Reviving Europe: The Battle for Innovation and Sovereignty. Gerd Leonhard & Jo Caudron Conversation
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Gerd Leonhard and Jo Caudron argue that Europe is undergoing a necessary paradigm shift, moving away from purely technological disruption toward addressing critical societal challenges such as aging populations, housing affordability, climate change, and geopolitical instability. While the continent possesses immense talent, world-class infrastructure like ASML, and robust sovereign technologies including Nextcloud and Proton, it has historically followed the path of least resistance by outsourcing production and market strategies to American and Chinese entities. This reliance is not a reflection of capability but rather a cultural hesitation regarding risk-taking; however, recent political shifts under Trump are compelling Europe to reconsider its dependence on US tech giants as an impending divorce from America forces this region to mature rapidly into adulthood.
To compete effectively against US conservatism, Chinese state capitalism, and transhumanist accelerationism, the speakers propose abandoning the futile race for frontier AI models in favor of practical implementation within transition sectors like renewable energy, food production, mobility, and defense. Instead of striving to be first with killer drones or artificial general intelligence, Europe should lead by optimizing societal outcomes through shared economies and ethical governance. A central pillar of this new strategy is building "Europe Online," a direct-to-user platform free from US algorithmic gatekeeping that would allow major European media companies to collaborate on preserving narrative control and honest storytelling within the continent.
Achieving true technological sovereignty requires more than just data centers; it demands a strategic approach where Europe reverse-engineers only essential features while rebuilding legacy systems with best practices, avoiding the appropriation of American models or bad code. Although early predictions suggested less than a one percent chance of achieving this by 2030, there is growing optimism driven by government-led migrations away from US giants like Microsoft toward European alternatives such as Proton and Nextcloud. However, a significant barrier remains Europe's inability to effectively communicate its vision, with institutions often strong on legislation but weak at storytelling compared to American narratives, necessitating a cultural shift in how the future is presented to disillusioned younger generations.
To counter populism and engage youth focused on preserving the past rather than shaping tomorrow, Leonhard and Caudron propose launching a new campaign titled "I Love The Future" or "Taking Back Tomorrow." This initiative aims to reframe Europe's trajectory from one of decline to active ownership of its architectural future, funded as public infrastructure through taxes rather than relying solely on advertisements or investors. By fostering pooled sovereignty among major media entities and potentially managing these efforts outside traditional bodies like the EBU, the speakers envision a collaborative effort that not only secures technological independence but also restores Europe's role as an innovator capable of defining its own destiny in a fractured global landscape.
Read the full video transcript
Greetings, I'm Gert Leonhard. Welcome to
Gert Talks. Today I am with Joe Caudron.
He is from Belgium.
>> Thank you, Gert. Thanks for having me.
Who am I? I'm in the digital /
innovation / disruption business for
over 30 years now. I had the advantage
or how should I call it, to be the very
first to create a web agency in Belgium
32 years ago. So, I had the opportunity
to follow most of the innovations in
that area. So, first websites and then
mobile and social and all of these kind
of things. And with different companies,
I think I founded about 25 of them. I
always spearheaded uncharted territory
for most people. And for the last 15
years I decided, actually 17 years
today,
uh to no longer offer services like
build things for customers, but to think
about what did it all means. And there I
made this migration from tech is a
disruptor to so many other things are
disruptors. So, what is this doing to
companies and the economy, but most of
all to society. I have written seven
books. The first four about tech and the
last three about tech and society and
the last one actually just about
society.
>> I think we have so many parallels is
kind of scary actually. You're 58, I'm
65. I've been reading your latest book
called Fuck the System. I don't think
it's spelled out in such a way. F s t a
r s e k I think if you if you just look
for Joe j o Caudron c a u d r o n,
you'll find him everywhere. So, I've
been reading the book, I've been making
notes in
as I was reading the book, I was
thinking like, man, there's so many
parallels between our messages, not just
about Europe and technology, but in
general. And then we were chatting
before we we did this we're doing this
podcast today. We were chatting about
what we should talk about and you
mentioned that you also have this shift
towards this big question as to what we
do ourselves and that did remind me of
Rifka Brandman.
So, all of a sudden our own job
description has changed so much because
it used to be about transformation and
business and to improving things and
learning things and that was like table
stakes.
Our future between what the machine can
do and what we should do and how we
respond and now it's about politics.
It's about policy. It's about our
approach to life and in many ways I
think you have the same experience as me
is that we're challenged by this shift
from this discussion, you know, speaking
about these
fairly straightforward topics to now
it's about philosophy and the future of
survival and that struck me as a very
interesting parallel.
>> Yeah, absolutely. I think I've learned
this before I started really focusing on
society. We did a digital transformation
exercise, a big one that took about a
year for BNP Paribas, well-known bank.
So the concept I've always been working
with was that you have digital
disruptions. They disrupt the status quo
of an industry or company and that
digital transformation which is actually
in the essence a business
transformation. So you have a disruption
creating a business transformation. But
while doing the exercise, we saw it's
only digital. So what about an aging
population? As a bank, this is
important. What about living
affordability of houses? As a bank, this
is important. What about of course
climate change? Insurability of things.
So slowly we said the pattern of a
disruption changing the status or
challenging the status quo and coming up
with a strategy which is a business
transformation strategy, it's the same
methodology. So that is when we started
applying more angles that just digital.
And then I think for the last three or
four years I said digital is no longer
even the most important one. Let's face
it. There are so many other societal
drivers of transformation. But of course
with AI, digital is of taking a very
prominent place in how it's disrupting
technologies, businesses, economy and of
course society.
