Video summary
The United States foreign affairs workforce has suffered severe degradation under the second Trump administration, with the State Department intentionally reducing its personnel by approximately 3,000 employees since January 2025. This drastic cut specifically targets career diplomats and specialized expertise rather than administrative functions, effectively eroding the institutional knowledge necessary to implement effective policy. The consequences of this reduction are profound; agencies now lack the capacity to perform essential duties, forcing them to rely on short-term contractors or pull staff from normal assignments while public trust plummets to 33%. Furthermore, critical civilian capabilities such as local coordination, rapid response mechanisms, and secure information flows have been lost, leading the U.S. to depend excessively on expensive military assets for humanitarian responses instead of cost-effective civil organizations.
Beyond mere staffing numbers, there is a deep erosion of American values regarding international law, restraint, compassion for civilians, and soft power that undermines the nation's role as a global leader in consensus-building. The administration has replaced a century-old tradition of an apolitical, professional Foreign Service with what critics describe as an "anti-experience" approach that rejects career expertise and falsely accuses loyal servants of disloyalty to drive them out. This politicization extends to illegal practices where rehiring employees laid off via Reduction in Force is barred despite existing laws defining such actions by efficiency rather than cause. Additionally, specific programs like the Pickering and Rangel fellowships have been suspended with no new classes, recruitment has become exclusive to conservative institutions, and USAID was shut down without transferring its unique humanitarian capabilities, resulting in weak crisis responses in regions like Venezuela.
Addressing these challenges requires a long-term strategy often referred to as "Project 2029," which goes beyond simply restoring the status quo or hoping for legislative changes after November elections. Experts argue that fixing this broken system demands bipartisan legislation, modernized government systems, strategic public-private partnerships, and a rethinking of approaches toward regions like Africa and Iran. However, even with potential shifts in Congress, preparation must focus on rebuilding capacity regardless of who wins the 2028 election because legislative action alone cannot force an administration to hire back its workforce. The current policies create a talent drain where experienced professionals have left voluntarily or retired early due to restrictions barring their re-hiring for several years, which discourages younger generations from joining public service and threatens to leave future administrations with no viable option but to continue dismantling the foreign affairs apparatus.
Ultimately, reversing this trend requires political will that views government as an asset rather than a liability, alongside streamlined hiring processes designed to reduce barriers for mid-career entrants. Panelists emphasize the urgent need to reinvent careers in foreign affairs so they remain aspirational full-time professions again, even if immediate return is currently restricted by administrative policies. By prioritizing enduring principles over institutional or financial metrics and fostering a renewed positive vision of public service diplomacy, the U.S. can hope to restore its capacity for responsible global engagement. Without these fundamental shifts in perspective and action, the nation risks losing not only its diplomatic expertise but also its ability to uphold international norms and protect civilians abroad through effective multilateral cooperation.
Read the full video transcript
Thank you for joining us. My name is
Peter Bergen, I'm a vice president at
New America for global studies and
fellows.
We're really delighted having all-star
cast to discuss the future of the
foreign affairs workforce and uh
this uh newspaper today, the FT,
have said it pretty well, RIP the State
Department. So, the question is
is the uh State Department really RIP?
Um we have Dr. Elizabeth Campbell, who
is a fellow with the New America's uh
future security program. She's also
former deputy assistant secretary in the
Bureau of Population, Refugees, and
Migration and run she's executive
director of Co-Action Global.
We have Jenny Mattingly, who's a vice
president for public policy and
stakeholder engagement in the
Partnership for Public Service.
She also worked at OMB
uh and various other parts of the
federal government. And also Ambassador
Eric Rubin, a long-time foreign service
officer with 38 years of of service.
Uh he most recently is the ambassador to
American [clears throat] ambassador to
Bulgaria. He's also
he was uh served as the uh president of
the American Foreign Service Association
for 4 years from 2019 to 2023.
So, I'm going to start with uh Dr.
Campbell and uh our panelists will each
make some brief opening remarks and then
we'll have a
discussion. If you have questions for
the panel, please put it in the Slido
uh and
app in your box in your screen and I
will um
pass on the questions to our panelists.
So, over to you, Dr. Campbell.
>> Okay, thank you very much, Peter, um for
having me. Thank you so much um for
supporting and organizing this really
important discussion.
Um
as everyone who lives and works in
Washington knows, there is a variety of
organizations, individuals, and efforts
that are constantly thinking about
policy, what is the best policy, how to
advance policy, reform policy, change
policy.
And I would say in light of the dramatic
you know generational sort of impact on
US national security foreign policy
institutions the most important
policy discussion that should be taking
place in Washington right now is the
future of
um
of the workforce of foreign policy
workforce of the civil servants and
people are policy right so even when you
have an administration like the current
one who makes it very clear that the who
who has stated that one of the many
reasons why there has been such a
massive reduction in force and major
cuts is because they don't need people
you know freely thinking or
agendas of their own and they're only
meant to follow the policy of the
president
sure I don't think anyone would disagree
with that but it's the how when the
president issues a policy of any kind in
any area in any region in the world what
you need behind that policy are people
who know how to do it and that's where
the expertise comes from it comes in a
variety of ways it's not just knowing
languages culture history of
relationships but it's also about how
you move assets how you operationalize
things how you effectively deploy
assistance to support and advance what
the policy is that the president has set
and so what we have now is a situation
where the how
how you implement any policy that this
current administration or any future
administration may set
is has been destroyed in many cases
completely obliterated in some cases the
know-how of of doing things is simply no
longer present I remember the feeling I
had at some point last year when I went
into the State Department an an
institution or organization of course
where I have worked and I deeply admire
and walking out thinking like okay, the
United States is now Denmark by which I
mean
the footprint has shrunk so considerably
our ability to influence and to do the
how to support whatever the president's
policy is anywhere in the world is is
simply no longer there. I think the
situation is so grave that it absolutely
take
at least a generation to overcome should
that be the direction in which we move
forward. This is not something that
an election cycle can fix. It is
structural. It is serious and at the
moment it is lacking any sense of
bipartisan urgency
or collaboration or coordination around
what the future
will be not only for the people
currently serving in these institutions
but for the generation of people that we
would want to recruit and support into
them and absent people absent a serious
policy about building these
organizations maintaining capacity
you know throughout then we're going to
simply have less impact less effect and
be very ineffective in a wide variety of
things that we may wish to do. I'll I'll
stop there.
