when we're miserable. We
would probably not want to spend too
much time with them because it would
just deepen our misery reflectively
looking at how we don't have what they
have, but instead we'd probably want to
spend time with someone that we deem
more miserable than us. Like, okay,
comparatively speaking on on whatever my
internal metric for misery is, well, at
least I'm not that person. At least I'm
not in that bad of shape. Mhm. But you
started out by asking about empathy gaps
and really the most interesting empathy
gaps happen are what I call intra not
interpersonal. They happen within people
and so and the empathy gap is like we're
basically creatures of our immediate
emotional states. Like one of um the
first chapter in the first chapter of my
book, I talk about like what is an
emotion? And I say that an emotion is
um basically a program that um evolved
in our evolutionary past um to deal with
recurring situations of evolutionary
significance like escaping predators,
kind of um winning
um partners, things like that. And and
emotions are all-encompassing programs.
They change our memory, they change our
perceptions, they change our mindset,
they change our hormones, they change
our muscles. Like basically when we are
in a diff different emotional states, we
are effectively different people. Um, if
if I'm angry and you're if I'm angry or
I'm sad, I'm more different from myself,
then like let's assume that the two of
us are kind of in pretty fairly neutral
emotional states. Yeah.
>> Right now than we are than you are from
me and I am from you. Um, so emotions
reprogram us and we have as little
empathy for ourselves in a different
emotional state because we're really a
different person when we're in a
different emotional state as we have for
another person. And that's the that's
what I call an intrapersonal empathy
gap.
>> What is causing that tonal vision?
Because I think many of our listeners
are feeling, wait a second, I I can
definitely imagine myself in these other
emotional states. Like, I have high EQ.
I I can have empathy for other people
and imagine what it's like for the
emotions that they're facing.
>> I've done a whole lot of research which
shows that people have almost no ability
to bridge these empathy gaps. like we we
put people into different affective
states and we have them predict how
they'll behave in a different state and
they completely mispredict their own
behavior. Like for example, I did a
bunch of studies [clears throat]
with my friend and colleague Leaf Van
Boven where we asked people if they
would do kind of scary things in the
future. And when things are in the
future, we tend to not be in touch with
our fear. And people would say, "Oh,
sure. I will dance or mime in front of
the class for $5." Um, no problem.
>> Next next week, no problem. And then
next week would arrive and almost
everybody would chicken out because now
they're actually experiencing the pain.
>> And I I also kind of did studies with um
addicts
And we looked at addicts. We the there
were these addicts who were in treatment
with buprenorphine which is an kind of a
opioid substitute. And we caught people
either right before they got their
buprenor they they were they came to the
clinic and we caught them either right
before they got their buprenorphine so
they were in a state of high craving or
right after they got their buprenorphine
so they were not craving the drug. They
were feeling satiated and then we asked
them five days from now when you come
back to the clinic
would you prefer what would you prefer
to get an extra dose of buprenorphine or
$10 extra dose of buprenorphine or $20
up to $100. And what we found was, and
this is a real choice that we gave them,
and what we found was when they were in
a craving state, they um valued the
extra dose a week uh 5 days later twice
as highly as when they were in a
satiated state because they were in
touch that when they were craving, they
knew what it was like to be craving. And
when they weren't craving, they'd lost
immediately, just moments later, moments
after getting their dose of
buprenorphine, they'd lost touch with
what it feels like to crave drugs. And
these are people who have probably been
in and out of a craving state hundreds
or thousands of times in their life, so
they should know. But we're just um
experience doesn't really help. like um
we are just creatures of our immediate
emotional state emotional state and no
matter how high our EQ is
people are unable to bridge the gap I've
never noticed I've never observed that
there are people are better at this than
other people I think over time you can
learn to bridge empathy gaps like you
can learn strategies oh if I go to the
bar and have a drink, then I'm going to
smoke a cigarette. Or if I go into the
bar and I have a drink, I'm going to get
into a fight. I'm not going to go to the
bar. But right, it but when you do that,
you're just learning, okay, going to the
bar is a bad idea because I know this
from experience. You're not actually in
touch with who you'll become if you go
to the bar and have a drink. So you've,
it's true, you can learn about p your
own patterns of behavior, but you can
never bridge empathy gaps in the sense
of actually being able to imagine how
you will feel if you're in a different
emotional state. Well, one of the
studies in the book, the ice bucket
experiment and exposure, I think is a
little astounding for many of our
audience. I think the the pantomime in
front of the room and that sense of
embarrassment, we kind of all nod our
heads, but I think we we misjudge our
ability to like stick with the visceral
pain and the memory there. I think that
experiment really stood out to me. Could
you walk our audience through it?