>> This is such a big challenge I think for
us as speakers that rather than just
making a living with what we're doing,
we want to make a difference. We want to
We want to talk about what really
matters. And what really matters usually
isn't about money or business
transformation, but about whether we can
thrive in the future. And I think this
is just like you may have the same
experience. It's a bit of a threat to
the business model of speaking because I
find that in much of my work, when I get
too close to the things that really
matter, it's much more difficult for the
audience and the client. And it's much
more personal and rocking the boat too
much. And that has become a major shift
just this year. I decided I'm going to
drop all that other stuff
because now I only need to speak about
what really matters and it isn't going
to be about how to use AI to make more
sales.
>> Yeah,
but that's that's the luxury we both
have. So,
imagine we were 20 years younger and we
still had to pay off houses and whatever
and family young kids. We can afford to
say screw it. It's part of our business
value, but we have a voice that we can
use. Everyone, I think, that has been
active in this domain for the last 20 25
years,
they have to see what we see, but not
everyone can afford to say let's act
upon that. Let's behave like that. And
even if that destroys economic value on
my side. But what I also have noticed,
and this is interesting, that is that
these people in boards and these CEOs,
they feel the same. They think alike,
but they can't translate it into their
businesses. So, if you talk to them
one-on-one, if you even if you do those
If I do these exercises, I still do with
them. They agree on everything we say on
geopolitics and on Trump and on climate
and all of and the threat of AI. They
agree, they see the danger, but they
can't translate it into the core of the
strategy of their company because indeed
there are different stakeholders that do
not allow that. So, on a personal people
level, we are not alone. There are a lot
of us, but we can afford to act upon it.
>> I think we're very lucky that we are
able to do this and I'm committed to
making that shift away from what does
not matter to what really matters. But
to go closer to the things that matter
personally and on a larger scale,
they're inherently social, political
policy issues and belief issues and they
rock the boat and they follow the party
in many ways to ask a big question like,
what do we want with AI and what do we
want with Europe and what are we willing
to give up? And those are very personal
questions and I think that has been a
change for my business model, but I'm
fine with that and you probably notice
the same thing, but it's it is
definitely a challenge.
>> This when I did these kind of
presentations and workshops a year and a
half ago, just after the inauguration
between the election and the
inauguration, a lot of people had no
attention. They didn't want to listen to
that.
In the last year, most people are
growing this awareness. They are also
convinced that it is no longer normal
what is currently happening in the
world. So, it's less less difficult for
me to convince them there's a broader
story. It's not just about your business
and tech, it is a broader story. And
that changed completely in less than 18
months. And that is for me it is a good
sign. That's at least well
a little bit of a silver lining there.
>> Yeah, the other thing is that I wrote
about this the other day in my blog is
that I feel like a forecast, a
prediction and analytics is done is what
AI does pretty well now. There's
actually a new website called Future
Search that does that.
And if you want to forecast and ask
questions like, what is the outcome of
the election and the arrival of AGI or
whatever, those kind of things you can
actually ask the AI. So, I feel like a
lot of clients are doing that today and
they're coming to me and actually giving
me a script from the AI for my job and
I'm like, I'm not doing that, sorry.
But my direction now is I have a new
headline for the human future
and it's not for the human business. And
the so I'm moving away from being the
service provider that does interesting
speeches, hopefully, or nice looking
speeches to like the advocate. Being an
advocate is so important today because
in the end, what do we want is the key
question rather than what we can have.
This is the key question for Europe, is
not what we can have.
And all the great stuff that we can do
with American tech, but what do we
actually want? What is the destination?
The tell us, yeah, the purpose.
>> Yeah.
>> So, let's talk a little bit about your
book and tell people about how we got
here. I found a couple of interesting
quotes I'll throw in. For example, the
world shark, that's a really interesting
term and I love that term because it's
it's so fitting. Tell us a little bit
about the book.
>> Yeah. So, first of all, I have to
correct the title because a lot of
people say fuck the system, but that's
not the entire title. The entire title
is fuck the system and all the bad ideas
for the future. So, I decided for myself
to write the book. I was in Amsterdam
with a friend having some drinks and
food and on the election evening in the
in US. And I have stayed up late to just
follow the first exit polls and I said,
"Oh my god, this is not going to happen,
right?" Uh so, in the the days after I
said, "Why?" It's actually the beginning
of most of my books. There's this fear,
there's this not understanding why
things happen the way they happen. I
want to try to understand for myself
what are the mechanisms behind this.
What is the risk? Who are the people
behind Trump? All of these kind of
things. So, while researching, I find
these patterns and I write the book and
I get hope. And this is not the first
time. It's the fourth, fifth time that I
write a book where I start in a very
pessimistic way and I end very
optimistically saying there is indeed a
solution. So, the the origin of the book
was the election of Trump. So, I still
wasn't really convinced I had to do it
and then we got the inauguration of
Trump and then I started writing. I have
I called my my publisher and I said, "I
have a book, guys." And I know the title
is going to be fuck the system and all
the bad ideas because Dodge was
happening and Musk was doing crazy
things. I said, "This is no longer
normal. This is accelerating and someone
has to tell the story, which is no
longer a tech story, although AI is part
of it." So, I did. So, I wrote the book
between I think February and somewhere
in the middle of July. All of the
research and the writing of the book,
which was difficult because every day I
got like 200 pages of stuff happening
that I could just have AI summarize you
what's happening. I could in real time
write a book as as it was materializing
in the US. And the aim of the book was
to actually answer a couple of
questions. First of all, what's
happening in the world and is when Trump
is going
away, is it going to go away? And the
answer is no, it's not. It's it's
definitely not going to go away because
we have Vans and we have Teal and we
have Dark Enlightenment and we have all
of these things that are behind the
scenes shaping what Trump is doing.