>> Thank you Dr. Just to put some numbers
on that quoting from today's FT article
just for the audience to get a sense of
what this all really looks like.
Since the Trump second term began the
workforce of the State Department has
dropped by 3,000 over 20%.
Trump has appointed fewer career
diplomats than any president in the past
50 years just nine out of the 92
nominations he's put forward
and the brunt of the cuts have happened
in foreign affairs not in think not in
items like contracting or
administration. So, you really is as Dr.
Campbell pointed out, losing the brains.
I I I one thing I also wanted to mention
about Dr. about
Ambassador Rubin,
from his Wikipedia entry, he speaks
Thai, French, Spanish, Ukrainian,
Bulgarian, and Russian.
So, that kind of linguistic ability and
ability to operate in many different
cultures
has is really been pushed out the door.
So, Jenny, over to you.
>> Great. Thank you. Thank you for inviting
me to be here today and just a big thank
you starting off for all the folks who
are listening in, who are either
currently in federal service or had been
in federal service because as we just
heard, it's important. There's a lot of
work that goes on that isn't you know,
it's not things that just any company
could do or any
individual can do. It takes a lot of
expertise and a lot of work
network to do this sort of job. So, I'm
here from the Partnership for Public
Service. We're a non-partisan,
non-profit working to make government
better, particularly when you think
about the policies and the structures
around how government works. And you
heard Dr. Campbell talk about the how we
do our business. And so, that's
certainly something we're focused on and
that's everything from policy advocacy
to leadership development to workforce
programming and and working with
practitioners who have been inside
government because they know how
government works best and they know
where some of the blockers are to the
policies and systems that work. I'm
going to share a bit broader view of
what we were just talking about than
just the State Department, but really
some of the same themes that we're
seeing across government-wide
that we're seeing go on. One of those is
the deferred resignation program. Peter,
you talked about um
which
how many people had left at State
Department. Some of that's been through
reduction of force, but some of it has
been because people chose to um
[clears throat] walk out the door
through this deferred resignation or
early retirement. And we're seeing that
continue, this cycle of just loss of
expertise, loss of capacity in agencies.
We're also seeing agencies start quietly
hiring back in an acknowledgement that
the work is still there. The work has to
get done. It's important. And so I think
that's a uh thing we'll start seeing
going forward. We're also seeing people
in agencies get pulled from their
jobs that they do normally to cover the
work that still has to be done. Because
once even as the administration removed
people,
a correlation in the type of work that
needed to be done didn't happen. That
work is still required through Congress,
through the administration, through a
variety of other things. Um there's been
about 450,000
uh separations across government since
January 2025.
So, it's not just State Department, but
we're seeing this in the other agencies
that State Department works with. Um
partners across government, this loss of
capacity. Uh one other thing I'll point
out is that there is also
we did a public service viewpoint survey
last year where we at the end of last
year, where we surveyed employees on how
they feel about their work in agencies
in their agencies, and it showed that a
majority of employees think that the
service delivery, their ability to do
their work on behalf of the public has
gotten worse over the past year because
they don't have the capacity to do this
type of
um activity in meaningful ways. And so
it really does impact communities across
the country or internationally as well.
And we also do trust in government
surveys. And right now, trust continues
to drop in the federal government. It
was already low, but their 2025 survey
showed that 33% of Americans trust the
government. Which is a pretty low
number, and that's just compounded when
they don't get services, when they, you
know, phones don't get answered on the
other end. All of these day-to-day
things that happen when agencies don't
have the capacity to do their work. Um
we're also seeing a lot of executive
orders and regulations. We track a lot
of these things and their impact on
government capacity.
It's coming from the administration and
the Office of Personnel Management that
are you probably heard Schedule PC,
which is the former Schedule F. There
are things around suitability to do your
work. Uh moving appeals processes into
the Office of Personnel Management. Each
of these is part of this workforce
restructuring that makes it easier to
fire federal employees without cause.
And so our concern has been, you know,
one you need to clearly remove employees
when they're not doing the work they
need to be doing, but you also want to
make sure there are guardrails
preventing politicization of the
workforce. And so that's something we're
watching right now is how many of these
actions have the impact of politicizing
potentially the workforce.
Uh
there is a silver lining. Dr. Campbell
mentioned needing to fix some of those
systems, and that's something that we
and many others across government are
working on is how can you reimagine
government systems, hiring,
uh procurement, IT. Think about the
business of government. Those systems
weren't necessarily working optimally
before. Some of them were completely
outdated. And so this is a moment where
things have been changed so drastically
that we, whether it's in Congress, in
the external stakeholders, folks inside
government, might have an opportunity to
think how can we make them work better
and what does that look like. And so I
do think that that's the positive side
of the coin, the takeaway here is that
we have a moment where people are paying
attention to government in a way that
hasn't happened in a very, very long
time, particularly in Congress, in a way
um digging in and thinking about what
they can do to modernize the statutes
that govern the workforce and govern
operations. So, that's certainly
something we can dig into more, but
Peter, I'll stop there and that's sort
of the big picture of of what things
stand right now.