>> I think maybe what you're referring to
is the study of torture,
>> right? And during the U Bush
administration when we were um involved
in the war in Iraq, the Bush
administration started um engaging in um
interrogation techniques that had been
widely viewed as torture. And one of
those was waterboarding. Like probably
our most basic instinct instinct is
breathing. Even if you like basically
destroy somebody's brain, they still
like the breathing instinct is in your
brain stem. It's the most important um
function for survival. And the people in
the uh in the Bush administration like
Donald Rumsfeld claimed that
waterboarding was no big deal. It's they
defi they said it's not torture because
the the US had signed on to a treaty to
a UN treaty barring us from doing
torture but they said water boarding
isn't torture but um and there was a
famous um Chicago
talk host named Menco and he kind of
publicly kept on saying oh water
boarding big deal water boarding isn't
torture and he agreed to get
waterboarded himself and within
uh I mean people who get waterboarded it
it go it unfolds over a period of
minutes but Manco after a matter of a
few seconds he like threw the um he he
started flailing his hands and he kind
of um threw the apparatus off and he
said [clears throat]
he said uh this is horrible. It is
torture. It only took him like a few
seconds to recognize that water boarding
was torture. I think in the study of
mine that you're talking about,
we asked people whether putting people
in a cold room for an extended period is
that um enhanced interrogation or is
that torture? And when we just asked
people kind of um in a neutral state
whether which it was, a lot of people
said, "Oh, that's enhanced
interrogation. That's not torture." But
all it took was um this was um research
with Lauren Nordrren at Northwestern
University. All it took was for to for
people to put their hand in a bowl of
ice water, which is um psychologists use
this as a method of inducing pain. It's
it's really surprisingly painful. And
just doing that changed people's
perceptions of whether being in a cold
room was enhanced interrogation or
counted as torture. And sometimes it's
like in the example that I gave of um
um in the
uh what was the example I gave um sorry
um anyway sometimes all it oh the
example I gave of um hurting my back and
suddenly empathizing my friend who had
who had been complaining of a hurt back.
Sometimes it takes all it takes is a
little taste of a misery to come closer
towards empathizing with the a person's
mi misery and certainly coming a lot
closer to sympathizing with that misery.
>> Well, I think many of us don't recognize
how the empathy gaps can distort our
moral judgment. I think we separate our
moral judgment with our character and
and what we know is right and wrong. And
it's hard for us to then recognize that
no, these empathy gaps can actually
distort that in really meaningful ways
and make us even as we view ourselves as
moral characters do immoral things.
>> Yeah, that's right. Um, absolutely. When
we're under the thr of a strong emotion,
we'll very often do things that violate
our own emo our own emotion um moral
standards. And these empathy gaps work
in another way as well. I mentioned that
um drug crap empathy gap for drug
craving. If you're not craving a drug,
even if you're an addict, if you're not
craving a drug, it's impossible to
imagine how powerful craving could be in
terms of influencing our behavior. So,
like I ask I used to teach a freshman
seminar on
um drug abuse and addiction and I'd ask
my students, "If you got addicted to
heroin, do you think you would ever
is it possible that you would ever steal
from your parents or abandon your
children?" And every everyone said, "Oh,
there's no way I would ever do that."
And but of course people who are
addicted to heroin kind of routinely do
things like that. And um it's and we
morally judge them especially severely
because we think oh I wouldn't do that.
If I if I were in a craving state I
wouldn't do that. And but that's just
false. That's just a perfect
manifestation of an empathy gap. If we
were in such a craving state, we would
do exactly that and probably worse.
