Video summary
In this episode of the Huberman Lab, Dr. Andrew Huberman interviews Stanford professor Dr. Robert Sapolsky to explore the complex biology of stress, hormones, and free will. The discussion begins by distinguishing between short-term acute stress, which can enhance focus and survival, and chronic long-term stress, which is detrimental. A key biological concept introduced is "valence," or how an experience feels positive versus negative; this distinction largely depends on whether the amygdala—a brain region associated with fear—is activated during a physiological arousal state like increased heart rate. Dr. Sapolsky clarifies common misconceptions about testosterone, explaining that it does not cause aggression but rather amplifies pre-existing aggressive tendencies and social learning patterns already present in an individual's environment. Similarly, while sexual behavior correlates with higher testosterone levels, the hormone itself is often a response to those behaviors rather than their primary driver; castration reduces but rarely eliminates these behaviors because they are sustained by learned context and social dynamics. The conversation shifts to estrogen, highlighting its critical role in cognitive function, neurogenesis, and protection against dementia, though it also carries risks if introduced synthetically after menopause without physiological preparation. Dr. Sapolsky notes that the endocrine system is far more intricate than testosterone alone, involving complex ratios of hormones like estradiol, progesterone, and estriol. The dialogue addresses environmental concerns regarding declining sperm counts and fertility linked to endocrine disruptors in food and water, acknowledging these trends as real but noting scientific challenges in isolating specific causes from broad environmental factors. A significant portion is dedicated to stress mitigation strategies derived from animal studies, such as the famous experiment comparing a rat that voluntarily runs on a wheel versus one forced to run; voluntary action yields health benefits while coercion induces severe stress. Dr. Sapolsky outlines essential pillars for managing human stress: maintaining a sense of control and predictability over mild-to-moderate challenges, utilizing outlets like displacement aggression or social support, and interpreting ambiguous situations positively rather than catastrophically. Dr. Huberman and Dr. Sapolsky also examine the impact of modern contexts on our biology, particularly how social media expands our "hierarchies" beyond immediate physical environments to include global comparisons that can induce feelings of inadequacy. This leads into a profound philosophical debate regarding free will; Dr. Sapolsky argues there is no shred of true free will because every action and choice is the inevitable result of prior causes, including genetics, prenatal hormone exposure, cultural upbringing, and immediate sensory inputs. He explains that while we cannot change ourselves volitionally in the sense of having a separate "will," understanding this mechanistic reality does not lead to fatalism but rather opens us up to neuroplasticity—the ability for our brains to be changed by circumstances and new information. The interview concludes with Dr. Sapolsky discussing his upcoming book, *Determined: The Science of Life Without Free Will*, which aims to dismantle the illusion of free will while demonstrating that acknowledging this truth allows individuals to become more resilient, optimistic, and capable of enduring change through experience rather than magical thinking or ungrounded agency.
Read the full video transcript
Welcome to the Huberman Lab podcast,
where we discuss science and
science-based tools for everyday life.
I'm Andrew Huberman, and I'm a professor
of neurobiology and ophthalmology at
Stanford School of Medicine.
Today, I have the pleasure of
introducing Dr. Robert Sapolsky.
Dr. Sapolsky is a professor of biology
and neurosurgery at Stanford University.
His laboratory has worked on a large
variety of topics, including stress,
hormones, including testosterone and
estrogen, and how the different members
of a given species interact according to
factors like hormones, hierarchy within
primate troops, and how things like
stress, reproduction, and competition
impact behavior.
One of the things that makes Dr.
Sapolsky's work so unique is that it
combines elements from primatology,
including field studies,
with human behavior. In essence, trying
to unveil how humans, as old-world
primates,
are controlled by different elements of
our biology as well as our psychology.
Dr. Sapolsky is also a prolific author
of popular books,
such as Why Zebras Don't Get Ulcers, The
Trouble with Testosterone, and Behave:
The Biology of Humans at Our Best and
Worst. During the course of our
discussion today, Robert also revealed
to me that he is close to completing a
new book entitled Determined: The
Science of Life Without Free Will. And
indeed, we discuss the science of life
without free will during this episode.
We also discuss stress and how best to
control stress and how stress controls
us at both conscious and subconscious
levels.
We talk about testosterone and estrogen
and hormone replacement therapy and how
those impact our mind, our psychology,
and our interactions with others.
As with any discussion with Dr.
Sapolsky, we learn about scientific
mechanisms that make us who we are. And
today, we also discuss tools and how how
can leverage those scientific mechanisms
in order to be better versions of
ourselves.
I should mention that unlike most guest
interviews on the Huberman Lab podcast,
this one had to be carried out remotely
due to various constraints. So, you may
hear the occasional audio artifact.
Please excuse that. We felt that the
value of a conversation with Dr.
Sapolsky was well worth those minor
minor glitches. And indeed, the
information that he delivers us is
tremendously valuable, interesting, and
in many cases actionable as well. Before
we begin, I'd like to emphasize that
this podcast is separate from my
teaching and research roles at Stanford.
It is, however, part of my desire and
effort to bring zero-cost to consumer
information about science and
science-related tools to the general
public. In keeping with that theme, I'd
like to thank the sponsors of today's
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without further ado, my conversation
with Dr. Robert Sapolsky.
Great. Well, thank you so much, Robert,
for joining us today. I've been looking
forward to this for a very long time. I
appreciate it. Likewise. Glad to be
here.
There's
an enormous range of topics that we
could
uh drill into, but just to start off, I
want to return to a topic that is near
and dear to your heart, which is stress.
And one of the questions that I get most
commonly is
what is the difference between short and
long-term stress in terms of their
benefits and their drawbacks. And the
reason I say benefits is that
obviously stress and the stress response
can keep us alive, but
stress, of course, can also sharpen our
mental acuity and things of that sort.
So, how should we conceptualize stress
and how should we conceptualize stress
in the short-term and in the long-term?
Well,
basically sort of two graphs that one
would draw. The first one is just
all sorts of beneficial effects of
stress short-term. And then, once we get
into chronicity, it's just downhill from
there. Short-term because it saves you
from the predator. Short-term because
you're giving a presentation and you
think more clearly or your your focus is
better all sorts of aspects of that. Um
and what then winds up being an argument
is how long does it take to go from
short-term to long-term?
And
you know, that's somewhat arbitrary but
the sorts of chronic stressors that most
people deal with are just undeniably in
the chronic range like having spent the
last 20 years daily traffic jams or
abusive boss or some such thing.
Um the other curve that's sort of
perpendicular to this is dealing with
the fact that sometimes stress is a
great thing. Um like our goal is not to
cure people of stress um because if it's
the right kind, we love it. We we pay
good money to be stressed that way by a
scary movie or roller coaster ride. Um
what you wind up seeing is when it's the
right amount of stress
it's what we call stimulation.
And the basic curve there is here's an
optimal level of stimulation and too
little and function goes down with what
we would call boredom and too much and
function goes down with what we would
call stress. And the optimum is what all
of us aim for.
In terms of the benefits of stress in
the short term, uh
one thing that's really striking to me
is
how the physiologically
the stress response looks so much like
the excitement response to a positive
event. And we can speculate that the
that the fundamental difference between
short-term stress and short-term
excitement is some neuromodulator like
dopamine or something like that. But, is
there anything else that we know about
the biology that reveals to us, you
know, what what really creates this
thing we call valence that an experience
can be terrible
or feel awful or it can feel wonderful,
exhilarating, depending on this somewhat
subjective feature we call valence. What
Do we know what valence is or where it
resides?
Um
on a really mechanical level,
um if you're in a circumstance that is
requiring that your heart races and your
your breathing is fast and you're using
your muscles and some such thing, um
you're going to be having roughly the
same brain activation profile whether
this is for something wonderful or
something terrible, with the one
exception being that if the amygdala is
part of the activation,
this is something that's going to be
counted as adverse. Um whether that's
the circumstance, an adverse
circumstance, recruiting the amygdala
into it and how much it's the amygdala
being involved biases you towards, you
know, interpreting it as even more
awful. The amygdala in some ways is kind
of the checkpoint as to whether we're
talking about excitement or terror.