>> Okay, thank you, Jenny. Ambassador
Rubin.
>> Uh thank you, Peter. I'm really glad to
be with everyone here today.
Um I will endorse everything my
colleagues have just said and add a
little bit.
Uh I think what we are seeing now is an
intentional effort to destroy
uh US diplomacy as it has existed for
over a century.
Uh I think there are several reasons for
that and they're mostly ideological, but
but not entirely and I'll go into that,
but I think uh as the partnership has
has said uh over the years on many
occasions,
uh we had a a period in the 19th century
when
uh we had a spoils system and this was,
I think, dramatized superbly in the
recent Netflix uh series Death by
Lightning about
uh the assassination
of President Garfield by Charles
Guiteau, a disappointed job seeker.
Uh and in the late 19th century, we saw
a real change. Uh Teddy Roosevelt, who
allegedly is one of President Trump's
role models,
uh led the charge first in New York
City, in New York State, and then
nationally to reform the civil service
to create apolitical career professional
institutions across government. And for
the past century plus, that is is what
we've had, for better or for worse, not
always perfectly,
but in the case of the Foreign Service,
going back to 1924 and the founding of
the modern Foreign Service, uh the
entire concept has been a professional
uh, career institution, apolitical, uh,
dedicated to serving whatever
administration
is in office, uh, to the best of its
ability.
And I think the track record, uh, of
that century is is pretty positive with
with the occasional,
uh, I would say asterisks. Uh, one of
them was during the 1950s and the
McCarthy period and uh, the question of
who lost China and that was a very
difficult time for the Foreign Service
when people were hounded and persecuted
for allegedly not
uh, having opposed the communist
takeover of China sufficiently strongly.
But, uh, overall,
I would say, uh, it's a it's a very uh,
positive tradition and having spent
almost 40 years
in the Foreign Service,
I can tell you that, uh, never once in
my career
did I ever hear or see anyone,
uh,
trying to undercut or undermine or not
fulfill the policies of an elected
president of the United States and I I
served six presidents and, uh,
the question
that has been raised by this
administration is is it possible to be
apolitical and to loyally serve, uh, any
administration. Uh, and I know the
answer to that to be yes. Uh,
unfortunately, this administration has
decided to reject that notion, to
politicize an apolitical institution, to
drive people out, uh, I would argue to
uh, drive people out because they have
experience and knowledge.
Uh, this is an anti, uh,
experience, anti-knowledge
administration where the most important
thing is not to have anyone
who knows better than the people in
charge, not to have anyone who will say
privately, confidentially, internally,
uh I recommend we don't do that. I
recommend something else. Here's why. Uh
they do not want to hear that. They're
very insecure uh partly because the
overall level of knowledge and
competence is very low.
And that's evidenced by the people
carrying out our foreign policy uh such
as uh Witkoff and Kushner
who have no diplomatic experience or
knowledge whatsoever.
Um but it's a great loss to the country.
And if you want to ask why we're in such
a bad place with Iran right now,
uh I I think uh a key point is that
there's not a single person who knows
Iran, who understands the history of US
relations with Iran, who is following
things in Iran closely, who speaks
Farsi,
>> [snorts]
>> uh not a single person who is advising
uh the policy of this administration.
And in terms of the exodus from the
foreign service, there's no doubt that
the goal has been to drive out uh
pretty much everyone who's senior,
everyone who has experience, everyone
who might internally, confidentially
recommend uh different approaches, which
is the role of of career uh experts, not
to go public, not to ever challenge an
administration publicly,
uh but to internally provide their best
advice, and then obviously when the
policy decisions are made to follow
them.
Uh so, the question remains, what are we
going to do in 2029? We are going to
have to rebuild, we're going to have to
rethink. Uh we're a country of 345
million. We are still the most powerful
country on Earth. We are going to need
diplomacy, we are going to need
diplomats, we are going to need foreign
policy decision-making.
Uh right now uh that has been gutted,
but we're going to have to reinvent and
rethink
uh and uh restart. And hopefully it can
be done in a way that takes into account
mistakes that were made in the past. Uh,
it will take have to take into account
things that needed changing for years.
Uh, no one argues that what we had
before the second Trump administration
was was entirely
uh, effective or positive.
And we're going to have to, I think,
rely on people who have been driven out,
uh, and hope that some of them can come
back and and share their decades of
experience and knowledge. Uh, but again,
I would just argue, uh,
we don't need politicized diplomacy. We
don't need politicized federal
institutions.
Uh, and it's not true to say that in the
past, uh, our career professional
experts were undermining any president's
agenda.
But right now what we have is a gutted
institution. It's definitely showing in
terms of the failure of US diplomacy
around the world. Uh, within 2 years,
uh, we're going to face the challenge of
figuring where we go next, and I'd be
happy to talk more about that, uh, in
the Q&A. Thanks.
>> Thank you, Ambassador Rubin. Just to
pick up on that point, I interviewed
Kiron Skinner, who, um, she was the head
of policy planning at State, uh,
in the first Trump term, and she wrote
the Project 2025 chapter on the State
Department. I asked her, could she point
to a single
example
of a foreign service officer not, you
know, basically going along with
whatever the instructions were from
were from, uh, you know, the White House
in the Trump first term, and she said
that she couldn't think of think of an
example.
