Ratko Mladić: the war criminal who became a martyr for Bosnian Serbs
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The funeral of Ratko Mladić in Belgrade presented a stark and disturbing image to the world, as thousands mourned the man convicted of genocide and war crimes with full military honors. Draped in a Serbian flag and accompanied by soldiers, an orchestra, and a rifle salute, the ceremony treated Mladić not merely as a criminal but as a national hero and martyr for Bosnian Serbs. This public glorification has deeply troubled survivors and international observers, particularly because it involves the celebration of a figure responsible for atrocities such as the Srebrenica genocide, where over 8,000 men and boys were killed in a UN-protected safe zone. The event highlighted how Mladić's legacy is being actively reconstructed by segments of Serbian society, with his body welcomed by soldiers and streets adorned with banners portraying him as a liberator rather than a perpetrator of mass murder.
Despite the international legal judgment that sentenced him to life imprisonment, many Serbs continue to view Mladić through a lens of victimhood and heroism, a narrative deeply embedded in their education, political discourse, and popular culture. Experts explain that this revisionist history frames Mladić not as an individual criminal but as a soldier defending the Serbian people against alleged aggression, effectively shifting blame onto the international tribunal and portraying his actions as necessary for ethnic survival. This collective memory is reinforced by generations of children who have grown up hearing stories that deny their community's role in committing crimes while emphasizing their status as victims. Consequently, the judgment against Mladić is often rejected not based on evidence but as an attack on the Serbian nation itself, creating a fertile ground for historical denialism that prevents a clear confrontation with the past.
The division within Bosnia and Herzegovina remains profound, extending far beyond the figure of Mladić to encompass a fundamental lack of agreed-upon facts about the war itself. The peace agreement that ended the conflict in the 1990s inadvertently cemented these divisions by structuring the state along ethnic lines, leaving deep ideological scars that persist despite ordinary people crossing borders and maintaining friendships across them. While many focus on their own victimhood, there has been a significant failure to engage in mutual accountability or for different ethnic groups to acknowledge their own crimes. This imbalance hinders true reconciliation, as the region struggles with a complex system where nationalist priorities override human rights values, making it difficult to move forward without addressing the responsibility of all parties involved in the violence.
Ultimately, the death of Mladić has reopened old wounds and underscored the urgent need for genuine transitional justice and a reevaluation of historical narratives in the Balkans. True reconciliation requires more than just mourning; it demands a willingness to deconstruct glorified myths and confront uncomfortable truths about the roles played by all ethnic groups during the war. Without removing the influence of extreme nationalist ideologies from positions of authority and fostering an environment where accountability is shared, the cycle of denial and trauma will likely continue. The path forward involves giving renewed energy to honest dialogue that prevents these divisive narratives from living on, ensuring that future generations can understand the full complexity of the past without being trapped in a cycle of hatred and revisionism.
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[bell]
The coffin was draped in a Serbian flag
carried by soldiers dressed in
camouflage.
Thousands of mourers queued for hours to
light candles and pay their final
respects.
The body was then buried with full
military honors with an orchestra and a
rifle salute.
It might sound like a funeral for a
prime minister or president, but what if
I told you it was to commemorate the
mastermind behind some of the worst
atrocities since World War II?
I'm talking about Ratcom Ladic, the
Bosnian Serb military general who died
last month and was laid to rest in a
cemetery in the Serbian capital,
Belgrade this week. Ladic was serving a
life sentence for genocide and other war
crimes committed during the Bosnian War
of the 1990s. One of the world's most
notorious war criminals is dead.
>> The former Bosian Serb warlord Ratcom
Ladic has died in a prison in the
H.
>> To most of the world, he was a brutal
murderer who wanted to eradicate Bosnian
Muslims and Bosnian Croats in pursuit of
an ethnically pure greater Serbia, but
not everyone remembers him that way.
[music]
I'm Justin Bergman, the international
affairs editor at The Conversation in
Australia, [music] and this is the
Conversation Weekly, where experts
explain how we ended up here. This week,
why a war criminal is being celebrated
by some as a hero, and how this is
reopening old wounds in one of Europe's
most divided regions.
[music]
Oliver Simich, you are an international
law professor at Griffith University in
Australia and a Bosnian Serb yourself.
As someone who has devoted a career to
studying the legacy of the Bosnian war,
how did the images from the funeral make
you feel? So I would say that although
these scenes and current events are not
entirely surprising to me and to many of
us who have been following closely the
politics in the Balkans, they are still
deeply disturbing and on personal level
very sad. As someone who comes from
Bosnia and who spent much of my
professional life studying war and its
aftermath, I really still find it
difficult to watch the man convicted for
genocide, war crimes, the crimes against
humanity, being publicly celebrated as a
hero being glorified and being now
buried with all state honors. So I think
there is something really disheartening
in watching all of this
>> and what's been happening on the streets
since Madach's death.