Second question I want I wanted to
answer is how weak is Europe or maybe
are we stronger than we think? What is
the problem with Europe? And the third
topic I wanted to address was how can we
actually start thinking in Europe with a
new kind of innovation paradigm to
tackle the things that we are currently
weak in because there are issues in
Europe. Definitely. So, how should we
tackle them? Just by competing in the
traditional way as with Qatar or
whoever?
And the answer is no. So, these three
parts, first the world, then shape of
Europe and then the future of Europe. I
think I succeeded in at least bringing
that message across.
>> Mhm.
>> I think the first part is pretty clear.
We don't have to talk about that very
much as to what is happening, what is
wrong. We've both spoken and written
about this a lot, so it's quite clear
it's a disaster of Western of Western
norms and diplomacy and even if Trump
does go away, which is quite likely, I
think some maybe even sometime this
year, but sooner or later, then this
does not end. So, I always say that
America and Europe are getting divorced
and this could be an ugly divorce, it
could be a good divorce, we could get
back together, who knows, but now we're
cutting, we're leaving. This is I think
it's a very good picture for what's
happening. We're getting divorced. It's
ugly, we're screaming, fighting and all
these things. The second part is like
how bad are things in Europe and what is
the actual problem? We should talk about
that and then follow up with the third
part as to what is the reasonable
action. I saw in some of the quotes I
have that you say that we're searching
for a European self-confidence.
>> Mhm.
>> I think this is so true. We're both kind
of more European, I think, than most
other people in the sense that you live
in Belgium, which is, by definition, the
epicenter. I live in Switzerland, but
I'm German. So, here in Switzerland,
Europe is looked at in a kind of weird
light, even though we are de facto part
of it. So, let's talk about what is the
situation, Europe? How bad is it? How
good is it? And what is the real
analysis of this?
>> Yeah. The short answer is it's much
better than most people think. So, we
have an incredible infrastructure for
innovation and change, but we have made,
I think the the biggest two mistakes we
have made is the fact that over the last
20 years, we have taken the path of
least resistance
in manufacturing and production that was
towards the East and China, because that
was the best way, cheapest way to
produce things that became more and more
expensive here.
I think the biggest mistake was the fact
that we also
followed the path of least resistance to
get our innovations from lab side to bed
side. So, lab side, you invent
something, bed side, it ends up at the
side of your bed. Something in your
house in your home. There was a time,
Gert, and you're older than I am. If you
look at video recorders, Philips had
system 2000. We had so many inventions.
We had Nokia. We had Ericsson. We had
all of these things. We had social media
in Europe. We had them. And about 20
years ago, they slowly started to fade
away. And every great idea in Europe
actually followed the path of the money
towards US, because if you can
front yourself in US, that was one
market. And from that, that was the one
step towards the global market. So, I've
done this several times. So, I had 25
companies. I did a lot of funding. It
was a logical way to say, "Where are the
Americans?" And maybe can I exit on the
Americans, because that's better for So,
this is what we did. But the thing is
that everything underneath, the
underlying building blocks of our
academics and the level of, for
instance, AI graduates that we have, we
had great talent. We had the technology.
We had, of course, ASML, but we have
many other things in Europe, too.
But, we have forgotten we have actually
outsourced both the production side and
the go-to-market side.
Now,
the essence of our talent and our
brightness is still in Europe. We still
have it. Now, combined with what
happened last 18 months and what you
have described is the divorce between
Europe and US. Many people now, both on
a political level in Europe, the EU
Commission, and many others,
on a local political political level,
like in the Netherlands, there's so much
debate about sovereign technology. We
can no longer trust Microsoft or Google
or
AWS. We have to rebuild this ourselves.
But, the thing is we do have it. We
don't have to rebuild. We have
Nextcloud, we have Proton, we have so
many things that we
good technology that we don't use. So,
the analysis is that most of the
components that we need, both on the
talent level, academic level, invention
and innovation level, we have it.
But,
>> Yeah, my analysis is very similar to
what you're saying is I think we
we have a lot of things that we need
here, but it's a mindset. There's a
mindset problem. There's a cultural
problem.
There's an attitude problem. And there's
a certain amount of saturation.
I lived in America for 17 years. It's
very Darwinistic. It's very like doggy
dog, you could say. Especially now, it's
very pressured and all that stuff. But,
even the culture is just completely
different. So,
the fact is here in Europe, for example,
in Switzerland, if we have ETH and ETH,
the the biggest tech school in in all of
Europe, really, and EPFL and many
others, and we have great people, we
have great adventures that all move to
China, maybe Saudi and Dubai, and of
course, the US. So, we have all these
things here, but we don't have the guts.
We don't have the termination that we
can fail. We don't have the risk-taking.
And frankly, in many ways, I feel we're
lazy. We're intellectually lazy and
we're lazy in the sense of we're not
going to do the extra work. It takes a
little bit. How do we change the
culture? And I think the culture can
only change when we come through a
painful moment. It's like again, when
you get a divorce or you go into therapy
before the divorce, then you realize,
"Oh shit, if I only did this one thing,
I could save this thing." And but when
therapy will say like, "Oh no, it's not
my fault, it's their fault." I get very
upset with the real reason behind the
misery also in Germany, the economic
misery, is not that we're stupid, it's
not that we don't want to, it's not that
we don't have it. It's our attitude.
>> So, I think people that are lazy here
will fail over there, too. But still,
many people in Europe go to the US
because they're not lazy. They have the
same entrepreneurial spirit, but again,
the route towards the market that way
was easy. The second thing, the second
remark I have is you're completely
right. We have this cultural Euro
bashing thing, 27 countries not aligned,
it's complicated, and the administration
and the burden and so on and so on. So,
this is a cultural thing, but it is
slowly, actually quite rapidly, with
last year and a half, it is changing.