Let's use the amygdala as a transition
point to another topic that you've spent
uh many years working on and thinking
about, which is testosterone and other
sex steroid hormones.
I heard you say once before that
um among all the brain areas that bind
testosterone, that you know, where
testosterone can park and create
effects, that the amygdala is among the
the uh the most chock-a-block full of
these parking spots, these receptors.
Uh I realize there's a lot
here, but how should we think about the
role of testosterone in the amygdala
given that the engagement of the
amygdala is fundamental in this
transition point between a exhilarating
positive response and a
and a negative stressful response. Or
maybe you just broadly, how should we
think about testosterone and its effects
on the brain?
And pertinent to the transition from
whether this is a stressor that's
evoking fear or evoking aggression
in terms of that continuum also because
the amygdala is in the center of all
four points on those axes.
Um, basically,
um, almost everybody out there has a
completely wrong idea as to what
testosterone does, which is testosterone
makes you aggressive because males
virtually every species out there have
more testosterone and are more
aggressive and seasonal maters have
testosterone surging at the time of year
they're punching it out over territory
and
and you take testosterone out of the
picture, you castrate any mammal out
there including us and levels of
aggression will go down.
And the easy thing then tends to include
to conclude that testosterone causes
aggression.
And the reality is testosterone does no
such thing. It doesn't cause aggression.
And you can see this both behaviorally
and in the amygdala. What does
testosterone do? It lowers the threshold
for the sort of things that would
normally provoke you into being
aggressive so that it happens more
easily.
It makes systems that are already turned
on turn on louder rather than turning on
aggressive music or some such thing.
What does that look like behaviorally?
You take five male monkeys, put them
together, and they form a dominance
hierarchy.
Uh number one is great, number five is
miserable, number three is right in
between. Now, take number three and
shoot the guy up with tons of
testosterone, and he's going to be
involved in more fights. Aha,
testosterone uniformly causes
aggression. But you look closely, and
there's a pattern to it. Is number three
now challenging numbers two and one for
their place higher? Absolutely not. He
is brown-nosing them exactly as much as
he used to. What's going on is he's just
a miserable terror to poor number four
and five.
And in that case, what testosterone is
doing is amplifying the pre-existing
patterns of aggression.
Amplifying the social learning that's
already gone into it.
Now, on sort of the more reductive
level, so how does that translate into
the amygdala? Does testosterone make
amygdaloid neurons have action
potentials? Does it cause those neurons
to suddenly speak
about fear and aggression spontaneously?
Absolutely not. What they do is, if the
amygdala is already being stimulated, it
increases the rate of neuronal firing.
And what it was worth, it did shortens
after hyperpolarizations.
So, the theme there exactly is it's not
creating aggression, it's just upping
the volume of whatever aggression is
already there.
And once you factor that in,
you know, it's impossible to say
anything about what testosterone does
outside the context of what
testosterone-related behaviors,
how they get treated in your
in your social setting. Mhm. Yeah, and
in terms of uh
status and the relationship between
individuals, either non-human primates
or humans,
uh can we say that testosterone and
levels of testosterone or I should say
can we say that relative levels of
testosterone between individuals is
correlated to status within the
hierarchy?
Um yes, but in a way that winds up being
totally uninteresting.
Um like you go back, I don't know,
whatever number of decades to
endocrinology texts, and there were two
totally reliable findings in there.
Let's see, I have a picture of a dog in
here that's so good.
we like dogs at the Huberman Lab
Podcast. Oh good, he's he's jingling a
bit. Um They are welcome. They are
absolutely welcome. Yeah. Um and there'd
be two truisms, which is higher levels
of testosterone predict higher levels of
aggression
in humans and other animals. Higher
levels of testosterone predict higher
levels of sexual activity. Whoa,
testosterone causing both, and the
correlation is there. And when you look
closely, we got cause and effect stuff.
Sexual behavior raises testosterone
levels. Aggression raises testosterone
levels. Your levels beforehand are
barely predictive of what's going to
happen.
So, it's a response rather than a cause.
Um when you look at that, though, in
terms of making sense of individual
differences,
they don't matter a whole lot. Um
you can like spend an entire career on
the social circumstances that produce 3
and 1/2% more testosterone in the
circulation and
expect to see all sorts of interesting
implications, and that's not really the
case. It's somewhat of a yes or no
modulator of the much more subtle social
stuff that's already there.
Very interesting. You know, I think that
um there's a
there are a lot of misconceptions about
human biology, but testosterone seems to
be one area where at least from what I
can find on the internet, there's a It's
sort of at the peak of misunderstanding.
Maybe we could just ask a few more
questions about testosterone and sexual
behavior because there's an interesting
story there about castration versus
non-castration and the causality again.
But before you address that, I I just
want to highlight something that you
said that I think is so vital, which is
that behaviors such as aggressive
behaviors and sexual behaviors can
actually increase testosterone. Did I
hear that correctly? And the reverse is
sort of true, but not
not in a causal way. Is that Is that
right?
The opposite direction with the
causality, yeah. Yeah. Yeah, so if I
were to increase somebody's testosterone
by 30% male or female, doesn't matter,
that their sexual behavior may or may
not change. Essentially zero effect at
all.
Your brain is not that sensitive to
fluctuations in testosterone levels.
In terms of things like aggression,
raising testosterone is a great
footnote.
If you have the right type of willing to
die in the trenches devotion sort of
thing, watching your favorite team play
a sport will raise your testosterone
levels as you sit there with a potato
chips in your armchair. So, it's not the
physicality of aggression, it's the
psychological framing of it. So, yeah,
testosterone is not causing that.
And a great way to appreciate that is,
okay, so you had all these
testosterone sexual behavior
correlations, and you do the definitive
endocrine intervention, which is you do
a
subtraction study, you remove the
testes, and as I I before, levels of
sexual behavior goes down.
Good. We've just shown that testosterone
is somehow positive. Critically, they go
down, but not down to zero. Whether you
are a rat or a monkey or a human,
whatever. And what predicts how much
residual sexual behavior is there?
How much sexual behavior there was
before castration.
What that's telling you is by then
that's behavior that's being carried by
social learning and context rather than
by a hormone. Exact same thing with
aggression. Drops after castration,
doesn't go to zero. The more prior
history of it, the more it just keeps
coasting along on its own even without
testosterone.
Very interesting. I is can we say that
there's an exception in terms of the
early organizing effects of hormones?
Like for instance, if a developing
animal is deprived of
uh
testosterone or estrogen or aromatized
testosterone into estrogen, you know,
there's a whole story there as you know,
but uh then I could imagine that the
circuits of the brain that are
responsible for initiating sexual
behavior in the first place might not
emerge and therefore not be sensitive to
testosterone later in life. Is that
right? Okay. Yeah, exactly. And and a
great way of seeing that is this totally
nutty biological factor it um which is
the second to fourth
digit ratio in hands. Oh, yeah. Totally
obscure thing. The ratio of one to the
other in some way reflects levels of
testosterone androgen exposure during
fetal life. And I can't remember which
way it goes and it's minuscule and you
need a thousand people in your sample
size to be able to see anything, but you
see it in other primates. It's already
there in fetal sonograms, all of that.