So, the whole the whole
it it's predicated in part on this idea
that there's this fifth column at the
State Department that isn't going along
with these
the directives of the president, which
is basically, you know, she couldn't
point to a single example. And just to
add to to that, you know, the Assistant
Secretary for the Middle East
has still not been appointed. Joel
Rayburn, a former New America fellow, uh
at a Trump uh you know, very Trump
loyalist uh wasn't um confirmed and that
post remains open. At all the times
you'd want a senior the top level um
expert on the Middle East to have you
you know,
to be the for that role to be filled,
you know, it is now for all the reasons
Ambassador Rubin has already laid out.
Anyway, we have a lot of questions from
the audience. I'm just going to go
straight to them
um and uh first of all,
um question from anonymous.
Uh
Well, I should ask this. Question from
Allegro. I was I was riffed, meaning uh
fired, from a very junior role last
year. I still want to serve.
How do I best prepare to come back so
that I'll be able to lead when I get
back? Maybe that's a question for you,
Jenny.
>> Yeah, that's a That's an interesting
question and one of the first things is
that I hear from so many federal
employees,
they weren't done yet with their careers
in
uh public service, so they do want to
come back. They want to continue serving
the mission and serving their country.
So, uh you know, the interesting thing
is we just don't know how hiring is
going to go over the next year and what
opportunities to come back are in there.
They're changing the hiring process a
little bit right now and so I think
there's nothing that's a magic uh you
know, uh wave a magic wand and be
prepared to come back in. There is, you
know,
supposed to be skills-based hiring.
Agencies are supposed to be moving
towards you show your skills and
qualifications for a job through
assessments and other things. And so,
some of this is just looking out for
positions that you might want to
uh
apply for again. I will caveat that with
something that Ambassador Rubin was
talking about, which is there is this
uh
thought that the folks who left already
you know, this perception that people
were in government who were not being
politically responsive, which just isn't
the case. Folks have worked across
administrations and the the point of a
career civil service is to be that
non-partisan uh
uh cadre that executes on on all the
work that needs to be done. But, there
are questions being asked related to uh
some of the hiring processes around
which executive orders do you most
support from this administration and
some other things. So, just
be aware that parts of it are going to
be hiring as as we're normally used to
seeing that a lot of us support about
skills-based hiring, showing your
qualifications, but there's also an
added layer potentially now where hiring
goes in front of a a board of political
appointees, there are some other
questions in there. And so, there's
nothing there's nothing
sort of different in terms of preparing
to come back, but I do think we will see
more positions start opening over the
next few years.
>> Okay, so this is a question from Michael
Duffin who's a RIF'd, I E fired.
Reduction in force is RIF for those who
don't know on this listening to this, a
former counterterrorism official. He uh
he he asks, and maybe this is a question
for Ambassador Rubin,
if Congress passed legislation to
reinstate the 1,300-plus State
Department employees who were
fired last year year, do you think the
Trump administration would actually
allow them to return to Foggy Foggy
Bottom or would they be put on
administrative leave?
>> Um thanks for that question. I think uh
the answer unfortunately is very clear.
We have existing law that is very clear.
One of them says that if people are uh
fired under reduction in force, if
they're laid off,
uh by definition that is not for cause.
By definition, that is for uh reasons of
efficiency, economy,
uh reducing staffing, and the law says
that people who are riffed
have first priority in being considered
uh for new hiring.
And this administration has recently
announced that it is going to uh be
launching uh a new hiring campaign for
the State Department, but it's also made
very clear that no one who was riffed
will be considered
uh for rehiring
uh during uh this new initiative, and
that is explicitly illegal. That is
totally contrary to the law
because people who are riffed, by
definition, were not riffed for cause.
Uh people who are fired for cause are
fired for cause. It Obviously
does not happen often
in the career service, but it certainly
happens, and um the laws are clear on
that.
Uh
this is true also of the thousands of
people who lost their jobs when the US
Agency for International Development
was shut down, I would argue also
illegally.
Um so, I'm afraid I would have to say
for the next 2 years, 2-plus years under
this administration,
I would be surprised if anyone who is
riffed is able to return uh to federal
service.
Uh but the hope and expectation, and
it's something that I'm working on with
many colleagues and
uh many organizations is to come up with
strategies for 2 and 1/2 years from now,
for the next administration, whatever
that next administration is,
and to say, "We're We need this talent.
We need this uh group of dedicated,
patriotic people who were not done, who
were not ready to leave federal service,
who had a lot more to give."
Uh and how do we bring them back? How do
we make that process work? Um
if the question is why is this
administration so opposed to bringing
people back, I think the answer is there
there is a broad assumption that anyone
who is serving the federal government on
the day that uh Donald Trump was
inaugurated for his second term as
president uh is almost by definition
disloyal and uh politically opposed to
the policies and goals of the current
administration. And that is a very uh I
would say false
and uh unfortunate assumption that is
not justified by by any facts or any
experience, but
I think that is the assumption. So I I I
think from the perspective of this
administration, their attitude is
without knowing anything really
personally about the people who were
riffed or the people who lost their jobs
when USAID shut down, there's just an
assumption that they're all people who
are not
uh supportive of this president and
therefore considering bringing them back
is not something they're willing to do.
Again, without any individual knowledge
or uh specifics about any individual
former federal employees track record or
uh work experience. Um hopefully this
too shall pass
uh within uh two plus years uh and we'll
see return to what I would call uh
fact-based and experience-based
employment. Uh but it's tough out there
and I can say I personally know many
people who have not found
new employment since they lost their
federal jobs,
who want to serve, who have literally,
if you put everyone together who was
riffed, thousands of years of experience
and knowledge and education
uh and um
they're ready to to continue to serve.
How we make that happen is one of the
challenges we're going to be facing in
the coming years.
>> Just a very quick follow-up on that,
Ambassador Reuben.
So, um if the House was taken by the the
Democrats in on November 3rd, and if the
Senate was,
would any of this change?