Every time Trump says, "Maybe Greenland
should be ours," you get this whoa,
whoa, this happened. So, this is what
Trump is doing for the almost like this
Euro nationalistic feeling both in
economy, but also broader in society,
that it is creating a change. We are
aware of the divorce, so that's a good
thing, actually.
>> You could say the collapse of this world
order, the American world order and this
sort of the way that things are done is
forcing us to take action. And that has
been a good thing. So, inadvertently,
Trump is also with the Iran war, of
course, causing us to rethink fossil
fuels, which of course the last thing he
wants is for that to be resolved. But
this is what's happening now. So, in a
way, you could say this relationship has
been secure for a long time. Now, it's
time to get real. And I think there's a
painful moment, especially again in
Germany, super painful moment now, the
collapse of the German car industry, and
so on. But also the general moment where
we have to create a fertile ground. And
how do we create a fertile ground? Not
with more rules, but rules are sometimes
also good, but a fertile ground needs a
mindset, a future mindset that says,
"First we innovate, we kick ass, and
then we think about protecting ourselves
and the It goes together. It's not like
an either/or thing. I'm very much for
the protection of human values,
obviously, but I think it has to go hand
in hand with saying we're going to get
very serious about innovating, right? I
think you said in your in your book, you
said something really interesting, that
you don't want to think of Europe as the
sick man of the world,
a sick old man, but as a teenager.
>> Yeah.
>> Can Can you elaborate?
>> Yeah, it's even in the book I admit it's
a bad metaphor, but I have a daughter of
20 and a son of 16, so I'm really in in
it. So, these kind of situations, "Dad,
you have some more money. Dad, my
computer's work. Can you help me with
this?
Can you be a taxi again?" So, well,
Europe has been
doing this
on the levels we just described for
decades already. The last even the most.
And now indeed, not just parents
divorcing, but parents saying to their
kids, "We cut off this lifeline."
And but the the the strange thing is,
they don't really say it. Actually, they
say, "We have changed our culture in the
US,
and Europe follows the old cultural
line, and we want to be more
conservative, so it becomes a culture
war." So, it's that is the dangerous
thing. If US would just say, "Europe, we
abandon you. Do whatever you like." But
they don't want us to do whatever we
like. They want us to step in their
footsteps, to follow in their footsteps
with becoming more right-wing and
conservative movement that is going on.
The The national security strategy they
published end of November, beginning
December, explicitly says this. So, any
other place in the world can do what
they like, US is not going to intervene,
but Europe, no, no, they're going to
intervene. So, it's not It's not a good
metaphor, but it is the metaphor of
suddenly, after years of study or not
really studying, you'd say to your 24,
25-year-old kids,
"Dear son, dear daughter, you're on your
own now." And then suddenly, they see
they have a talent. They see they can
actually pay the gas bills. They know
how to do it. If they have to, they know
how to do it. And they know that they
have to rent for themselves this time.
So, they they have to mature overnight.
And this is what Europe also has to do.
And this is something I really want to
bring in this podcast or video recording
or whatever, Gert.
People say Europe is not aligned, is not
organized like US, is not as efficient
as US. We have 27 states and so on, but
we should not forget the US has been
working on this for 250 years.
The US is more fragmented than we are.
Neighbor laws, fiscal laws, but they
have some laws, federal on top of that.
They have been engineering for over 100
years to rule this economy. So, we
started doing this in January last year.
>> And I think you also mentioned in the
book that that Europe used to be a
market project, you know, about about
joint markets, and now it has to become
a United States of Europe project, a
state project, a country project, right?
>> Power project.
>> Yeah, and that's completely different.
So, it's no longer just about markets,
it's about becoming united. And I think
ultimately it's not that we're going to
give up our individual sovereignty.
We're going to pool our sovereignties. I
think this is the important part. So, if
we're pooling in Germany, Austria,
France, Portugal together, then we can
be stronger, we can be better. I live in
Switzerland, where we have a direct
democracy. And we have a federation that
could very much be a blueprint for
Europe. Because we have the cantons
where they have their own parliaments,
they have their own laws, and they have
their own votes, and we vote every 3
months on something, right? It's
laborious, complicated, and a little bit
confusing to our people, but it's
working really well, and that the
cantons keep their own way of how they
want to do things. But there's a federal
level, you pay a federal tax, you pay a
canton tax, and our defense budget in
Switzerland is 0.88% of GDP. It's not
much. Switzerland has a very, very
interesting way that I think Europe
could say, "Okay, maybe we can become a
federation like this." And we talked
more about that in the second half. I
want to go back to the market project
versus the state project. So, I think
this is the key moment where we have to
realize if it's going to be a market
project, it just won't be enough. And
now Trump is kicking at us and not just
Trump, but Russia, of course, also and
China. And now we have to get together
and make it a union of a sort. I think
it's great that everybody's talking
about it and calling for this. And for
example, we need to have a minister of
the future for Europe. There's a great
book by Kim Stanley Robinson called The
Ministry for the Future, which outlines
exactly this kind of project. And it so
happens that his Ministry for the Future
is based in Zurich. But we need to have
this urgently so that we can move
forward and change our mindset and
change our speech. Yes. So, I think your
book points out a lot of really great
stuff in there that I like. So,
>> One of the things that I tried to
describe in the last three books,
actually, it's a call to action for
everyone that has the voice, everyone
that is in in in the seat of policy
making. We need this future vision of
Europe.
We don't have do have experts everywhere
and these experts really know what's
going on in all of these domains in
Europe, but we don't have this story we
can tell, this simple, almost populist
story we can tell to people saying,
"Imagine Europe in 2050
where indeed the car industry collapsed
where in 2026, 2027, 2028, but something
else came out of that and how we live
and how we produce our energy and food
and all of these things and how we
defend ourselves and how Europe is
governed. No one is telling that story.