So,
that's a readout of subtle differences
in prenatal exposure and that winds up
being a predictor of a whole range of
sort of stuff in adult behavior. So
yeah, at the fetal end when you're still
building everything, testosterone and
the amount of it is making a huge
difference. By the time you're an adult,
it's just
you know, somewhat of an all or none
signal. Yeah. I could I have a
confession which is that I was a master
student at Berkeley in Mark Breedlove's
um arena. So I uh I'm I'm an author on
that paper, although I'm deep within the
author line and um you you got the
description of it exactly right that
it's the D2, the index finger to the
ring finger ratio is more similar in
uh females and then it is in males. In
males, the index finger tends to be
shorter. And for people out there who
are listening to this who are now um
freaking out or measuring the the the
there's a proper way to measure this
which is um it eyeballing it doesn't
work all the time unless at the extremes
and there's some really interesting
stories there. It actually has been
replicated um no fewer than five times,
um Mark Breedlove tells me. Um
but yes, in term in terms of these early
organizing effects, um those are very uh
seem very robust uh in most studies.
These later effects are a sort of
activation of neural circuits by
hormones. I'm absolutely fascinated by
this and if we I do have a couple other
uh questions which which is uh we
normally associate testosterone with
males, but of course females make
testosterone as well uh from the
adrenals and and presumably elsewhere
too. I'm I'm guessing if we looked hard
enough, we'd probably find that there
were other sources of androgens um in
females. It can we say that the that
these general contours of effects on on
aggression um
uh also pertain to females and um and I
suppose I should ask in particular about
female-female aggression which does
exist in many species, female-male
aggression as well as maternal
aggression, which is a robust
aspect of our evolution, of course, that
the mother will
uh an angry mother animal of any kind
protecting her young is truly dangerous
in the best sense of the of the word.
And that type of, you know,
post-parturition
period after birth aggression
is all about estrogen, progesterone,
those sorts of things. Female aggression
the rest of the time has testosterone as
a major player at a much lower level on
the average, on the average, one always
has to say. Um but it's basically the
same punchlines. In females, the lower
levels of testosterone are essential for
typical levels of aggression and sexual
behavior. Nonetheless, they're not
causing it. It's not sensitive to small
individual differences. Same exact
thing. You can get way over impressed
with the importance of androgens in
females just as readily as in males.
So, in line with that, how should we
conceptualize testosterone? I mean, I I
realize there isn't a single sentence or
uh that can capture uh a hormone in all
its effects because hormones have so
many different slow and fast effects on
the brain, on other glands, on their own
on the very glands that produce them.
But, as I've heard you talk about
testosterone today and over the years, I
start to get the impression that
as the most misunderstood molecule in
human health in the universe, it it has
it it's clearly doing something very
powerful. It's it's shifting the way
that certain neural circuits work,
adjusting the gain on the amygdala as
you described, and and certainly other
things as well. Is there any um truism
about testosterone like and its
relationship to effort or its
relationship to um resilience and uh in
a way that will maybe will help me and
other people sort of
think about how to think about
testosterone.
Yeah.
Um
maybe three separate answers to that.
The first one is I think it's a fair
summary
to think that when it comes to motivated
strong behaviors, what testosterone does
is make you more of whatever you already
are. And that too may
sexual arousal,
libido, aggressiveness, spontaneous
aggression, reactive aggression, things
of that sort. It's upping the volume of
things that are already strongly there.
Um second way to think about it is
Well, here's here's like my favorite
finding about testosterone. Um and this
this was some wonderful work by a guy
John Wingfield, who's one of the best
behavioral endocrinologists out there.
And about 20 years ago he formulated
what is called the challenge hypothesis
of testosterone action. What does
testosterone do? Testosterone is what
you secrete when your status is being
challenged. And it makes it more likely
that you'll do the behaviors needed to
hold on to your status. Okay, so that's
totally boringly straightforward. If
you're a baboon, if somebody is
challenging your high rank, the
appropriate response on your part is
going to be aggression. All right, so
you've just gotten through the back door
testosterone and aggression again. But
then you get to humans.
And humans have lots of different ways
of achieving or maintaining status. And
all you need to do is go to like some
fancy private schools annual auction,
and you will see all these half-drunk
alpha males competing to see who can
give the most money away as a show of
conspicuous like, you know,
property that they have. And in a
setting like that, I mean, I've I've
haven't been able to take urine samples
at those times, unfortunately. But, that
shows the flip side of it. If you have a
species that hands out status in a very
different sort of way, testosterone
could have boost that also. Okay, so
that generates a totally nutty
prediction. Wow, take people in a
circumstance, say playing an economic
game where you get status by being
trustworthy and being generous in your
interactions with the game. If you give
people testosterone, does that make them
more generous? And that's absolutely the
case. Totally cool finding.
Um, showing you, I don't know,
basically, if you took a whole bunch of
Buddhist monks and shot them up with
testosterone, they'd get all competitive
with each other as to who could do the
most random acts of kindness.
And if we have a societal problem with
too much aggression,
the first culprit to look at is not
testosterone. The first to look at is
that we hand out so much damn elevated
status for aggression in so many
circumstances.
So, I I find that finding to be
fantastic. Third thing about subtlety of
testosterone. Okay, so like some subtler
behavioral effects, you give
testosterone to people and they become
more confident. They become more
self-confident.
Well, that's good. People pay to take
all sorts of nonsensical self-help
courses that will boost your
self-esteem. And that's a good thing.
Unless testosterone makes you more
confident, that is inaccurate. And
you're more likely to barrel into wrong
decisions. What's shown in economic
gameplay is that testosterone, by making
you more confident, makes you less
cooperative because who needs to
cooperate because I'm on top of this all
on my own.
Testosterone makes people cocky and
impulsive and that may be great in one
setting, but if in the other is you're
absolutely sure your army is going to
overrun the other country in three days.
So hell, let's start World War I and you
get a big surprise out of it.
Testosterone altering risk assessment
beforehand probably played a big role in
that kind of miscalculation.
Super interesting. I always think about
testosterone and dopamine being close
cousins in the brain, not just because
of their relationship through the
pituitary and hypothalamus. That, of
course, but also because of dopamine's
salient role in creating this
bias towards exteroception. You know,
when
somebody takes a drug with that
increases dopamine or they're
chock-a-block full of dopamine, they
tend with I want to highlight tend cuz
this is I'm really generalizing here,
but they tend to focus on outward goals.
You know, things beyond the the
boundaries of their skin. And
testosterone seems to do a bit of the
same. It tends to put us into a similar
mode of perceiving the outside world in
ways that we're asking questions like
how do I relate to this other of my
species? How do I relate to these goals?
Is there anything that
we can do to better conceptualize the
relationship between testosterone and
dopamine and motivation or would that
just take us down the the alleyways of
neural pathways and and the
hypothalamus, which is fine, too.
Well, I think it's got lots to do with
sort of this massive revisionism about
dopamine. Everyone since the pharaohs
got brought up being taught that
dopamine is about pleasure and reward.
Turns out it isn't. It's about
anticipation of reward and it's about
generating the motivation, the
goal-directed behavior needed to go get
that reward. And before you know it,
you're using like elevated dopamine in
your entire life to motivate you to do
whatever is going to get you like entry
into heaven after life kind of, you
know, it's it's doing that sort of
thing.
So, it's really about the motivation.
And what testosterone does, even in
individuals who are not aggressive, and
why testosterone replacement is often a
very helpful thing for aging males, is
it increases energy, it increases a
sense of
there-ness, of presence, of alertness,
it increases motivation. So, that's a
whole aspect which then takes us into is
your motivation to get up and like go,
you know, hand out lots of soup in a
soup kitchen for homeless people, or is
it to get up and go ethnically cleanse a
village? Um,
it's got much to do with what your
makeup was before the testosterone got
on board. So, it's activating in an
energetic sense, testosterone within
minutes increases glucose uptake into
skeletal muscle, you're just more awake
and alert and all of that, and that has
a lot to do with what dopamine does. And
as one might predict then, getting just
the right levels of of testosterone
infused into your bloodstream feels
great to lab rats. They will lever press
to get infused into the range that
optimizes dopamine release. So, there's
you're absolutely right, they're they're
deeply intertwined.