>> And so yeah, it it works in also it
these emotions lead us to violate our
own emotional standards and they lead us
when we're not emotional to judge other
people much more severely.
>> And then we also hold our memories to
have more of a stark impact on us than
they do. So the retrospective blind spot
and this great story of Mike Straoud in
Antarctica where many of us externally
would be like what is this guy thinking?
Why is he doing this to himself? But we
all have this blind spot.
>> That's right. We do. And in in some ways
it's probably good for evolutionary
fitness like in terms of um the poor
memory for pain probably helps to
explain why people have second um why
women um give birth to second and third
and third children. Yeah. Right.
>> So what happened with Mike and in
Antarctica?
>> Oh well um I the the example of Oh well
two things happened with Mike in
Antarctica. One was that his um so this
was the first unaded crossing of
Antarctica by foot and he was with a guy
named Reynold Fines who's like a true
kind of stoic like a a unbelievable um
explorer guy and he his um fine's foot
was eroding like it was um getting
eroded by frostbite. and he was in
excruciating pain. And Stout reports
that when like um and so he finds even
though he's like an unbelievable um
tough guy um every once in a while he
just couldn't stand he couldn't stand
not to kind of reveal how much pain he
was in. And then Mike Stout would tell
him, "Oh, that's terrible. I you know, I
feel for you. I feel your pain." And um
but then Strauss's Stout comments that
he didn't really feel his pain because
pain is something that can't be shared.
>> But I think actually you're referring to
another part of the book and that is
that this Antarctic crossing like um was
probably the most um not only because of
eroded feet but because of being cold
all the time and miserable and and food
um food deprived and things like that.
It was just like an unrelentingly
miserable experience. And then and the
whole time Stra is thinking about u
going home and being with its children
and how he's never going to do something
like this again. And then so it's 97
days for the audience like 97 days of
just punishment, grueling, freezing
punishment, near starvation, suffering,
>> and of course going through it. He's
what everyone would be daydreaming
about, like getting back to your family
and heat and food and everything that
you love.
>> Yeah. And he's thinking, I'm never going
to do something like this again. And
then he gets back to his family and like
I think he's like playing with one of
his kids and he says that um part of his
brain is longing to get back out and do
the next feat. Um, and he talks about um
the memory trick is is doing its work on
me again. And the memory trick he's
talking about is exactly the empathy gap
that when we're not in a state of
misery,
it's just impossible for us to be in
touch with the misery that uh a state of
misery even if we experienced it
ourselves not very long ago.
Now many of our listeners self-identify
as high performers and in that identity
say oh I perform under pressure just
raise the stakes and I will meet the
challenge in front of me and they
certainly don't believe that they're
going to choke. So what actually happens
when we raise the stakes? Do people
really perform better?
>> Well and I I um so I have a chapter in
the book on choking under pressure. Um I
tell I open up it with a personal story
about myself and the um and certainly
there are people who are better at
dealing with pressure than other people
but at some sufficiently high level of
kind of motivation I think pretty much
everyone is going to choke under
pressure and choking
I have recently I've been doing a lot of
um research and writing about um
attention about the attention being a
resource like land, labor, capital,
attention. Attention's become become the
new economic factor of production. So
I'm very interested in attention. Yeah.
>> And if you look at cases of choking
under pressure, a lot of them have to do
with attention. Like for example,
let's say that you play golf and you've
um I don't play golf, so I'll probably
um I'm probably about to um show off my
ignorance, but you swing your club
hundreds or thousands of times and you
automate the club, your your swing, your
golf swing. Um, and then you get into,
you make a bet with a friend or you get
into a tournament and your brain say
your brain just automatically says to
itself, "Oh, this is really important
and I've got this scarce resource
attention and I should use my scarce
resource to deal with this really,
really important situation." And so even
though it's the last thing you should be
doing, you pay attention to your swing.
You think about the swing and then once
you think about it, all the kind of
programming fall falls out the window.