>> Um I don't think so. I mean, what would
change, obviously, and we all know that,
is there would be hearings and there
would be subpoenas,
and the administration would be
challenged to justify the people it has
rift, to justify
the closure of USAID, to justify
uh all the
uh I would say negative changes that
have been made
uh in many cases unthinkingly and and
irresponsibly. But, there's no way that
the Congress can force an administration
to hire, there's no way that the
Congress can
uh revisit uh for example, the closure
of USAID in a positive way. It It can
can hold hearings.
It could ask questions.
Uh but, uh honestly, at this point, I
think what we have to do is plan for and
and I I know people are working on this.
I you you mentioned Project 2025
and uh the Heritage Foundation and Kiron
Skinner, and and I confess having worked
on a project to examine Project 2025
before the election, uh we didn't
realize that Project 2025 was just the
the appetizer, just the beginning. Uh
it's gone so much further than that, but
we need a Project 2029.
And there are people working on that
now, not just for US diplomacy, the
State Department, the Foreign Service,
but across all of government, across all
of policy, so that on the first day that
the next president takes office, uh
there are ideas, there are plans,
uh and uh
the damage can start to be undone, but
but not bringing things back to the
status quo ante.
We can't go back and we shouldn't go
back. We need to reinvent, rethink, do
things better.
Uh, and and I think we can.
But that has to happen now and it is
starting to happen. I think it needs to
accelerate.
>> Dr. Campbell, so what would a project
2029 look like or what what should it
look like? Not just for the State
Department, but also
for all the expertise that existed in
USAID and all the
the different bureaus within the State
Department that have sort of been closed
or effectively neutered or had What What
are the things you'd want to bring back?
And also, you know, this doesn't I mean,
look, it could be a J.D. Vance
administration, right? It's if there's
no there's no
we don't know what administration will
be, but uh,
there there is a world in which the
Republican administration would be less
um,
skeptical or less destructive of these
governmental structures. So,
what would you want to see brought back
or improved because we all agree that it
wasn't perfect before?
>> Yeah, I mean, it's a big question,
Peter. So, I'll just start by saying a
few things. I mean, I agree fully with
Ambassador Reuben's last point, which is
no one should be talking about going
back or reinstating
things that were destroyed as as the
future.
So, we have to be thinking about where
we are as an opportunity to do a number
of things that frankly were very
difficult to do previously. There's been
such mass disruptions, so we must think
about it as an opportunity. So, off the
top of my head, um,
I I would just, you know, start very in
a very sort of big picture perspective.
Where does diplomacy as an institution,
as a practice, um, sit vis-a-vis the
other national security institutions.
Um we need to think about what we want
it to be in the next 25 years. We have
to think much longer term than um a
two-year or four-year election cycle.
What is the vision? Where do we want to
be? Where do we want our presence to be?
Where do we want the expertise to be? Um
what types of people do we want um with
what types of
uh of skills and experiences?
Um I I think we really have to start
talking about that question. And where
does multilateralism, broadly
um speaking, sit within the institution
of diplomacy?
The State Department historically has
really been a bilateral institution, um
but most of our biggest global
challenges are multilateral. So, I think
we have to kind of start with some of
those big questions, and we have to
think very long term. We have to think
what we are building over the next 25
years, and the types of people and
skills and experience we want to attract
toward that vision.
And whatever happens, none of this is
sustainable or possible or achievable
absent some serious work on developing a
bipartisan um agreement and support
around this, including especially with
the US Congress. Otherwise, we are
ping-ponging um in ways that are
unhealthy, unhelpful, and we're truly,
you know, cutting our nose to spite
ourselves if we if we don't build that
back.
I would say another area is
thinking um about public-private
partnerships, not as a separate office
adjacent to somewhere in the State
Department, but as core to everything
that um the State Department is doing uh
around the world, and thinking about how
those two pieces go together. The third
area where I think um in some ways the
way that some Trump officials have
articulated this, I would agree with,
and that is more effectively matching
the money we deploy, foreign assistance
broadly speaking, with the policy
outcome we intend to achieve. For
various reasons, because of the
complexity and the sheer size of the US
government. Um I and many others would
argue that these two things started
operating in in parallel systems, right?
The money is approved appropriated by
Congress and um
you know, the policy sometimes was
operating um separately from that. So, I
think there's a lot of work to do to
think about using money much more
strategically,
um much more effectively, tying it much
closer to the intended policy outcome
versus sort of um just having certain
things on rinse repeat um doing the same
thing um over and over again without
really in a passive way. Um so, there's
a lot of work uh to be done there.
I've never understood and maybe this
I'll just make this last point and
there's many other points that could be
made. Um I've never understood at all
under any administration why the United
States doesn't invest more seriously and
centrally across the African continent.
If you look at
um
resources, if you look at um
demographics, if you look at emerging
economies, uh much of the future um sits
there. And under repeated
administrations for the um
last many years, um we've divested and
now to a point where it's just absurd. I
don't think I mean, there's just a few
ambassadors um across that entire
continent. Um we've kind of just left it
um without any American engagement. So,
that's something I think I would work to
absolutely
change dramatically um and I would put a
lot more expertise and and um
capacity toward that. Um maybe the last
thing I would say is it's it's beyond
obvious that um whatever is rebuilt, we
have to seriously rethink um the
entirety of our Middle East policy and
posture and where and who is involved in
policy considerations um on that whole
piece, which seems to be where an area
where we may have in fact a lot of uh
bipartisan agreement and I would like to
see that rebuilt in a way that is
completely different than how it's been
managed historically.
>> This is a question from the Georgetown
School of Foreign Service Career Center.
A multi multi-pronged question.