>> What we have been watching is quite
extraordinary and I think in particular
for survivors utterly shocking and very
disturbing. When Lad's body returned
from the Hague, it was welcomed by the
soldiers of Serbia. His body was flown
by the government's plane. Some
residents of Serbia have flags and
banners portraying him as a hero on
route to Belgrade. Since his death also
new muriel's new graffiti depicting
Ladic as a hero appeared across Serbia,
but also Republic of Serka where
majority of Bostonian Serbs live. So
Republica Servska is one of the two
administrative entities in Bosnian
Slogo. The another one is a federation
of Bosnia and Hergoina where there is a
mix of Bosnjaks and Bosnian creations.
We are dealing really with the public
memory and construction of heroism of
someone who was convicted for the most
profound crimes in humanity. So what
concerns me the most is the
normalization of these images and young
people who were born after the war. This
is what they are exposed to and
repeatedly encounter Mladich not through
the evidence that we have in courts and
presented at his trial but rather
through this pop culture of Madic as a
war hero.
>> Now remind listeners who Mladich is how
did he rise through the ranks of the
Bosnian Serb army in the 1990s and what
did he do during the war? So he was a
professional Yugoslav military officer
who emerged from the structures of
Yugoslav people's army during the
collapse of Yugoslavia
and during the rise of competing
nationalist projects the militarization
of society that all happened in
beginning of the 1990s. So he
accelerated dramatically during the
dissolution of Yugoslavia and he was
promoted first to major general in ' 91
and then in 1992 when the army of
Republic of Surpa was established.
Ladish became its chief commander and he
remained in that position until 1996
when he went into hiding. So his public
and military presence became inseparable
from the war itself and he became one of
its most visible figures. exercising
commander over Bostonian Serb force and
very closely associated with siege of
SVO and the genocide in Sberism for
which he was [music] convicted. He went
underground in 1996. He was in Serbia
for 16 years. He lived in a small
village in the north of Serbia where he
was arrested May 2011.
So now we see all this glorification and
Serbia portraying him as a national
hero. But we also have to remind
ourselves that it was the Serbian
government of the day who [music]
arrested him because the EU was putting
pressure that he needs to be arrested.
>> The Serban genocide was a particularly
harrowing part of the war. Can you
explain what happened in Mladich's role
in it? So, Saranita genocide happened in
July 1995 where more than 8,000 men and
boys were killed in Sonita, which was a
UN protected safe area during the war.
>> It soon became clear that the Serbs had
slaughtered thousands of Bosnian men and
buried them in mass graves. There are
this famous archival footage of
Rafladich entering Sonita on July 10 and
saying you know Treonita is going to be
returned to Serbs. We are going to make
our revenge
and you yourself were born in Bosnia.
What do you remember about that time
when the war broke out? I was a 19 years
old. I was a first year student at the
law school. I was quite oblivious to
politics. We knew a little bit from the
news. But most of the people I would say
in Boston or in for Slavia could not
really imagine what will happen. I
remember that the life that we had lived
had stopped and that most of my friends
who were non-serbs had to leave the
city. I was about to be drafted in
territorial defense of Republic of
Serpska, not knowing what actually that
was supposed to mean, but we didn't wait
for explanations. My parents just put me
on the bus and then I left at the end of
1992. But, you know, it takes time to
really fully understand and I think I
spent all my life trying to understand
what really happened back then. People
often think if you survive war, you know
everything about war and you must know
why it happened and what happened. But
that's not necessarily true for most of
us. It really came especially younger
generation came as a shock and most of
my male friends had been drafted into
the war. Most of them have been killed
during the war not necessarily because
they wanted this war. We lived before
war started in multi-thnic and diverse
society in particularly in Boston was
very well known. So that's why it was
for us unimaginable that interthnic
conflict can happen because we lived in
this multi-thnic and diverse society. So
it was disheartening and it was a very
traumatic experience.
[music]
>> After the break, is there any hope for
reconciliation in the Balkans?
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>> Welcome back, Ollie. In 2017, Mlad
became a convicted war criminal. He was
sentenced to life in prison by an
international tribunal. So, given this,
why do so many Serbs still immortalize
him? What we are seeing now in Serbian
Republic of Serbska in particular,
Amadich has been constructed and
portrayed not as a convicted war
criminal but as a soldier as a martyr
who defended the Serbian people during
the Bosnian war and this is how majority
of Serbs do think about him. So
generations of Serb children have grown
on these narratives which are also part
of the official Serb educational
curriculum. So I think that's very
important to understand and it's easier
to understand why am I saying this is
not entirely surprising because we have
been warning about these narratives and
glorification and denial for past at
least two decades. So once that
narrative of heroism and him being hero
and martyr became embedded in political
discourse in commemorations in families
in education in popular culture in all
public spaces then the judgment of an
international court can be portrayed as
an attack on the group itself rather
than as individual criminal
responsibility of one man. So this is
where denial and historical revisionism
become extremely important. So if people
are repeatedly told for decades that
their community did not commit war
crimes, that they have been just victims
of this war, that the crimes have been
exaggerated, that there was not really
genocide or that the international
tribunal was politically biased against
their people, then it becomes possible
and we have very fertile ground to
reject that judgment without seriously
engagement with enormous body of
evidence on which the judgment was
based.