We don't have it. And for me, it's a bit
the sign of signic style why we don't
answer.
So, we know what Europe is and how we do
things in Europe, but we don't know why
we ask the change of people. And if
people do not know the outcome of the
change we ask from them, nor the
companies, nor citizens, they will be
resistant to change. But if we could
shape this Why not a 13-episode European
streaming series that actually in a kind
of in a kind of sci-fi scenario tells us
a very realistic scenario about
migration and energy and food and living
and mobility.
>> You know, I always wondered why don't we
have pan-European
thought leaders, public intellectuals.
We have local people like Jacques Attali
in France, who's also like Noam Chomsky
kind of age now pretty much, or John in
Switzerland that just died. And of
course we have a lot of old people
there, but do we have pan-European
intellectuals? And you know, we need the
council of people like that here in
Europe, not just a political council,
but people who are talking about in the
US. I can list like a hundred people
from Ray Kurzweil to Douglas Rushkoff to
people who are influencing thinking in
the US. Of course it's the birthplace of
a lot of these things. So when you go to
the Bay Area, you can go to Fort Mason
and you meet a hundred of those people
all the same time. And here we all speak
different languages, we're in different
places. People know me, they know you,
but they may not know you in Bulgaria
and so on. So we have this huge
challenge. How do we create thought
leadership and public thinking
with people who are like household
names. We have very few of them in
Europe that that you qualify. Yeah, now
we're picking Yeah, yeah, that's good.
That's that's an interesting point. And
he's coming forward with the universal
basic capital idea. So we do have some
people, but they're either British and
they do their own thing, and they're
French, which they totally do their own
thing, or German, which in this case
they are
completely different track.
So
why don't we have that in Why don't we
put our effort into creating this that
we can have European thought leadership?
>> The theory is that we in Europe are
stubborn. And we have those 27 countries
with more cultures in those countries
than we have countries.
Um we don't just follow one leader. I
think that's a good idea. So that's it's
it's it's an asset. We don't follow the
next We will never have a European
Trump. It's impossible in Europe. You
can have Le Pen and you can have Farage
in the UK and you Wilders in the
Netherlands.
So we have them and they could play a
certain role, but it will never have the
traction in Europe to have this strong,
in this case, bad leadership. The
problem is
if you are looking for that in good
leadership, it's the same challenge.
What is What are Italians going to
listen to? Of course, if you're an
intellectual and you follow economy, you
you know Piketty, of course.
And and you maybe you subscribe to the
ideas he's creating, but still it's not
on a populist level. We don't have an
Elon Musk because I think in Europe most
people would never trust someone like
Elon Musk
>> And they shouldn't.
>> So, we have to find another way. We have
to But you we should have way to bring
across the message. Actually, what we
need is like or show on the lane, if you
listen, if you see this, but create a GG
imagination or something like that.
>> Maybe the Pope is stepping up to that
position now because of encyclical,
which is really interesting. It's like
I'm not a Catholic, but what he's doing
is really like, "Okay." One thing I
wrote about just a couple weeks ago is
that I anticipate ever since I wrote my
last book in 2016, 500 years ago, when I
wrote this book, Technology vs.
Humanity, I said that the coming clash
between humans and machines.
And that was 10 years ago. And I think
we're heading to this foreign where
clearly there's going to be a hell of a
fight
between the transhumanists, the
singularian, the techno-optimists, the
the all of that stuff that's coming from
the US and backed up, of course, by the
government. Now, and what Europe is
wanting to have, which is a human
future. And this is a fight. We have to
be totally certain about this.
We need to not pick a fight, but we need
to stand our ground. And we don't want
this brand of transhumanism just because
it's more efficient. And this fight is
coming. So,
no matter what how Trump will last or
stay or not or whatever,
this is what's happening. We're clashing
in civilizations here. This is why we
have this debate. We don't want AI to be
God or to be even a person for that
matter. We want it to be maybe an agent,
maybe a tool. Yeah, maybe something, but
not a digital entity, for crying out
loud. It's like that's but that's
ridiculous. That concept of course is
totally Silicon Valley, but anyway, so I
think there is a coming clash and I
think we need to somehow figure out how
we can
negotiate between those poles because
it's Europe, US, and then China of
course, which is
the embodiment of the state in that
case.
>> I think the solution
is not in it's a battle between
good or evil or east or west
or like Europe and west
more west US.
It's a transversal battle. It's about
people that want this and people that do
not want this. And even in the US and I
think
definitely also in the US most people if
you would just go to the mega the
maggots the that line of followers of
Trump they don't want this task creole
because all of these the acronym and all
of these crazy folks in in in Silicon
Valley with their crazy ideas. They
don't want none of that. They don't want
transhumanism. They don't want to have
civilizations on other planets or our
civilization on other planets. They
don't want that. They have a different
more conservative worldview. Actually
it's I don't think it's a coincidence
that the first protests against data
centers and AI and the first Molotov
cocktails towards houses of AI CEOs it's
in US.
So the people that want this do not
represent the people of the US. The
people that want that that acceleration
They don't this is a very small group of
people. So they don't represent their
population.
>> I think that's true. At the same time
you can say that the promise of the AI
gold rush and of military and business
dominance with AI is leading a lot of
people to support this development and
setting forth with AI we're getting into
the power position in economic terms and
social terms and in military terms. And
when we have the power everybody will
have to be on this agenda. And then is
only a short step from AGI to
transhumanism. I was just listening to
Ray Kurzweil again yesterday and he
says, "We have to merge with the
machines." What he always says. He's a
brilliant guy, but this is totally
worrisome. And I think this is like
piggybacking on this ultra capitalism
and what America is pushing out into the
world, 98% of all of that comes from
there or from China, then we'll end up
having a choice of going with the state
capitalist or going with the
techno-optimists. That that strikes me
as a lousy choice for Europe.