Yeah, such beautiful biology there, and
I love the way you encapsulate the the
relationship. I I want to ask about
estrogen. Um, you know, we don't hear as
about estrogen as often, and it's always
interesting to me now doing um some
public-facing education, you know, that
testosterone is this very controversial
molecule. Just to say it is almost
controversial. But estrogen uh doesn't
seem to hold the same uh
controversial weight. And yet estrogen
has a very powerful effects on both the
animal brain and on the human brain of
males and females.
Um men uh
do not want their estrogen to go too
low. Terrible things happen. They will
lose cognitive function. Libido can
drop. Uh so men need estrogen as well,
but
perhaps uh maybe we we can put the same
filter on estrogen as we did on
testosterone.
Are there any general themes of estrogen
that are uh that people should be aware
of or that you think that are generally
misunderstood? Is it really all about
feelings and empathy and making us more
sensitive? I I I sense not.
No. And it's once again very
context-dependent. And if estrogen after
giving birth is playing a central role
in you wanting to shred the face of
somebody getting too close to your your
kittens kind of thing, we know it's not
just warm, fuzzy, you know, empathic
kind of stuff. Estrogen, you know, in
lots of ways
could be summarized by if you got a
choice in the matter between having a
lot of estrogen in your bloodstream or
not, go for having a lot of estrogen.
It in It enhances cognition exactly as
you said. It stimulates neurogenesis in
the hippocampus. It increases glucose
and oxygen delivery. It protects you
from dementia. It decreases inflammatory
oxidative damage to blood vessels, which
is why it's good for protecting from
cardiovascular disease in contrast to
testosterone, which is making every one
of those things worse.
Um
This brings up this mind fuel of the
question, which is so what about
postmenopausal estrogen?
And all sorts of lab studies with
non-human primates suggested that you
keep estrogen levels high after a
monkey's equivalent of menopause, and
you're going to keep brain health a lot
better, decreasing the risk of dementia,
stroke, every such thing. Estrogen is a
great antioxidant, all of that. So, in
the '90s, I think, when
Healy, I'm forgetting her name, but when
there was the first female head of the
NIH, uh Bernadine Healy,
uh
set up this massive prospective human
study, what was going to be the biggest
one of all times, looking at the plusses
and minuses of postmenopausal estrogen.
And tens of thousands of women, this was
going to be and they had to cut the
short study short because what they were
seeing was estrogen was not only doing
the normal bad stuff that you expect in
terms of some decalcification stuff, but
it was increasing the risk of
cardiovascular disease and it was
increasing the risk of stroke and it was
increasing the risk of dementia and this
ground to a halt and everybody they
stopped the study and front-page news
and everybody panicked at that point.
And nobody could make sense of it who
had been spending the last 20 years
studying the exact same thing in
primates and seeing all the protective
effects. And the explanation turned out
to be one of those things where like law
of unexpected consequences.
Okay, menopause in women that last
different lengths of time, that may be a
factor, that's going to come. You know
what? Let's not start giving our study
subjects more estrogen until they're
totally past menopause.
And when you've got that lag time in
between, you shift all sorts of estrogen
receptor patterns, and that's where all
of the bad effects come from. All of the
monkey studies had involved just
maintaining
ovulatory levels into postmenopausal
period. And you do that, and you get
great effects. Estrogen is one of the
greatest predictors of protection from
Alzheimer's disease, all of that, but it
needs to be physiological.
Just keep going what keep continuing
what your body has been doing for a long
time versus let the whole thing shut
down and suddenly like try to fire up
the coal stoves at the bottom of the
basement kind of thing, and get that
going. There you get utterly different
outcomes, and that caused a lot of human
health consequences when people suddenly
decided that estrogen is in fact
neurologically endangering
postmenopausally.
Wow, that's fascinating. And I never
thought that these uh steroid hormone
receptors could
you know, by not binding estrogen have
being devoid of estrogen binding, I
should say, uh could then set off a
opposite biochemical cascades.
Fascinating. I guess it raises the
question about testosterone replacement
too, whether or not uh people should uh
talk to their doctor before too long. Uh
men and women talk to your physicians
before too long uh to avoid these uh
whatever is happening in these periods
where there isn't sufficient
testosterone and or estrogen. Sounds
like it um cause longer-term problems
even when therapies are are introduced.
Two two additional misery {slash}
complications. So, okay, you're trying
to understand. You look at women with a
history with or without postmenopausal
estrogen replacement where it's done
right and you're seeing 20 years later
estrogen is predictive of a decreased
risk of Alzheimer's. Then you got to
start trying to do the the unpacking
prospective type studies.
How much estrogen? At which times?
Estrogen is just a is a catch-all term
for a bunch of hormones, estrone,
estradiol, estriol. How much of each one
of them? Natural or synthetic? Go try to
figure all of that out. And the second
complication is it's often hard to say
anything about what estrogen does
outside the context of what progesterone
is doing. And often it's not the
absolute levels of either, it's the
ratio of the two. This is such a more
complicated endocrine system than
testosterone.
And you know, because you have to
generate dramatic cyclicity that like no
male hypothalamus ever has to dream of.
It's a much much more complicated
system.
Thus it's a lot more complicated to
understand, let alone
like figure out what the ideal benefits
are of it.
Yeah. Can um I don't know what to make
of the literature on
uh dropping rates of testosterone and
dis- and endocrine disruptors. You know,
I was at Berkeley when Tyrone Hayes
published his data on these frogs that
were drinking water from various
locations throughout the United States,
not just in California, and um seeing
very severe endocrine disruption uh
through blockade or and of androgen
receptors and all sorts of issues. And
you hear this all the time now that
sperm counts are dropping, that there
are all these endocrine disruptors, that
there's birth control in the water in
the drinking water. It all sounds starts
to sound a little crazy and yet,
um,
I've also been fooled before by, you
know, I guess, uh, a good example would
be there's a lot of crazy stuff in the
world online about all the terrible
stuff in highly processed foods and yet
you've got very respectable people,
endocrinologists at UCSF like Robert
Lustig saying, "Yeah, these a lot of
these hidden sugars and these
emulsifiers, they're causing real
problems." So, I've I've become more
open-minded about the question. Um,
and so,
are we suffering from drops in sperm
counts and testosterone and estrogen and
fertility as a consequence of endocrine
disruptors in the in the environment and
food or because of social reasons? Is
there anything that we can hang our hat
on like real data that you're confident
in or is it just a mess? Um, no, the
phenomenon does appear to be quite real.
Uh, cross-sectional studies, human
populations, or I still don't understand
why this was one of the first things
that Hayes spotted, decreasing testicle
size in crocodiles.
Go figure why that was one of the first
contributions to this. And I think the
phenomenon is absolutely real and what
you're then left with is it's two
classic challenges, which is this is
correlated with something broad,
environmental toxins,
which ones, how much, when, et cetera.
And the other one always being, well,
okay, dropping, is it dropping enough to
make a difference? How big of an effect
is this? And
those are where the juries are still
out. Yeah, it's an area that I know
there's a lot of interest in and, um,
you've got groups of people who won't
touch a receipt at a store because of
the BPAs that are on the inks of the and
then you got, uh, people who who don't
care about those things. It's It is a
fascinating area and I I hope that more
biology will be done out there soon. I'd
like to briefly return to to stress. Um
you described a study uh once about two
rats.
Um
One running on a wheel voluntarily.
One
who's basically stuck in a running wheel
and is forced to run anytime rat number
one runs. So, in one case, the rat is
voluntarily exercising, and in the other
case, the the rat is being forced to go
to PE class, so to speak. But really and
seeing
divergent effects on biology. And I'd
like to just touch into this and use it
as kind of a case study for stress
mitigation in general.
I'm rather obsessed and our colleague
David Spiegel, associate chair of
psychiatry at Stanford, is obsessed with
this question of how humans can
start to mitigate their own stress.
What What do you think about stress
mitigation? And And what should we do as
individuals and as families and as a
culture to try and encourage people to
mitigate their stress, but in ways that
are not going to turn us into rat number
two, where we're being forced to
mitigate our own stress, and therefore
becomes more stressful?