The media like to portray Mattic as a
monster and the quote unquote butcher of
Bosnia, but you disagree with this. Why?
>> I think that's a kind of simplistic way
of dismissing Madic and his actions. And
this is why I think I would be very
careful portraying him as a madman or as
a monster because Madic was not
judicially characterized as a
psychopath. nor was he found to have
diminished criminal responsibility
because of his psychiatric condition. I
think it's important to remind all of us
that he was a human. He may have been
ruthless but some ordinary people can
also be ruthless but they will not
commit mass atrocity as a madage. So why
has Madage done that and this is what am
I interesting in knowing what motivated
him to do what he did what helped him
with which help he has done what he has
done. So we'll never be able to answer
this question if we just dismiss him
simply as a monster. What kind of
structures are there behind these
actions because we know very well that
mass atrocities are not possible to be
committed by one man only. There must be
a complete governmental structure behind
these actions. So I think that's why I'm
bit wary that people just call him
bacher and monster and we finish kind of
our conversation there. It doesn't allow
us to engage with these more complex
questions and narratives behind
motivations of the people who commit
those crimes.
>> And the division that you've spoken
about in Bosnia and Herzgoia extends
beyond just Madic. Right. In fact,
there's no common accepted facts about
the entire war are there.
>> We are still discussing as and Ladic
exemplifies this. This is another huge
symbolic example of all divisions that
exist in Bosnia because we are still
struggling to answer the questions. Who
started war? What happened during this
war? Who are the victims? Who are the
perpetrators? So struggle over these
narratives and collective memories are
really very much alive and present and
Boston as I said this complexity in this
division has unfortunately started with
the peace agreement which on one hand
great because it stopped war but on the
other hand it also produced this
enormous and most complex system of
government really in the world. So it
divided the country in these two ethnic
entities and despite that ordinary
people do travel they do cross these
administrative borders and we have
friends across these borders and
everything but still the structure and
the ideologies from the war have very
much stayed the same. So this is a huge
problem.
>> Mad's death has reopened so many wounds.
[music] What does proper reconciliation
in the region look like? I don't know
you know we haven't been talking about
reconciliation for quite some time and
it has become a kind of unpopular term
we talked a lot about transitional
justice and I have been you know
thinking last few years where are we
with transitional justice in Yugoslavia
and elsewhere having in mind what's
happening around the globe if I just
look at the region and think about
reconciliation I think we are very far
from that unfortunately and I think
there is a lot to do in terms of you
know revisionism of history and [music]
deconstructing all these narratives and
I'm not quite sure how we are going to
do that [music] unless we remove those
present governments from the place of
authority and bring some people who have
other [music] values human rights values
and other priorities rather than extreme
[music] nationalist priorities having
said that I think it's very important
that we do not just give up um it's
[music] very as I said disheartening
It's very sad. It opened a lot of
wounds. But it needs to give us renewed
energy to think what [music] we need to
do and how we are going to move on so we
prevent these narratives [music]
to live on. Another important thing that
I think has been missing from the region
is that each ethnic group has to talk
about their own crimes as well. So
[music] that's also something that we
have never done. Everyone talks about
their own victim and victimhood, but
there is a little reckoning and dealing
with the past when it comes to [music]
owning your own responsibility and
accountability for some things that
happened in the 1990s. So I think that
also needs to happen if we are going to
move on.
>> Ollie, thank you so much for your time.
It's been wonderful having you.
>> Thanks Justin. Thank you.
>> That's it for this week's episode of the
conversation weekly. Read Oliver Era's
article on Madich's death and [music]
what it means for Bosnia at the
conversation.com.
We'll link to the article in our show
notes. This week's episode was written
by me, Justin Bergman, and Isabella
Podwinsky, who was [music] also the
executive producer. Sound mixing is by
Lloyd Barrett, and our theme music is by
Nita Sarl. [music]
Gemma Wear is our head of audio, and
Ashley McGee is our head of editorial
innovation. Misha Ketchel and Steven
Khan [music] are our editors chief. The
Conversation is a nonprofit news outlet
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Thanks for listening and we'll be back
next week.