>> Yeah, and I think there's a middle way.
I'm sure there is because we should as
you as Europe, we should get out of the
AI race.
I say this very clearly because the AI
race, it's the wrong race. There's a
different race we have to run. The AI
race as the first economy that has this
wins every over every other economy,
this is not how the global economy
works, first of all. Second, the first
army that has all of these autonomous
drones and killer machines and whatever,
it's like an atom bomb.
So, what do we want to Do we in Europe
also have the atom bomb so that we can
have mutual short destruction as an
ideology? Or we could say they will
never use as Americans their weapons,
physical weapons, to destroy Europe. And
if they do, there's nothing we can do
against it. So, that should not even be
part of the way we think about our
future. Defending ourselves against the
weapon we will never use. Of course,
there's the cyber threat and that's
something else and we will have to
defend ourselves, of course. But in this
weapon race, it's irrelevant for me. The
same with China. Imagine China has these
stealth whatever autonomous
You know, killer machines. What are they
going to do? Destroy Europe? They're
never going to do that. And if they do
it, why bother? So, that's irrelevant.
And then what? The first who has AGI
rules the world. If you imagine you have
AGI {slash} ASI, I mean, the Chinese
regime is They are scared shitless about
that. Imagine an AI that decides that
communism is a bad idea and destroys the
regime. They're never going to allow
that. So, that kind of a race for to
become the superpower of the world
because we have AI, it's an irrelevant
race. Because it's a weapon you can't
use.
>> I agree, but what is the other race that
we should run?
>> But the race we have to run is what is
the best way we use AI in every aspect
of our society, in our economy to
[clears throat] start from. So, instead
of putting billions and billions,
hundreds of billions in having a
European frontier model that actually
runs the race that is only 3 months
behind and then 3 months ahead and then
3 months behind, like it is with Open AI
and Anthropic. No, it's okay that
Mistral has a year of lag.
That we are a year behind because in the
actual usage of these models, the scores
are so close. So, if we use it in our
economy, there's hardly any difference
between how Mistral could be used in
these processes in our industry
as how you can use ChatGPT or Claude or
anything else. There's hardly any
real-world usage. There's a big frontier
difference, but there's a very small
real-world usage difference. So, if we
start focusing on how to implement it,
how to make sure that we have an AI
acceleration in the economy because we
have too many old people, not enough
young people, our productivity has to go
up, if we start focusing on that, if we
start talking to unions, if we start
talking to
all of the companies that have to invest
in integrating AI to make their output
smarter, not to have the best AI. If we
would do something like that, and the
same with education, and the same with
our military. We don't need all of the
killer drones, we need a better control
and command thing, and we use AI for
that. And it doesn't have to be
Palantir's for that matter.
>> Yeah, I totally agree because it is a
power tool can do so many things. We
don't have to have AI as a god just
because it may be possible. And I agree
on this. I think ultimately that this
has to be goal is to apply it to make
our society better equipped for the
future. And
again, a difference between the tool and
the tellers and the the and the people
who decide in all this stuff. In your In
your book you said we should focus on
the transition sectors.
>> the European economy. Can you elaborate
on that too a little bit?
>> Yeah. A lot of people say Europe can't
compete with and then whatever the US,
China, the Middle East. You name it. And
in in some domains this is actually
completely true. If we look at energy as
how it's how the market works today,
it's a product, you mine it, it gets out
of the ground, you process it, it's a
commodity, you trade it, you use it as a
weapon.
Energy
that way we can never compete with. But
if we take energy and we say actually
energy is a technology. So if we take
solar energy again or wind energy or
this is the sea, any kind of energy we
get out of the sea and so on. And we say
let's put our best thinkers on
optimizing how we create energy that
way.
And then we also build a technology, so
from lab side to bed side, and we create
our own energy, then energy becomes a
technology and will follow follow
something like Moore's law. Instead of
having scarcity and the prices go up and
this is geopolitical usage of energy, we
just say every two years the price of
energy goes down and the efficiency goes
up.
>> Mhm.
>> And after maybe 15 or 20 or 25 years we
are completely independent and this the
biggest geopolitical weapon that people
have against Europe is just simply gone.
But the same is actually what I do in my
keynotes. I ask people will the industry
the food industry and farming in 15
years from now, will it resemble how we
produce foods today or will it be
different? Will we have had the protein
transition?
>> Mhm.
>> Yes, we will have had that. Mobility,
will we all buy a 70, 80,000 euros
electric car each of us and own it and I
mean let it stand still for 95% of the
time because we don't drive it or will
we use shared mobility, autonomous
shared mobility? It will be the latter.
So if you start thinking about how we
live, how we eat, how we have mobility,
our defense even. We don't need F-35
fighter planes. We need other things.
This is all just imagine these
industries in 10 years from now, they
will be different. So, if we start
investing today both in the talents and
in the funding and then in putting it in
the market in those transition thinking
ways, we can of course the Chinese also
do these thing that these transitions of
course, but the US actually stepped out
of that game. Can you imagine that the
biggest market besides ours
quits thinking about transitioning food
and energy and all these kind of things.
So, this is a huge asset for Europe to
say for the next 10 years can compete in
all those domains. We just have to
follow the logical transition that
normal Buffett nor weather is dictating
us. It's just the planet dictating us.
>> I think this is to come out of the
conversation what the focus should be
rather than competing with them on the
old world. We need to compete on the new
world, right?
>> Absolutely.