Or another example would be you
are in a let's say um you're a podcaster
and let's say you have like a really
really important guest on your show
Barack Obama. It's like the best guest
you ever had and you are and you've been
interviewing and and you're an
experienced interviewer, but this one's
really important and you start thinking
to yourself, "Oh, if I blow this, I'm
blowing the opportunity of my life." And
oh, it would be so great if this works
out, it's going to be so great. It's
going to project my podcast into the
stratosphere. And so instead of thinking
about the conversation with Barack, you
are focusing on the upside and downside
of the interview going well or badly.
And so a whole lot of different forms of
choking have to do with attention. But
then yeah, I mean there's other there's
other categories like for example I talk
about um I used to do a lot of um rock
climbing and mountaineering and
if you get into a bad I don't I don't
think this is true of like the really
great mountaineers and probably that's
one reason why they are great
mountaineers but if you are more of an
amateur and you're um and you get into a
bad spot like where where you don't feel
like you're very well protected by the
rope or you're the protection you've put
in is like if you fall it's likely to
come out and you get scared. Well, what
I f what happened to me is that I would
get something I call sewing machine leg.
And sewing machine leg is your foot
starts just automatically going like
this, which is like the worst possible
thing that could happen to you if you
are kind of trying to hang on to a rock.
And then it starts doing that and you
think, "Oh god, my um sewing this sewing
machine leg thing is going to it's going
to knock me off the rock." And you get
even more scared. And then the sewing
machine leg gets worse. And there's this
um feedback cycle and which um
contributes to which makes the choking
even worse. I mean I think everyone
choke will choke under some
circumstances but for some people
choking happens more easily than for
other people. Actually, one of the most
pervasive from for the the biggest fear
of the largest number of people is
public speaking.
And what happens when you engage in
public speaking? Well, when you engage
in public speaking, your brain is
saying, "This is really important, and
I'm going to shut down my digestive
system." And that's a good thing because
like if you're up on the podium, you
don't have to run off the podium to go
take care of your bodily needs.
>> But at in another way, it's not a good
thing because part of digestion is like
producing saliva. That's part of the
digestive process. And so you're public
speaking and you don't produce the
saliva. And then you experience this
phenomenon called dry mouth. So then you
you start talking like like this and of
course
>> grabbing your water constantly.
>> When you realize that you're talking
like talking like this, it makes you
realize, "Oh, I'm performing badly." You
get more tense and your body and your
brain says, "Oh, I really have to shut
down that digestive system." And so you
get another one of these feedback
processes.
And then you walk off stage in anger and
you've been told all you got to do is go
vent to your friends, go vent to your
family about that anger you're carrying
and you'll empty that anger from your
system. When in actuality,
>> you're just breathing new life into that
anger. Why do so many of us think that
if we can just vent our emotions away,
we can release them, empty them, and and
move forward. And they're so misguided.
>> That's right. There's a quote in my
book. There's a quote from a researcher
who says that trying to deal with anger
um by venting it is like trying to use
gasoline to put out a f to put out a
fire.
Not a good idea.
>> Yeah.
>> But why do we think that we can vent it
away? Like where is that coming from
that we have this belief that oh if we
just share this now we we dump this
anger onto our friends we're releasing
it.
I mean, I think a lot of that comes from
kind of
perspect um psychoanalytic perspectives
that that have kind of a hydraulic view
of the of the human psyche that's like
if we can verbalize stuff. It's like we
will um drain the that will will relieve
the pressure.
And I mean I think there are some
situations that where that's true. Like
for example
um I'm very interested in something I
call the drive to disclose. Like you um
you have some personal thing weighing on
you or maybe you'd like to brag or you
have some great piece of gossip and
you're dying to share that with another
person. That's the drive to disclose.
And I do think that sharing that can
relieve the drive to disclose is kind of
an internal pressure. I've got this
inside of me. I've got to release it.
And when you do disclose it to somebody,
>> it feels great.
>> Very it it does feel good and it does
relieve the pressure. So in some in some
situations, I do think that the
hydraulic metaphor is an apt one, but
when it comes to anger, it doesn't work
at all. um trying to
um trying to mitigate your anger by
venting it like um just like it's like
the vent is like um
throwing uh like blowing air on a fire.
>> Well, you have an anecdote of a friend o
over email who had something incredibly
tragic happen and it just the anger
continued to get worse and build. It was
not something that was relieved. What
happened?