Any updates on
commercial service officer hiring, State
Department fellowships such as
Pickering, Rangel, Clark, Colin Powell
leadership program, State Department
internship program in all caps. So many
students and alumni want to know. Thank
you.
>> I can take
some of that at least. In terms of the
Pickering and Rangel
fellowship programs which were
congressionally chartered programs
designed to essentially create the
equivalent of ROTC for the Foreign
Service to bring in some of the best and
brightest graduate students across the
country and to offer uh
essentially free tuition and and
scholarships in exchange for a
commitment to join the Foreign Service
and other
aspects of training. Those are currently
I would use the term suspended in the
sense that people who have graduated
from those programs are still being
brought into the Foreign Service, are
still joining. I think that's the good
news.
The bad news is no one else is being
brought into the programs. There's no
new class for the current year. I don't
expect anyone to be brought into those
programs before the end of this
president's term, but the programs are
chartered by Congress. They exist.
They're funded. And and it's very
important that we look ahead to
essentially restarting those programs
and meanwhile making sure that the
people who made commitments to public
service
uh
able to to serve. And uh as I said, it
it could be worse in the sense that a
majority of the people who have already
completed these uh
programs and completed their their
master's programs
uh are gradually being brought into the
Foreign Service. So, that needs to
happen more. In terms of overall hiring,
uh there's been a lot of changes to
hiring that are not transparent. Uh the
Foreign Service
uh officer test, the written exam as
it's called, has been changed in ways
that are not clear because there's been
no
uh public discussion of that. Uh the
entire recruitment office at the State
Department uh was fired. There is very
little official recruitment going on
now.
Uh it's uh
uh sort of a joke, but it's not funny
that the only recruitment going on is at
Hillsdale College and Liberty
University.
Uh and um unfortunately, that's not a
joke. That's almost literally the case.
And uh there have been specific outreach
efforts to those two institutions where
overall there's there's really no
outreach or recruiting going on
uh officially at all.
Uh I think uh the Foreign Service is uh
definitely going to survive this. And
again, I I come back
uh to what Dr. Campbell was discussing
discussing.
We need to think what comes next and to
do it better and to do it more
effectively.
Um but I would argue that in terms of
hiring,
the State Department's the Foreign
Service
uh was doing pretty well before uh
things really fell apart uh 2 years ago.
Uh in terms of real diversity and and
without stereotyping diversity, I can
tell you that when I joined the Foreign
Service in the mid-1980s, it was a much
less representative, much less diverse
institution than it is now. And that
includes geographic diversity, it
includes professional diversity, people
coming from all walks of life. Uh we
need to get back to that idea.
And um I I I'm sorry to say, but I think
it's true that uh this administration
actually uh in its efforts to to shut
down what it calls D I A uh really is uh
looking at going back to uh the not so
good past in terms of uh a focus on
hiring white males.
Uh and
the idea that there there was
discrimination against white males,
which I can assure you was was never the
case
in the foreign service as it generally
has not been the case in government as a
whole. So, again, rethinking is going to
be necessary. The most important thing
for me personally and and for my
colleagues who've who've been trying
informally to recruit people is is to
capture the patriotic dedicated people
who really want to serve and who really
want to be diplomats representing our
country and not to drive them away, not
to make them think that it's hopeless or
that they're not welcome.
Um and I I think we're doing that. And
as I say to people you know, it's it's
easy to say this too shall pass, but it
will. And meanwhile, we're a country of
345 million. We're the most powerful
country on Earth still. We need
diplomacy. We need diplomats. We need
the best people uh who want to serve.
And um and we've got to just keep our
focus on that.
>> We have a ton of uh questions from the
audience. So, I'm going to
This is from Julia Shafer, a retired
federal worker.
And maybe a question for you, Jenny.
What organizations who are engaged in
Project 2029 work?
>> I I there's no There's no one
organization. I know there are are some
groups that are talking about project
2029, but I would I would zoom out and
say there's a broader
effort among a huge
growing network of organizations that
care about how government works either
from
state you know, state department
specific to other agency specific and
then a lot of organizations who maybe
care about cross-cutting functions and
how government works how contracting
works how technology works how human
capital works in government and those
organizations are all working on what I
would say broadly the term that we use
and that I've heard my colleagues on the
uh
video here say too is reimagining
government systems from whatever
perspective they come from and some of
these are bipartisan efforts too. And so
there's really if you think about you
know,
traditional organizations that have been
in the good government space partnership
for public service. There are groups now
like
protect democracy civil service strong
some of the groups like AFSA which I
know
some of you all might be members of the
unions for federal employees. There's
groups like senior executive
association. You name it. There are
organizations that are thinking about
whatever slice of government making it
work better
that are jumping on this opportunity to
really try to reimagine that. I don't
know there may be some efforts to do a
more coordinated project 2029
in that sense, but I do know like we're
our initiative at the partnership is
called government for a new era making
government more effective responsive
accountable. And so we and others will
have policy options for Congress to
consider options for a new incoming
administration through transition and
then options for agencies as well
because Congress is only a piece of the
a
There are groups thinking about that,
but a lot of what is going on right now,
and also what agencies can do in the
future, can be done within agencies. So,
really thinking about how do we set up
new political appointees, career
leaders, others to understand how to
make government work better.
That's going to be something that a lot
of these groups are thinking about as
well. So, there's not one place
>> Yeah, yeah, yeah. Just to I mean, it
would be kind of a trap if Project 2029
is sort of seen as simply a
a re-versioning of the Heritage Project
of you know,
and and an explicitly government in
waiting, here's our plan. I mean, you
can do that, but if that if that's the
only thing on offer, I think that's a
trap.