And what you see is rat number one gets
all the benefits of exercise. Rat number
two gets all the downsides of severe
stress.
With the same exact muscle expenditure
and movements going on, perfectly yoked,
great example that it's the
interpretation in your head. And I
haven't kept up with that literature,
but I'll bet you rat number two is
having a whole lot more activity in its
amygdala than is rat number one.
Okay, so stress mitigation.
Um anything I should say here I should
preface with um
reasonably good at telling people what's
going to happen if they don't manage
their stress, but I'm terrible at
actually like managing stress or
advising how to manage it. I'm I'm much
better with the bad news aspect of it.
Um but what you see is by now just a
classic literature half a century old
sort of showing what are the building
blocks of stress.
Not Oh, you step outside and you've been
gored by an elephant and can you
grow from your experience and what
doesn't kill you makes you stronger and
that you could have a stress response,
but you're in the realm of the gray zone
of ambiguous social interactions, that
sort of thing.
Some people have massive stress
responses, others not at all, in between
enjoy it. Like what are the building
blocks of what makes psychological
stress stressful?
And the first one is exactly what is
brought up by that running study. Do you
have a sense of control?
A sense of control makes stressors less
stressful.
And the running wheel shows that or
studies where you you lab rat or you
college freshman volunteer have been
trained that by pressing a lever you're
less likely to get a shock.
And today you're at the lever there
working away and unbeknownst to you the
lever has been turned off and it has no
effect on shock frequency, but because
you think you have some control, you
have less of a stress response. If
you're a rat and doing this day in and
day out, you're less likely to get an
ulcer. So sense of control.
Related to that is a sense of
predictability.
Rat gets shocked, human gets shocked,
whatever, and the scenario either is the
shocks come now and then or the shocks
come now and then and 10 seconds before
a little warning light comes on.
And when you get the warning light, the
shocks aren't as stressful.
You got predictability because if you're
not getting warning lights, any second
you could be a half second away from the
next shock. You get a warning light and
you know that if there isn't one, you've
got at least 10 seconds worth of
relaxation. You know what's coming. You
can prepare your coping responses. And
best of all, afterward you know when
you're finally safe, when you can
recover from it. And that's enormously
protective.
Others, outlet for frustration. You take
a rat who's getting shocked and if they
could run on a running wheel, that's a
protective thing. It's doing it
voluntarily. If you've got a rat and it
can gnaw on a bar of wood, a stressor is
less stressful. Uh unfortunately, if you
have a rat or primate or human and
they're stressed, the ability to
aggressively dump on somebody smaller
and weaker
also reduces the stress response. And
displacement aggression explain and the
fact that displacement aggression
reduces stress accounts for a huge
percentage of Earth's like unhappiness.
So all those variables get social
support as well. That's a good one.
Interpreting circumstances being good
news rather than bad. Hooray. So you've
got this very simple sort of like
take-home recipe. You go out and get as
much control and as much predictability
and as many outlets and as much social
support as possible and you're going to
do just fine. And you go out and do that
and that's a recipe for total disaster.
Because it's much, much more subtle than
that.
One great example. Okay, so you're
getting shocked. You want a warning
beforehand. Get a little warning light
10 seconds before each shock. It's
wonderfully protective. Get a warning
shock. Get a warning light 1 second
before the shock. Doesn't do anything.
There's not enough time for you to get
the psychological benefits of the
anticipation. Now instead, get the
little warning coming on 2 minutes
before each shock, and it's going to
make things worse because you're not
going to be sitting there like
you know, reveling in sort of your sense
of predictability and it's soon going to
be over. You're going to be sitting
there for 2 minutes saying, "Damn, here
it comes." Predictive information only
works in a narrow domain.
Similarly,
control. Do you want to have a sense of
control in the face of stress? And the
answer is only if it is a mild to
moderate stressor.
Because what's happening then,
your sense of control is completely
independent of the reality of whether
you have control or not. But in the face
of mild to moderate stressors, a sense
of control gets interpreted as,
"Wow, look how much worse things could
have been. Thank God I have control. I'm
on top of this master of my fate." In
contrast, if it's a major stressor, all
that uh,
you know, arbitrary sense of control
does is make you think, "Oh my god, look
how much better it could have been. I
could have prevented it." And we all
know that intuitively. Like we do that
in the face of people's worst stressors.
Nobody could have stopped the car the
way the kid suddenly jumped out. It
wouldn't have mattered if you had gotten
them to the doctor a month ago instead
of now. It wouldn't have made me You
didn't actually have any control.
And what you see is you absolutely want
to have a huge sense of control over
mild to moderate stressors and
especially ones that result in a good
outcome. Hooray for me. And in the face
of horrible stressors, what you want to
do is like
self-deception
and like truth and beauty don't
necessarily go hand in hand at that
point. And that's why stress management
techniques about control and
predictability wind up being far worse
than neutral if you're preaching that to
somebody homeless or somebody with
terminal cancer or somebody who's a
refugee.
Tell a neurotic middle-class person that
they have the psychological tools to
turn, you know, hell into heaven and
there's some truth to that. Do the same
thing to somebody who's going through a
real hell and that's just privileged,
you know,
heartlessness
to do that because that doesn't work.
More and more, you know, outlets. If
your outlets are damaging, that's not a
good way to mitigate stress. Social
support. If you're confusing mere
acquaintances for real social support,
you're going to have the rug pulled out
from under you at some point. If you're
mistaking social support for being going
and bitching and moaning and demanding
supportive from everyone around you
rather than you doing some of that
reciprocally, that's not going to work
very well, either. So, you know, it's
not simple. It's not for nothing that
lots of us are really lousy at like
being good friends and things like that
and why
it takes a lot of work to like do it
right because, you know, you do it wrong
and it may temporarily seem like a great
thing, but when it turns out to be
completely misplaced faith, you're going
to be feeling worse than before you
started.
Interesting that these days there's a
lot of interest in using physical
practices to mitigate stress, you know,
trying to get out of the ruminating and
to some extent take control of of neural
circuits in the brain by using exercise
and using breathing and hypnosis and and
and of course hypnosis has a mental
component as well.
What are your thoughts on
stress mitigation from the standpoint of
okay, so we don't want to be rat number
two. We want to select something for
ourselves. So we have to
take take the initiative for ourselves.
Being forced into
exercising is not it could actually have
negative health effects perhaps. So we
need to pick something that we like. We
need to take control of it. Um
in terms of supporting other people, you
touched on that a bit. What is the best
way to support other people? Is it to
talk about the stressful thing? I mean,
I'm not asking you to play psychologist
here, but
I find divergent data on this. You know,
we can spin ourselves up into a lather
by ruminating on something and language
seems to me like a
it's a wonderful tool, but it's also a
fairly
deprived tool because it doesn't really
get into the core of our physiology like
something like breathing would. So what
are your thoughts on more
uh
for lack of a better way to put it, more
head-centered cognitive approaches to
stress mitigation versus kind of uh
going at the core physiology. Cold
showers uh now are even a thing to some
extent, you know, just to get people
stress acclimated. Voluntarily taking
cold showers, you know. Um that makes
some sense physiologically
preconditioning
for when the real stresses come.
In terms of what you bring up,
uh transcendental meditation,
mindfulness, exercise, prayer,
sort of reflecting on gratitude,
all that sort of thing, collectively
they work on the average. They work in
terms of they can lower heart rate and
cholesterol levels and have all sorts of
good outcomes. Um but they come with
provisos. One is exactly the caveat that
comes out of the grinding wheel study is
it doesn't matter how many of your
friends swear by the stress management
technique if doing it makes you want to
scream your head off after 10 seconds,
that's not the one that's going to work
for you. So, you know, read the fine
print in the testimonials, but it's got
to be something that works for you.