>> Uh yeah, that's right. It's a it's a a
friend who a a long-term close friend. I
in addition to doing the
um misery survey, I also um I when I got
together with friends since I was
working on the book, I'd say do um are
there any um emotions that you
experience, negative emotions you
experience, especially intensely?
And this person said, "Oh, yeah, anger."
And I asked her, "Well, can you
explain?" And she said, "Well, let me
write. I'm going to write to you about
it. And she and she sent me several
pages about it. And she was um she got
um pregnant and she um had a and she had
a child and it was like an unbelievably
meaningful experience for her like um
certainly the most meaningful experience
of her whole life. And but then I think
the baby was about 3 months old and she
got an email and it was from a guy and
the guy the email was I thought you
might want to know that my girlfriend is
cheating with your husband.
And so she realized that her
at this um she felt like she was sharing
this incredibly
meaningful thing with her husband. But
then she discovered this that
[clears throat] he had been in a very
different u mind state and kind of
behaving very differently from what she
believed. And she said that the anger
was just like eating her up. it was
keeping her from sleeping. And she so um
so many of the different descriptions of
anger that I got from her and from
other and from people in the from the
misery survey referred to anger as toxic
or as acid eating away at you. And as I
said before, it is just it striking to
me how people can't get past the cannot
get past this anger.
Yeah. And I think it it also drives us
in physical ways. You know, classic
advice might be to punch a punching bag
or yell [clears throat] into a a pillow
to again this concept of vent and and
have the sense of cathar catharsis of
letting the anger out of our body. But
that actually just doubles down on the
anger.
>> That's right. Yeah. I think
ultimately the only solution to anger is
you have to find a way to kind of
forgive the other person and sometimes
that involves um perspective taking and
which is something that we just don't
naturally do. We're not naturally good
at perspective taking, but sometimes
um somebody can say, "Well, weren't you
in this situation that was somewhat
analogous and you be and couldn't you
say that you kind of behaved this way in
the past?" And that's um that is a whole
lot more effective than try than um vent
trying to vent the anger. I I actually
opened the book with um an anecdote
about getting this email
um that was from a guy in my field and
it was an email it wasn't meant for me.
It was about me. And in in the email,
this person accused me of not properly
acknowledging their
cont their research, their their work.
And I um and my initial reaction was
like intense anger and um like I mean it
was very insulting toward me and but
fortunately I wasn't able to respond
immediately. I had almost a whole day to
think about it before I responded and I
was hanging out with a friend that day
and and he helped me to kind of process
it. But I started to think about, oh
yeah, there were situations where I felt
like other people didn't acknowledge my
seinal research and it would and weren't
there situations where it would have
been so easy for me to send an email to
the wrong person and so on. And
by the end of the day, the anger had
really kind of given way almost to
sympathy and like um and to kind of an
understanding of the of the of this
other person. And I and I sent a very um
kind of
reconciliatory
or consiliatory
um message to them, which ended up being
a very good thing. I mean, people, you
should never ever respond immediately
when you're in a a situation of anger.
Like, never respond immediately to an
email that makes you angry. And
absolutely, you should never CC other
people than the person who makes you
angry. I've seen so many situations
where somebody gets angry about
something and sends the response to this
huge they feel so self-righteously
um indignant they send the response to a
huge distribution list of people not
realizing how badly that's going to come
across. So, even though like um my book
is absolutely not a self-help book, but
let me introduce an element of self-help
into this podcast. If you ever get an
email or a text that makes you really
angry,
never ever respond to it. Don't even
respond after 10 minutes because you
might think, "Okay, after 10 minutes
I've had a chance to cool down." That's
not true. You might have just had a
chance to incubate and um so big
difference.
>> It really takes at least a day to to
truly cool down and and you need and
just the passage of time isn't enough.
You need to kind of think about it in an
open-minded way and perspective take.
So, knowing all all of your research and
putting this book together and your view
now of these emotions, what have you
done personally to change what happens
when you're feeling these strong
emotions? Because I think so many of our
listeners have sort of oriented
themselves around the pursuit of
happiness and the labeling of these
emotions and done some things that are
maladaptive for what the emotions are
telling us.