>> And I think too, the point was made if
we are just going in a cycle of every
new administration coming in and redoing
how government works, moving out
employees, that was the spoils system,
right? Fire everybody, bring in your own
folks. That's not good for how we do
business. That's not the long-term fix.
So, yes, I think that's the that is why
people are trying to find this broader
fix government. For folks on the phone
on the listening in, we and others do
have volunteer intake forms for folks
who want to give their perspective on
how to make government work better
because again, those of you who have
worked in the system know where it was
broken in the first place and probably
have a lot of ideas of how to fix it.
So, that's the other
trap I think would be everybody on the
outside thinking they have all the
answers without bringing in the folks
who know how changes get implemented.
>> And of course, State Department and
other agencies are hiring, but they're
hiring contractors. What is the what are
the plusses and minuses of that, Jeanne?
>> Well, you know, again, that's a not
necessarily a stable workforce if it's
contractors. It's you know, it also
costs a lot more money for government
agencies to bring in contract workforce.
I think that's one short-term fix, but
it also prevents maybe it takes the
pressure valve off of actually fixing
hiring or bringing in the right skill
sets. And so, I just see that type of
hiring is a short-term solution that's
doesn't get at the broader issues.
>> Dr. Campbell, you've spent your much of
your career um
in you
working with refugees, dealing with
humanitarian catastrophes.
Obviously, USAID, as we all know, you
know, essentially got completely axed.
Parts of it I my
may have been [clears throat] subsumed
into the State Department. And And by
the way, there may not be anything wrong
with that, right? You know, the British
government
DFID, which was the equivalent of USAID,
migrated into the Foreign Office and
became
uh so, there might have been an argument
uh I mean, obviously, that wasn't the
Trump's
team's intention, but just reflect a
little bit on what kind of what you
think the outcome of all that was.
Was there an an argument to bring it
into state? Um
uh and uh what do you you know, what are
the long longer-term repercussions of
all this?
>> Yeah. I mean,
there's there have been arguments for
and against around that question now um
across multiple administrations for a
very long time. I don't necessarily
think that there is a right answer.
Um what has been lost clearly aside from
the human beings who no longer work for
the US government and their expertise um
is the unique capabilities that USAID
had that the State Department does not
have, cannot build, and did not um
transfer over. Uh so, take for example
the recent devastating earthquake in
Venezuela. Um this current
administration had a very strong
interest in responding. Um they did so a
little bit, um but it was a pretty weak
uh response with very little capacity,
very little resources, very little
personnel, and none of the unique
capabilities that USAID had in terms of
teams on the ground in the region, in
country, with expertise, um coordinating
with a variety of other uh local,
regional, and global actors, and ability
to respond quickly, civil-military
coordination,
um information flows, moving money very
quickly, knowing how to move that money,
but importantly knowing how to oversee
and responsibly manage the those that
money. Um all of those capabilities are
completely gone, which is why you'll see
an over-reliance as we go forward on the
military, which is
not a humanitarian response provider,
extremely expensive, will cost the
taxpayer, you know, 100 times more than
what any civilian uh organization uh can
do. So, those capacities are gone, and I
don't think there's a future where the
State Department will be able to um
build them back. What they can do, which
is ironic given um the stated goals of
um of the the destruction of aid and the
future of where the administration wants
to go, is they can cut big checks to the
United Nations, which is exactly what
they're doing. Um so, that that doesn't
get us closer to oversight, it doesn't
get us more local, it doesn't get us
necessarily more uh efficient or
effective, and it cuts out the role that
the United States used to essentially
play in disaster response globally
because we're we're not present, we
don't have the people. Um so, we
basically sift through information that
other people, foreigners, uh give to us
um to make assessments about what's
happening.
There's one other point though I just
want to make um about this issue that is
extremely concerning and something that
we really have to spend a lot of time
thinking about as we go forward.
Um all administrations talk about
American values, they talk about um the
special characteristics of our country,
um of why it is that we've obtained the
the level of power and strength that we
have um over time.
Some a portion of those values
historically has always been
um our commitment to international law
including international humanitarian
law,
restraint, constraining our power,
exercising compassion again in in
support of civilians, doing things that
may not be nakedly in our transactional
self-interest but
from the from using sort of soft power
are important to us and have always been
important to us. That has been
completely destroyed and is no longer
functioning. There is no such thing as
international United States does not
advance international humanitarian law
in in my opinion, is no longer part of
the global multilateral consensus
decision-making around that and it does
not seem to be a value really that we
are seeking to
uphold and to try to extend in other
places. So I think you know yes, the
question about institutions and
capabilities and money, that's important
but what's the most important question
is what is the norm around which we are
organizing ourselves. Why are we doing
these things? What is the relevance of
soft power? Why is it a necessary
component of US
foreign affairs national security. This
is a very important question and again a
defining one and something that I think
that anyone working on the future of the
State Department or related agencies
needs to be thinking about as we move
forward. Again, not over the next four
years but the next 25 years.
>> Yeah. Um
question from Bert, it's an interesting
one.
Um essentially sort of saying that if
you were at headquarters you were more
likely to be fired. Um and there are
plenty of sort of mid-level foreign
service officers who sort of serving
overseas who are not haven't been part
of the firings.
Are they um
what are you
you know,
are they the going to be the next sort
of generation of leaders? I mean, is
that is that really true that people who
are serving overseas were less likely to
get
uh fired, Ambassador Rubin?
>> Well, the the RIFs, the reductions in
force, uh were I I have to say I can
only use the term
uh mindless and um insane because they
were not based on the extensive uh
regulations and uh
laws that apply to reductions in force.