Another one is
the stress management type techniques
that
work, you can't save them for the
weekend. You can't save them for when
you're stuck on hold on the phone with
Muzak for 2 minutes. It's got to be
something where you
stop what you're doing and do it a
virtually daily or every other day and
spend 20-30 minutes doing it. And what
you see coming out of that is this like
80/20 rule from economics.
80/20, 80% of the complaints in the
store come from 20% of the customers,
things like that. What you see is if
your entire life consists of every
single thing
on your shoulders that you can't say no
to 24/7,
if you've stopped that and finally said
my well-being is important enough that
I'm finally going to say no to some of
the stuff that I can't say no to and I'm
going to do it every day for 20 minutes,
whatever stress management technique you
then do in those 20 minutes short of who
knows what, you're already 80% of the
way there simply by having decided your
well-being is important enough that
you're going to stop every single day
and have that as priority. And that's
the exactly the same finding that you
find people with chronic depression
untreated that merely calling and
getting an appointment to see a mental
health professional, people start
feeling better already because it's
evidence that you've been activated and
you matter enough to do this and you
could conceive that this would actually
have a good outcome rather than a
hopeless one.
Just doing something meditative or
reflective every day or so, and it
hardly even matters
which one you're doing.
And what comes out of that is thus
another warning, which is do not trust
anybody who says it has been
scientifically proven that their brand
of stress management works better than
the other ones. Just watch your wallet
at that point. Yeah, amen. I think one
of the core goals of of my lab and David
Spiegel's lab, and I know you've worked
with David and published papers with
David as well, is to really try and find
out what are the various entry points to
this thing that we call the autonomic
nervous system and the stress system and
these systems that when gone unchecked
really can take us down a dark path. You
know,
and the idea that there are so many
entry points is really the one that
keeps what the data keep telling us over
and over again. So, there's no magic
breathing tool or exercise. It's any
variety of those or one of those. And
again, we come back to this idea that
it's the one that you select and the one
that you make space for, and it's the
one that
you hopefully enjoy that's going to work
best in terms of physiology.
And one of the benign for those people
who are stuck around you. Right. Right,
absolutely. And you know, that brings me
to this question of I find it amazing
that
how we perceive an event and whether or
not we chose to be in that event or not
can have such incredible different
effects on circuitry of the brain and
circuitry of the body and biology of
cells.
And in some ways it boggles my mind.
Like how can a decision made presumably
with the prefrontal cortex, although
other parts of the brain as well, how
can that change essentially the polarity
of a response in the body? And I mean
you've talked before about type A
personalities and that we don't have to
go into all the detail there for sake of
time, but it is interesting that the
effects of endothelial cells, I mean
literally of the size of of the portals
for blood are in opposite direction
depending on whether or not somebody
wants to be in a situation as a highly
motivated person. Maybe you could just
give us the top contour of of that
because I I think it really illustrates
this principle so beautifully. And then
maybe if you would, you could just
speculate on how the brain might have
this switch to turn one experience from
terrible to beneficial or from
beneficial to terrible. It's really
fascinating.
Well, I mean all you need to do is like
tonight before you're going to sleep and
you're lying in bed and you're nice and
drowsy and your heart's beating nice and
slow, you'll start thinking about the
fact that, you know, that heart isn't
going to beat forever. And imagine your
toes getting cold afterward and imagine
the flow of blood coming to a halt and
all of you clotting and if you really
you're going to be doing something with
your physiology at that point that 99%
of mammals out there only do if they're
running frantically. And you're going to
be turning on your sympathetic stress
response with thought, with emotions,
with memory. And the measure of that is
just how much the cortex and the limbic
system sends projections down to all the
autonomic regulators in the brain. Um
you can think
autonomic regulatory neurons into action
in ways that only other animals can do
with like extremes of environmental
circumstances.
And given that and the autonomic rule, I
mean the other big challenge in
understanding it is gigantic individual
differences.
And that's, you know,
you we talk about the optimal amount of
stress that counts as stimulation, and
in general that's stress that's not too
severe and doesn't go on for too long
and is overall in a benevolent setting,
and under those conditions we love being
stressed by something unexpected and had
a control and predictability like a
really interesting plot turn in the
movie you're watching. That's great, but
you get the individual differences that
somehow has to accommodate the fact that
for some people the perfect stimulatory
amount of stress is like getting up
early for an Audubon bird watching walk
next Sunday morning, and for somebody
else it's signing up to be like a
mercenary in Yemen.
And tremendous individual differences
that swamp any simple,
you know,
prescriptions.
Yeah, the the prefrontal cortex, this
thinking machinery that we all harbor,
it's such a double-edged sword. Uh and
uh what's uh remarkable to me is how the
areas of the brain like the hypothalamus
and the amygdala, they're sort of like
switches. I mean they they there's
context and there's gain control. You
talked about the gain control
by testosterone, etc., but they're
really like switches. I mean if you
stimulate ventromedial hypothalamus, you
get the right neurons and an animal will
try and kill even an object that's
sitting next to it. You tickle some
other neurons, it'll try and mate with
that same object. I mean it's really
wild. The I think there are probably
rules to prefrontal cortex also, but it
sounds like the the context
plural from which prefrontal cortex can
draw from are are probably infinite.
Um so that we could probably learn to
perceive threat in anything, whether or
not it's another group or whether or not
it's um science or whether or not it's
uh somebody's version of the shape of
the earth versus another. I mean, it's
it's like you can plug in anything to
this system and give it enough data and
I think it sounds like you could drive a
fear response or a love response. Is
that overstepping? Or a mixed, horribly
ambivalent one that is changing by the
millisecond and like mutually
contradictory. No, that's absolutely the
case. And the prefrontal cortex, I I
more than once have
regretted having like wasted 30 years of
my life studying the hippocampus when I
should have been studying the prefrontal
cortex cuz it's so much more interesting
what it does and it's all this
contextual stuff. It's all the ways in
which it's not okay to lie in this
setting, but it's a great thing in
another. It's not okay to kill unless
you do it to them and then you get a
medal. It's not all of this social
context and moral relativity and
situational ethics stuff. That's the
prefrontal cortex that's got to master
that and that winds up meaning that's
the place in your brain more than
anywhere where you say your perception
of things
uh can powerfully influence the reality
of what's coming into you.
I mean,
great example just harking back to
testosterone. Okay, so exercise boosts
up testosterone levels. Does exercise
and success do it more than exercise and
failure? A literature back in the '80s
or so looking at outcomes of marathons.
Did testosterone rise more in the people
who win than the losers?
Wrestling matches, things of that sort
with a simple prediction. And the answer
wound up being you didn't see a simple
answer.
Okay, you win the marathon, that's not
necessarily an increase a predictor of
increased testosterone. What's that
about? And then you find like
you know, the winner testosterone
decreases. And you find out the guy who
came in 73rd is having a massive
testosterone increase. Whoa, what's that
about? What's that about is far more
human subtlety. The first The guy who
won the race has a decline in
testosterone because he came in 3
minutes later than he really really was
expecting. And everybody now is going to
be writing it up about how he's over the
hill. And the guy who came in 73rd is
having a boost of testosterone because
he was assuming he'd be dead from a
heart attack by the third mile and
instead he managed to finish.
It's this interpretive stuff going on in
there and that's what prefrontal cortex
is about.
Amazing. It I raises this question of
cognitive flexibility. You know, can
uh can we tell ourselves
that something is good for us even if
we're not enjoying it? And can we can we
wriggle around these corners of of
choosing the the exercise or doing the
the you know, I I personally I'm not a
big fan of of um long bouts of
meditation, but I've benefited
tremendously from things like dedicated
breathing and shorter rounds of
meditation. Um can I tell myself that
it's good for me and wriggle around the
corner and get my physiology working the
way I want? Do we have cognitive
flexibility? Can I be that um third
place runner and tell myself, "Well, at
least I'm
uh I came in uh I wanted to win so
badly. That was my primary goal, but
another goal was to beat my previous
time and I did do that." And so uh I
mean it's
what To what extent can we toggle this
relationship between the prefrontal
cortex and these other more
primitive systems.