>> I think that this is the bottom line of
all of these debates and that it's quite
clear that the US going back to the past
in in so many ways and not the future
even though their tech companies have
pointed towards the future. So, in a
bizarre way they're going politically
back to the past and then to the future
in this AGI transhumanism singularity
stuff that that's happening. So, you
mentioned I think in one of your
conversations about social media and the
attempt to build European social media
and it's so funny cuz I've talked about
this a dozen times and I've actually
tried
also a dozen times in the last 20 years
to create an alternative social media
that would be essentially paid for
directly rather than paid for by
advertisers or by investors. And of
course that this is a huge debate, but
what is your project there?
>> Yeah, it's still rather premature, but
it has been described in the book, so
I'm open about it. I'm taking I'm trying
to take several steps because I think if
and I had a conversation with the right
people on European level, the highest
people on the on that level good good
and then some others and I I said
if we look at
European technological sovereignty,
there are two dimensions and we only
serve one, which is the platforms
actually, which is data centers, clouds,
it's AI of course. It's the hard B2B
sides.
What we do not address is the risk of no
longer controlling our traditional media
because the the social media have
positioned themselves as gatekeepers in
between and they are actually writing
the narrative in the minds of people.
So, if we don't control that, whatever
we own on on the more harder side of the
business side of tech, it's not enough.
It's not sufficient. We have to also
have a direct connection again with
people and tell honest stories and mean
you still can have algorithms, but
European algorithms. So, we need
European social media. We need something
like Europe online. Because the network
effect of Facebook and TikTok and all
the others, it sucks it sucked people in
and you can't it's a black hole, you
can't escape. You're on the horizon of
the black You're past the horizon, you
can't escape the black hole. And then I
said, "Maybe there's one scenario where
we can still make it work. There's one
type of company
that has the I would say the the purpose
to do so.
And this is media.
In Europe, we have 450 million people.
We have media companies. They could be
biased and whatever it is, but they are
still European media companies. Some of
them are very good are European media
companies and they reach
every day hundreds of millions of
people. So, in in the plan I'm trying to
mount is what if some of these European
companies create Europe online, working
title.
And they say, "It's a copy. We we just
reverse engineer what people like use
but are frustrated about because people
are frustrated about the
enshittification of Facebook and X and
the other things. We are we are fed up
with it, but there's no alternative."
But imagine we just copy the key
features. It's only like 50 things. I
can post a video and a short and long
text and then I can like and all of this
>> Yeah, I know about Blue Sky, same thing.
>> Same thing. But the thing is, the
technology exists. Blue Sky is built on
the AT protocol. This allows us to do
this. If you were to do it in 6 months,
we would have built this. Imagine we do
that.
Then still no one would use it because
Blue Sky, sorry, 30 million users, this
is great, but it's not enough. W Social,
great initiative, I like the guys, but
it's not enough. It will never break
through the network effect. What we need
is these media companies saying, "All
our stories, all our videos, all our
conversations, if you want our people
talking to our journalists and our
famous people on television and our
celebrities and our artists and if you
want to dive deeper in behind the
scenes, it's not only and eventually
it's no longer living on YouTube and the
others, it's living on Europe online."
Every day, every contact you have with a
television program, in your newspaper,
in your app, they could say, "Become a
member. If you want to talk to your
favorite whatever artist, it's live
today. Become" So, we could have the
biggest
advertising campaign in human history if
every European company would shout after
every article and every every episode,
"Just join us now on Europe online to
continue the conversation." And then in
just a year, we could break the network
effect and build our own.
>> I think it it follows up the discussion
about public media rather than defunding
public media like has been discussed in
the UK and many countries, this could be
a version of public media because the
way I look at it it has to be without
ads, it has to be without investors. It
could possibly have premium and people
would pay for it directly, but in the
end, it's a public infrastructure and I
think that needs to be part of public
media and we have taxes and funding for
public media and so
this would I'm not sure that the EBU
would be the right place to put this
project, but I don't [laughter] think
so. Or the ITU or any of these things,
but okay, I think this is a great
project. I would love to be involved and
I think this makes so much sense is to
create this European public social media
outlet. Let's talk about the copyback
strategy and the Eurostack.
And the the copy back strategy
essentially is saying that we take what
already accessible, bring it back over
here and make it ours again rather than
the reverse. And how successful would
that look like?
>> It depends. When I just described the
social media thing, that is indeed we
had, I don't know what it was in
Switzerland or Germany, but we had
Netlog in Belgium 20 years ago, social
network. These features were copied by
the Americans or copied, they were
similar features and we just let go. If
you look at AI, I don't think we should
be It's It would be dishonest to just
distillates and do whatever we want to
do with the American models because they
stole our culture in the first place.
They stole every book and every music
musical piece that was made in the first
place. So, if we need to reverse
engineer because the idea is that we
don't need to necessarily rebuild the
entire legacy of something that we want
ourselves that we have
we no longer have in our own hands.
Imagine again, imagine we would copy
Facebook. You're not going to
copy 20 years of bad Facebook code.
You're just going to copy those 15
features that people use. You just copy
the best practice. And the same with You
now have both Tesla I I drive a Tesla
still. You have full self-driving. It
really works door-to-door. You have
Xpeng, Chinese, does the same.
So, they just started building this
three four years ago. So, we just copy
how it works. So, you have a brain, you
have six cameras. It shouldn't be that
difficult for AI specialists in Europe
to train a model that does the same. You
could say we don't have billions of
kilometers driven.
>> I ran a research on future search the
other day
essentially asking how likely is it that
we can gain technological sovereignty
by 2030 or something and the percentage
was 1% or something. That's what the
answer of the search was. And I think it
would be more optimistic. I think we
might get to 10 or 15% or so. But we
need to find a really strong answer
here. The European Union is rolling out
of course the European cloud model and
the AI act and all these things. And so,
I think this is a really tough one
because now I don't I know very few
companies are like going to say instead
of using Microsoft for our operating
system we use something else or as much
as I like ProtonMail and Proton hosting
and the Proton people and stuff then I
wonder if I was to use Proton for my
Google Docs I would be in trouble.