Uh for one thing, they're they're
supposed to be based on a system where
people are ranked in terms of their uh
personal
uh effectiveness and success. Uh second
of all, they're supposed to be based
uh on reductions in areas that are no
longer needed. And what happened here,
partly because it was coming on the
heels of the DOS effort, which at the
State Department included uh encouraging
people uh to leave voluntarily,
uh whether or not they were needed. And
to to incentivize that,
um people were, it is true, generally
RIF'd if they were in domestic positions
in the US, not just Washington, but in
the United States,
based on where they were serving at the
time. And in terms of the civil service,
um
maybe that makes some sense because
civil servants in the federal government
have permanent positions that they
uh serve in until and unless they change
their positions.
But Foreign Service officers, like
military officers,
uh rotate positions every few years. And
it's a career service
uh based on what we call rank in person,
like the military. You have a rank, and
you are assigned various positions, and
every few years
you do something else based on your rank
and your capabilities.
And what they did is they said, you
know, for example, um anyone who has
worked on uh DEIA efforts, uh we're
going to riff. Well, you know, first of
all, people did not choose to work on
anything. They were assigned to work on
things.
And there were people who during their
careers at one point or another worked
on uh diversity efforts uh because that
was what their job description required.
Second of all, they they said, we don't
need all these people uh working to
resettle refugees in the United States
because we're not going to resettle
refugees in the United States. So,
people who were in our uh population,
refugees and migration bureau
uh suffered a large number of riffs even
though the foreign service people there
were just on temporary assignments. Uh
and um and the same thing was true in
our human rights and democracy bureau
because that's been de-emphasized as
well.
Um but the the idea that people are
identified with the work they're doing
at any particular moment when what
they're doing is carrying out the
policies of the US government uh was was
deeply flawed, and we lost a lot of
really great talent. There was really
very little attention paid to um
uh
evaluations of people who were riffed.
Uh there was no sense that people being
riffed uh were were people who we didn't
want to have in your minute. It was just
a numbers game. And so, that's why for
one thing I'm I feel very strongly that
we need to come up with mechanisms to
bring people back who want to come back
who were let go for nothing related to
their performance or their capabilities.
Um in terms of people who do want to
come back, however, as I said earlier, I
think it's going to have to wait a
couple of years
because uh for whatever reason this
administration has basically said
they're not going to consider people who
were
rifts or who were were forced to retire
resign
for re-hiring and
and that's I think both illegal and
wrong but that's the situation we're in.
>> Well, we have 5 minutes left so there's
a comment from Rodney and then maybe
each of you could address it. It kind of
gets to the heart of a lot of things
we've just been
So he's a former USAID
he was his he was fired his position was
advertised he can't apply
he can't encourage people to join the
State Department
you know so
all
picking up on what Dr. Ambassador Rubin
said you know it's going to take 2 years
but like in the meantime a lot of people
have just resigned full stop and maybe
gone into another field or
maybe taken early retirement or whatever
so and and then if you're a young person
it's like well why would I join these
and it's also not true just of the State
Department it's true in the intelligence
community and a lot of other parts of
the government. So starting with you
Jenny like how do you
deal with the fact that there's a you
know there's a four-year
sort of generation of people both that
maybe older and younger
who may just say hey this is just not
worth it.
>> I think it's going to be hard for people
wanting to come in the government that
are younger and to convince them that to
keep holding on to the idea of doing
public service
and that was a challenge even before
this administration. I mean it's about
7% of the workforce has been under the
age of 30 certain agencies certainly had
more of a pipeline coming in from
different places you know foreign
service certainly did intelligence
community some others but it was a
challenge before and so I think
that is one of those things if people
can't get in now they can come in
mid-career, they can come in at senior
levels. So, when we reimagine
government, how do we make it easier for
folks to get in because hiring was tough
in the first place, particularly in the
civilian hiring side. It was really a
black box for people trying to figure
out how to get into government. And so,
I think that's where the opportunity
piece is is let's streamline that and
make it easier. And then,
for those of us who really understand
the importance of public service to keep
talking about what government does cuz
it's a moment when the public is paying
attention more. So, this is a moment,
even if people can't get in, to help
them understand why government matters
and why they should consider a career in
public service at any time in their, you
know, career journey.
>> Dr. Campbell.
>> My answer is is simple that if if we
want
a skilled, talented workforce of young
people who desire
to have a career in public service, we
have to have a politics
that believes
that the government is an asset and that
it does things that are important for
Americans and for American global
standing. If we don't have that
politics, we will not have the workforce
that I think many of us here today would
like to see.
>> Dr. Master Reuben.
>> Um, yeah, I would endorse what Dr.
Campbell just said. We need a positive
vision of public service and I know it
personally from my own experience. There
are so many people who who really uh
did what they did and and want to do uh
public service because of a commitment
to that ideal. And uh we want people to
to see that uh as their future. Uh
again, we can't go back to exactly what
we have had and we don't want to. Uh
we've got to rethink and reinvent, but
the most important thing is to give a
vision to people who want to serve their
country uh who want to be diplomats, uh
who want to be development workers, all
the other things that
uh that need doing, that uh they're
wanted and the career before them is is
something that they can uh aspire to do
for a full career, uh which right now is
is problematic to convince people of
that. So, uh having that positive vision
and then making it concrete, making it
real is is I think the challenge. Um I
think
it is uh
realistic. I also think it's essential.
So, that's our challenge for the next
few years.
>> Well, thank you to the audience uh for
tuning in and thank you to Jenny
Mattingly, Dr. Campbell, and Ambassador
Reuben for a really expert discussion of
these issues. Um and a a virtual clap
from the audience uh that I'm
communicating.
So, thank you all and uh
hopefully uh
well, we'll we'll have better news in
the coming years.
>> Thank you.
>> So much.