Oh, and an enormous amount.
Um
You know, for example, being low in a
hierarchy
um is generally bad for health in like
every mammal out there including us. But
we do something special which is we can
be part of multiple hierarchies at the
same time. And while you may be low
ranking in one of them, you could be
extremely high ranking in another.
You're like have the crappiest job in
your corporation, but you're the captain
of the team softball of the softball
team this year for the company. And you
better bet that's somebody who's going
to find all sorts of ways to decide that
9:00 to 5:00 Monday to Friday is just
stupid paying the bills. And what really
matters is, you know, the prestige on
the weekend. You're poorer, but you're
the deacon of your church. You're And so
we can play all sorts of psychological
games with that. One of the most like
consistent reliable ones that we do and
need to use the frontal cortex like
crazy is somebody does something rotten
and you need to attribute it. And the
answer is they did something rotten
because they're rotten. Always have
been, always will be this constitutional
explanation. You do something rotten to
somebody and how do you explain it
afterward? A situational one. I was
tired. I was stressed. In this sort of
setting I misunderstood this. Um we're
best at excusing ourselves from bad
things because we have access to our
inner lives and we've got prefrontal
cortexes that are great at coming up
with a situational explanation rather
than, "Hey, maybe you're just like a
selfish rotten human and you need to
change."
And that's all prefrontal cortex and we
do that every time we don't let
somebody, you know, merge in the lane in
front of us even though you curse
somebody who does the same thing to you
and
you know,
endlessly.
Your I love it. Your statement about uh
the fact that we can select multiple
hierarchies to participate in
um to me seems like a particularly
important one nowadays with social media
being so prevalent. I know you're not
particularly active on social media,
although uh you might be um pleasantly
or I don't know, unpleasantly surprised
to find out that there's a there's a lot
of positive discussion about you and
your work. Uh so you don't even need to
be on there. We'll just continue to to
discuss your work. But the but what's
interesting about social media
I've found is that the context is very,
very broad. I mean, one could argue that
who one selects to follow and which news
articles you're reading, etc. can create
of kind of a funneling of information
that itself can be dangerous. You know,
more verification of crazy ideas or or
even just less exposure to new ideas. Um
but there's also this idea that
social media is an incredibly broad
context. So as you scroll through a
feed, it's no longer like being in your
eighth grade classroom or your office or
your faculty meeting. You are being
exposed to
thousands, if not millions of contexts.
This meal, that soccer game, this
person's body, this person's intellect.
Uh YouTube is another example. It's a uh
it's a vast, vast landscape and it's
so the context is is completely
mishmash. Whereas I'm assuming we
evolved, uh I think we did evolve under
context that were much more constrained.
We interacted with a limited number of
individuals and in a limited number of
different domains. Seasons tended be
constrain us all and um of course then
we got phones and televisions and this
started to expand, but now more than
ever
our brain, our prefrontal cortex and our
sense of where we exist in these
multiple hierarchies has essentially
wicked out into infinity. How do you
think this might be interacting with
some of these more
primitive systems and and other aspects
of our of our biology?
Well, I think what you get is in some
ways the punchline of what's most
human about humans, which is over and
over we use the exact same blueprint,
the same hormones, the same kinases, the
same receptors, the same everything.
We're built out of the exact same stuff
as all these other species out there,
and then we go and use it in a
completely novel way.
And usually in terms of being able to
abstract stuff over space and time in
dramatic ways.
So, okay, you're a low-ranking baboon
and you can feel badly because you just
like killed a rabbit and you're about to
eat and some higher-ranking guy boots
you off and takes it away from you. And
you feel crummy and it's stressful and
you're unhappy.
We are doing the exact same things with
like our brain and bodies when we're
losing a sense of self-esteem, but we
can do it by watching a movie character
on the screen and feeling inadequate
compared to like how wonderful or
attractive they are. We can do it by
somebody driving past us in an expensive
car and we don't even see their face and
you can feel belittled by your own
socioeconomic status. Um, you can watch
like the lifestyles of the rich and
famous or read about what Bezos is up to
and for some reason decide your your
life is less fulfilling because you
didn't fly into space for 11 minutes and
so you can feel miserable about yourself
in ways that no other organism can,
simply because
we can have our meaningful social
networks include like the party you're
reading about on Facebook that you
weren't invited to, because it's taking
place in Singapore and you don't know
any of those people, but nonetheless,
somehow that could be a means for you to
feel less content with who you've turned
out to be.
Do you take steps in your own life to
actively restrict the contexts in which
you think and live and
um
and contemplate uh in you know in order
to
enhance your creative life, your
intellectual life? Uh
are those are those steps that you
actively take?
Um well, I very actively don't know how
to make use of anything with social
media. Um so, I guess that counts as my
having thus actively chosen not to learn
how. Um
So, that's the case certainly for the
last year and a half like lots of
people. Um I've gone through stretches
where I've managed to sort of enforce a
moratorium on looking at the news, and
that was wonderfully freeing.
Um I think in the larger sense though,
um
you know, in addition to me being a
neurobiologist, I've sort of spent
decades spending part of each year
studying wild baboons out in a national
park in East Africa,
and I'd spend 3 months a year without
electricity, without phone calls, with
you know, going 12 hours a day without
saying a word to somebody, and when I
finally would, it would be somebody
a nomadic pastoralist guy in a different
language.
Yeah, I did 90% of my like insightful
thinking about anything in the
laboratory during those 3 months each
year, and not when in the lab, and not
when inundated with stuff.
Well, I think there's uh
there's a shifting trend towards trying
to create a narrowing of context. Uh
that and I I like what I see. I have a
niece, she's 14 years old, and uh she
and her friends are very good at putting
their phones away. They say, "We're not
going to have our phones for this
interaction." Especially after and I
realize we're still somewhat in this uh
it's unclear where where it's headed,
but after 2020 was so restrictive and
she was so separated from her friends,
now it's let's really focus on being
together and not bring in all these
other elements from our phones. And I
have that brings me great hope for that
that generation. Maybe they will uh
you know, or who knows, maybe they'll
run off and study baboons. We need more
uh field researchers.
Uh So, along the lines of choice, uh I'd
like to shift gears slightly and talk
about free will, about our ability to
make choices at all.
Well, my personal
way out and left-field inflammatory
stance is I don't think we have a shred
of free will. Um despite
you know, 95% of philosophers and I
think probably the majority of
neuroscientists saying that we have free
will in at least some circumstances, I
don't think there's any at all.
Um and the reason for this is
you do something, you behave, you make a
choice, whatever, and to understand why
you did that, where did that intention
come from, um part of it was due to like
the sensory environment you were in in
the previous minute. Some of it is from
the hormone levels in your bloodstream
that morning. Some of it is from whether
you had a wonderful or stressful last 3
months and what sort of neuroplasticity
happened. Part of it is what hormone
levels you were exposed to as a fetus.
Part of it is what culture your
ancestors came up with and thus how you
were parented when you were a kid.
All of those are in there and you can't
understand where behavior is coming from
without incorporating all of those.
And at that point
not only are there all of these
relevant factors
but they're ultimately all one factor.
If you're talking about what evolution
has to do with your behavior, by
definition you're also talking about
genetics.
If you're talking about what your genes
have to do with behavior, by definition
you're talking about how your brain was
constructed or what proteins are coded
for. If you're talking about like your
mood disorder now, you're talking about
the sense of efficacy you were getting
as a five-year-old. They're all
intertwined and when you look at all
those influences
basically like the challenge is show me
a neuron that just caused that behavior
or show me a network of neurons that
just caused that behavior and show me
that nothing about what they just did
was influenced by anything from the
century environment one second ago to
the evolution of your species. And
there's no space in there to fit in a
free will concept that winds up being
you know in your brain but not of your
brain. There's simply no wiggle room for
it there.