I mean, yeah, people often ask me this,
like, how has studying um emotions
changed changed your behavior? And
I'm sure it has in various ways. Like I
have a if I'm in a down state, I I it
must be that I have a better
understanding of what it's like to be in
an upstate. But I think these things are
so
intrinsic to kind of human existence.
When I do get in when I do get into a
down state, like maybe depressed with a
small D,
I lose I I do lose perspective. And like
um so maybe I'm a little bit better at
saying, okay, I know that people get out
of down states, but um I know I will get
out of this down state. I might be a
little bit better at not reacting
angrily when I'm get a um email that
makes me angry, but really I think these
are just about being human. And my my
book is um I can't
my answer is I wish I could say that
studying this has changed me but when I
get depressed it still feels like I
always have been depressed always will
be depressed. I'm it it doesn't save me
from the the things that I talk about in
the book. I do and I do think that there
are ways that kind of gaining the
insights from the book can help you. I
mean, as I said, it's not a self-help
book. It's a book about insight. It can
give you insights into your own
emotions. It can give you insights into
the negative emotions of people around
you. And I think it can to some degree
make you less critical of yourself. One
of the things I talk about in the book
is meta emotions. These are emotions
about emotions. And very often, so very
often we tor um emotions torture us and
then we torture ourselves with these
meta emotions. Like for example,
>> we feel envy towards a friend and then
we feel and we're not supposed to feel
envy, you're not supposed to feel envy
towards a friend if something good
happens to them. Yeah, if something good
that happens to them, we're supposed to
respond with unmitigated joy. But we
feel envy and then we feel guilty about
feeling envious. And I think that um
understanding of having a better
understanding of negative emotions maybe
can help to mitigate these meta emotions
to some degree. I think that there's
another way that reading the book can
make you can help you maybe to feel
better. Um I think it had this effect on
me and various friends who I gave
advanced copies to who read the book
said okay I I get that this is a not a
self-help book but actually reading this
book did make me feel better in certain
ways and there's an awful lot of
different ways of being miserable like I
talk about 12 specific miseries in my
book
And
most of us hopefully only suffer from a
subset of those. Like um I only I have
two that I'm I'm not going to share
them, but I have two that I'm
particularly prone to.
>> Okay. And but reading these descriptions
from the misery survey and reading the
academic literature on all of these
other emotions, I often found that I had
the experience like there but for the
grace of God like um it wasn't that I
was kind of kind of gloating because I
was better than the people who had
negative emotions. [clears throat] I
just experienced this sense of [cough]
[clears throat]
this sense of relief. Oh, thank God I
don't experience that. That sounds so
terrible. And so I do think that
reading the book um can mostly my goal
in this book is to provide insights in
in the same way that if you read a
novel, a sad novel, you're going to gain
psychological insights into the
characters and in the novel and
hopefully insights into yourself,
>> right? And I'm I really hope that
reading the book will provide people
with insights into negative emotions,
but I do think that there's some
possible
silver linings that that people can get.
And I I would say the two big ones are
the kind of um mitigation of these meta
emotions and the other one is this there
but for the grace of God go I effect.
Yeah, I would add a third of
self-compassion recognizing that even
you who put the book together, did the
research, the experiments, looked at the
data still have these natural forces
inside of us that knowing what we know,
we don't have to feel so guilty about
our behaviors or actions because of them
in the wake of those emotions,
recognizing that it's just part of being
human.
>> That's right. And when we think about
compassion,
this kind of relates back to the empathy
cap. When we think about compassion, we
usually think about compassion for other
people. But you're absolutely right that
um compassion for yourself might be a
much more important determinant of our
day-to-day well-being.
>> Thank you again for [clears throat]
joining us. I really enjoyed this
conversation and the book. Where can an
audience find out more about your work
in the book?
>> Thank you, AJ. I did. I really enjoyed
the conversation as well. And the
easiest way to find out about the book
is to go to the website
oppositeofhappiness.com
and I have a bunch of stuff about um
about the book and endorsements, things
like that. So that's the best way to
learn about it.
>> Thank you again for joining us.
>> Thank you.
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