>> Or what does work use Nextcloud
together with Proton?
Together with Mailo which is like a
photo app with machine learning tool
identify objects and faces. So I did the
transition this year complete transition
away from Microsoft, away from Google,
away from all of these tools just a
plain European cloud. It does exist and
it's powerful enough. There are some
quirks no doubt.
But I think we are on the path to I
don't believe the 1% sorry that
prediction I am convinced is wrong.
I believe that as we now see governments
are switching.
When governments switch their employees
are switching. The service providers for
these governments that built the systems
their people are using it so they have
to also make this migration. So these
people are switching. So I think in a
decade from now 25% of people even more
will be using European alternatives
because an office version like
OpenOffice it's free. You don't have to
pay a license. It does the job. It is
exactly the same as Microsoft Office.
These cloud platforms they do exist. We
just have to transition. But it's an
effort.
>> Yeah.
>> I think that if you're looking at for
example what's happening with Proton if
we were to make more funding available
and if we were to have legislation that
supports their processes and their
statues that have been discussing moving
from Switzerland for this reason because
the Swiss government wants to be able to
go inside. If we could make that happen
then companies like Proton could be the
next Dropbox right? The next email
provider. Their emails are actually
pretty good. I use it quite a bit. And
we have to make choices. And so anyways
it's a really strange thing is like you
don't want to be an anti-American
because of course you're not everybody's
the same boat. But so I understand I'm
pro-European and I'm anti-American. It
may sound like that to you when I talk
about these sovereign issues and about
what's happening, but I'm convinced that
with a new government in the US, but
there'll be a bit of a deterrent, but
the problems are the same.
And we really need to gear up because
the natural process of how humans change
is pain and love. We fall in love with
something, we change, we get pain, we
make a change. We need to have pain and
love come up here, so we fall in love
with this. Yes, we can totally do this.
And we can have 800 million people in
Europe, the United States of Europe, and
be like in a federation where
everybody's more or less happy, like
they are more or less happy in
Switzerland with the way that things are
working. So, it's totally possible. I
don't really wish that we could continue
this conversation in a larger way and
also to collect practical ideas. I'm
sure there's lots of that already
happening in Brussels. It's a critical
moment. I just published a new topic
this morning on my website, the
intelligence revolution,
and how we can navigate the intelligence
revolution. And I think our answer here
in Europe will form the future, how we
respond to this intelligence revolution.
And it's only the first of the
iterations, when it's about robotics or
synthetic biology or genomics, and we
can take that as a blueprint to say,
"This is how we navigate these
revolutions." And I think that's going
to be super important that we keep up
the dialogue and put it out there but
really loudly.
>> I think the biggest problem with Europe
is the communication of Europe. It looks
like you're in this business for so many
years. I am in this business. It looks
like a website of 1999. Just because I
see on the web, it's everything. We do
not have a sexy story. We do not have a
story that we can bring across. People
are slowly, step by step, but because of
what they see, what Trump does, and so
people individually are building this
image for themselves. But Europe, as a
set of institutions, is able to define
the architecture and find the funding
and the legislation and so on. So, they
are great at but they are they suck at
storytelling. Like us need to tell the
story.
>> I was fantasizing about the story that I
came up with two things which I've been
working on for some time. One is called
taking back tomorrow.
And of course, I think there's already a
film on that. But the idea of saying,
"Okay, we need to own tomorrow here."
And then I started this campaign about 2
years ago called I love the future. And
to really make sure that this is a high
priority that we are about the future.
We're not about the past, even though we
love our past and we enjoy our present.
But to promote the future, that is very
much an American idea. If we can bring
that here, we say, "How do we love the
future? How do we live positively with
the future? What is the narrative,
especially for younger people, that the
millennials who are desperate and
hopeless and say Europe has lost its
core essence, we blah blah blah,
and that's giving rise to populism as
you have described in the book as well."
Really bad. We need a better narrative.
And I propose that we use the I love the
future narrative to start a campaign.
>> I support it fully.
>> Absolutely.
>> [laughter]
>> It's funny many ways. I think we've
learned over the years that the
narrative is first and then is the
reality. And the message and the
possibility needs to be put out there.
And I think then the reality can sync up
to it.
And the German way originally is to
build everything properly first and then
give it a narrative. Which will clearly
not work here. We need to have the
narrative to form how we're going to
actually present the future. So, maybe
there's some way we can look to
collaborate also with the audience. So,
if you're into I love the future, then
just contact us. And lastly, let's talk
about where people can find out more
information about you and the book and
your work.
>> I think the easiest way is to go to my
website, which is Jo Cudron. It's
information about the book, it's about
my my speeches. That's a good starting
point. And then I would say if people
watch this and they say, "We want to
dive a little bit deeper." just reach
out. It's a real conversation. It's
always the best.
>> Great. I personally changed my brand and
my web address and now it's my name,
gerdleonhard.com.
It may be easier just to go to my TV
platform which I just started 2 months
ago called gerd, g e r d dot TV.
Don't just look for gerd because it's
gastrointestinal reflux disease that's
more popular than me. It's another gerd
that you don't want. But if you go to
gerd.tv you find all my movies, all my
new stuff. It's a free site. It's like
YouTube but better. It's like my own
Netflix and gerdleonhard.com for the web
address and of course you probably know
where to find me. Otherwise, I'm not
that hard to find. So,
it's been a great pleasure you cauldron.
Thanks very much for being here and
>> Thanks for having me.
>> and I look forward to taking this
further and to form the future, to love
the future, to build the future and to
help Europe be the future. I think
that's a worth emission.
Thanks very much.