So
I can appreciate that our behaviors and
our choices are the consequence of a
long line of dominoes that fell prior to
that behavior.
But
is it possible that I can intervene in
the domino effect so to speak, you know
in other words, can my recognition
of the fact that genes have heredity,
there's an epigenome that there's a
hormonal context, there's a historical
context
can the knowledge of that give me some
small small shard of free will? Meaning,
does it allow me to say, "Ah, okay, I
accept that my choices are are somewhat
predetermined and yet knowing that gives
me
some additional layer of control?" Is is
there any philosophical or biological
universe in which that
works?
Nah.
Um
all of that
can produce the wonderfully positive
belief that change can happen.
Even dramatic change, even in the worst
of circumstances, most unlikely people,
and change can happen. Things can
change.
Uh don't be be fatalistic, don't decide
because we're mechanistic biological
machines that nothing can ever Change
can happen. But where people go off the
rails
is translating that into
we can change ourselves.
We don't. We can't cuz there's no free
will.
However, we can be changed by
circumstance.
And
the point of it is
like you look at an Aplysia, a sea slug
that has learned to retract its gill in
response to a shock on its tail, you can
do like conditioning, Pavlovian
conditioning on it, and it has learned,
its behavior has been changed by its
environment.
And you hear news about something like
horrifically depressing going on, and
you know,
you
and in wherever and as a result, you
feel a little bit more helpless and a
less of a sense of efficacy in the world
and both of your behaviors have been
changed.
Okay, okay, yeah, I guess that but the
remarkable thing is it's the exact same
neurobiology.
The signal transduction pathways that
were happening in that sea snail
incorporate the exact same kinases and
proteases and phosphatases that we do
when you're having mammalian fear
conditioning or when you're learn
it's conserved. It's the exact same
thing. It's simply playing out in
obviously a much much fancier domain.
And because
you have learned
that change is possible
despite understanding mechanistically
that we can't change ourselves
volitionally, um but because you
understand change is possible, you have
just changed the ability of your brain
to respond to optimistic stimuli.
And you have changed the ability of your
brain to now send you in the direction
of being exposed to more information
that will seem cheerful rather than
depressing. Oh my god, that's amazing.
What Nelson Mandela and Martin Luther
King and all these folks did. Wow, under
the most adverse of circumstances, they
were able to do maybe I can also. Maybe
I can go read more about people like
them to get even more data points of
changed neurochemistry
so that your responses are different
now. And you know, you're tilted a
little bit more in that direction of
feeling like you can make a difference
instead of it's all damn hopeless. Um so
enormous change can happen, but the last
thing that can come out of a view of we
are nothing more or less than the sum of
our biology and its interactions with
environment is to throw up your hands
and say, "And thus it's no use trying to
change anything."
So, we can acknowledge that change is
extremely hard to impossible, that
circumstances can change, and yet that
striving to be better human beings is
still a worthwhile endeavor. Do I have
that correct? Absolutely. Because simply
the knowledge either from experience or
making it to the end of the right
neurobiology class um has taught you
that change can happen within a
framework of a mechanistic neurobiology,
you are now more open to being made
optimistic by the good news in the world
around you. You are more likely to be
inspired by this or that. You are more
resistant to getting discouraged by bad
news simply cuz you now understand it's
possible.
Mhm.
Yeah, somebody who spent much of his
career working on the hippocampus, I
have to assume that you are a believer
in neural plasticity, that neural
circuits can change in response to
experience, and that some of the same
so-called top-down mechanisms of
prefrontal cortex that we were talking
about before can play a role there, that
the decision to try and change and the
pursuit of knowledge and the pursuit of
experience can shape our circuitry and
therefore make us different machines, so
to speak. Yeah. And not only can say
prenatal hormone exposure change the way
your brain is being constructed,
but learning that prenatal hormone
exposure can change the construction of
your brain will change your brain right
now and how you think about where your
intentions came from. Wow, maybe that
had something to do with it. The
knowledge of the knowledge is an effect
or in and of itself.
That's such an important and powerful
statement to hear. I think that many
people think that if a tool
it is doesn't involve a pill or a
or a protocol
that it's useless. And certainly there
are pills and protocols that are very
useful in a variety of context for a
variety of of things, but the idea that
knowledge itself or as you put it
knowledge of knowledge is itself a tool
I think is a very important concept for
people to embed in their minds. And
listen, I I'm so grateful for this
discussion and for you raising these
topics. I think that people
you know, many people know your work on
testosterone, on stress, and we've
covered some of that today. The work on
free will and this idea that we are
hopeless
or that we are in total control.
I
I think I'm realizing in listening to
you that it's neither neither is true
and that the solution resides in
understanding more about free will and
lack of it
and and also neuroplasticity.
You're working on a book about free
will.
Are you willing to tell us a little bit
about that book and where you are in
that process and what we can look
forward to?
Yeah, it's going really slow.
Um,
title is determined.
A science of life without free will.
And essentially the first half of the
book is trying to convince a reader,
okay, if not that there's no free will
whatsoever, but at least there's a lot
less than is normally assumed. And I'm
going through all the standard arguments
for free will and why
that doesn't make sense with 21st
century science
Um, and that has led to leading reading
a lot of very frustrating philosophers
who
basically are willing to admit that
stuff is made out of like atoms and
molecules and like there's a physical
reality to the world. They're not just
relying on magic but that they believe
in free will for magical reasons. And
where it doesn't make sense. Okay, so
the first half of the book is to
hopefully convince people that there's
much less free will than we used to
think. And then the second half is this
gigantic juncture built around the fact
that I haven't thought there's any free
will since I was like an adolescent
and despite thinking that way I still
have absolutely no idea how you're
supposed to function with that belief.
How are you supposed to like go about
everyday life if anything you feel
entitled to isn't true, if any angers
and hatreds you feel aren't justified,
if there's no such thing as appropriate,
you know, blame or punishment or praise
or reward and none of it makes any sense
and somebody like even compliments you
on your haircut and you've been
conditioned to like say oh thanks as if
you had something to do. How are we
supposed to function with that? Um
and so the second half is wrestling with
that.
And
what the punchline there is
is it's going to be incredibly hard
and if you think it's going to be hard
to subtract a notion of free will
out of making sense of like serial
murders, it's going to be a thousand
times harder of making sense of when
somebody says good job to you.
And cuz it's the exact same
unreality of sort of our
interpretations. It's going to be
incredibly hard, but nonetheless, when
you look at the history
of how we have subtracted the notion of
agency out of all sorts of realms of
blame,
starting with thinking that witches
caused hailstorms 500 years ago to the
notion that psychodynamically screwed up
mothers cause schizophrenia,
we've done it. We've done it endless
number of times. We've been able to
subtract out a sense of volition and
understanding how the world works around
us, and we don't have murderers running
amok on the street, and society hasn't
collapsed into a puddle, and in fact,
it's a more humane society.
So, the good news is it's possible
because we've done it repeatedly in the
past, but it's going to be hard as hell.
And it's hard as hell to try to write
about that coherently, I'm discovering.
So, it's going slowly.
Well, I speak uh for many, many people
when I say that we're really excited for
the book when it's done, and we will
patiently wait, uh but with great
excitement for the book Determined, you
said is the title, correct? Yeah.
Determined: The Science of Life Without
Free Will. Seems like you can't publish
a book these days without a subtitle, so
that's that's it. Fantastic. Well, very
excited to read the book. Um very
grateful to you for this conversation
today. I learned a ton. Um every time
you speak, I learn, and for me, it's
really been a pleasure and a delight to
interact with you
today and over the the previous uh
years, um I should say as as colleagues,
and um thank you again, Robert, for
everything that you do and all the hard,
hard work and thinking that you put into
your work because it's clear that you
put a lot of hard work and thinking, and
we all benefit as a consequence.
Thanks, and
thanks for having me. This was a blast.
Thank you for joining me for my
conversation with Dr. Robert Sapolsky.
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