Political Rights of Overseas Citizens in the Global Mobility Era

Uh good afternoon uh excellencies, uh colleagues, and distinguished guests uh guests, and welcome to our side event. This side event is a uh comes at a very uh important moment. I think uh it's a very timely uh moment for us to discuss about the uh uh out of country voting mechanisms and how can we translate these uh political rights into effective electoral arrangements. So, uh this side event is is is organized by Indonesia in collaboration with International IDEA, and is co-sponsored by uh uh the government of the missions of the Switzerland and uh South Africa. And we thank for all of the uh co-sponsors co-sponsoring countries and also participants who's coming to this uh side event. So, without further ado, I wish to start this uh side event by uh by inviting our ambassadors to uh to to uh present uh uh remarks uh to and set the scenes for our upcoming discussions. And without further ado, the floor is yours, uh ambassador. >> Thank you very much uh Mr. India uh moderator, and also the uh chair of the side event uh this afternoon. Uh thank you, colleagues, and distinguished delegates. I thank the International IDEA uh and the permanent missions of South Africa and Switzerland for co-sponsoring this uh event. And of course, the uh panelists uh for joining us. And uh again, welcome to uh all delegates. Today, uh more people than ever live work far from the country of their nationality. They cross borders in pursuit of better opportunity, but they remain tied on uh to their own country. They remit earnings home, follow developments in their home countries, and remain deeply invested in what happens there. In every meaningful meaningful sense, they remain citizens who happen to reside elsewhere. Particularly for Indonesia, around 5 million Indonesians work abroad and send home approximately 14 billion US dollar each year. It is about 1.1% of our GDP. The decisions made by elected Indonesian leaders affect their daily lives, whether it concerns labor policy, consular services, or family welfare back home. It is only fair that they also have a say in who makes those decisions. As a citizen, the right is guaranteed under the ICCPR, which is the right to vote and participate in public affairs. However, political rights are largely designed around physical presence within a country's borders. When citizens live abroad, exercise exercise those rights becomes a challenge. Many states genuinely want to facilitate that right, but building the systems and infrastructure to make overseas voting work takes time, resources, and careful planning. The encouraging news is that more and more countries are finding ways to do it, such as through voting at embassies and consulates, postal ballots, and other means. However, what works in one country may not work in another. The possible framework is shaped by the size of the overseas population, the countries where they live, available resources, and other priorities. There is no one-size-fits-all answer. But, there are lessons worth sharing. Therefore, today's event has three main agendas. First, to reaffirm that facilitating the political rights of overseas citizen is possible. Second, to share good practices on it, and third, to offer guidance for countries considering this step. And then, I look forward to the discussion, and hopefully we got a fruitful meaning and takeaways from the event. And thank you so much. >> Ambassador Habib for your insightful remarks and for also setting the stage for our discussing today. Indeed, uh countries have different uh practices and contexts to realize these uh political rights and into the effective electoral arrangements, and that's why we invited uh uh uh various uh panels right now uh to ensure that we have a very dynamic discussions uh uh to uncover the best uh platform for exchanging uh best practices in in in our uh efforts to ensure these rights. So, that's why let me introduce uh and and join me in welcoming the panels. Uh first uh by the uh permanent observer of International IDEA in Geneva, Mrs. Annika Silva Islander, and Mr. Adi Aman, a senior program manager at International IDEA, followed by uh Ibu Anis Sidaya, the chairperson of Indonesia's National Human Rights Commission, who's joining us online, and Ibu Indah Nuria Savitri, the for human rights and migrations the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Indonesia, and Mr. Daniel Uribe, lead program officer of the sustainable development of the and climate change program of the South Centre. So, each speaker will have 3 to 5 minutes to share their insights starting from uh the Permanent Observer of International IDEA in Geneva, Ms. Annika Silvia Leander. The floor is yours, madam. >> for inviting us here and for allowing us to be part of this important discussion. I'm going to be very brief and and hand over to my colleague Adhyaman to speak for longer. He holds the expertise on the topic that we're discussing today, but I just wanted to say a few brief words on behalf of International IDEA. For those of you who don't know us, we are an intergovernmental organization with a mandate to strengthen and advance democracy around the world. We are very proud to have permanent observer status at the UN. Uh and we work with with governments, we work with electoral commissions, and civil society to strengthen democracy worldwide. And among our 35 member states are Indonesia, South Africa, and Switzerland that are >> [clears throat] >> co-sponsoring this event, and I would really like to thank you all and the permanent missions here uh along with our partners for helping to bring this discussion to Geneva. We felt that it was important to have this conversation on the sidelines of the Human Rights Council because we think the political rights of overseas citizens deserve more attention given the growing global mobility that you so well described uh representative of Indonesia. And the million We know that millions of people live, work, and study outside of their countries of citizenship, but democratic participation is too often overlooked in discussions about migration. And this is an area where International IDEA has considerable expertise uh through our work on out-of-country voting, looking at good practices around the world, and the political participation of our overseas citizens. So, we hope that today's discussion will help to elevate this issue and strengthen dialogue on the intersection of democracy and human rights. We also hope it marks the beginning of deeper engagement between International IDEA and the Human Rights Council and members states in the Human Rights Council in Geneva on issues where our comparative advantage and experience can contribute. So, with that I am pleased to hand over to my colleague Addi Adam, who leads our work on out-of-country voting and political rights of overseas citizens for IDEA. Over to you, Addi. >> Uh thank you very much, Mr. Moderator, as well. Excellencies, distinguished panelists, ladies and gentlemen, I will be presenting a quick overview of political rights of citizens abroad. International migration has more than tripled since 1970. >> [clears throat] >> Our world is on the move as it has never been before. Many more people than ever before are traveling across the world's regions. Many more people than ever before are living in a country other than where they were born. As a pattern of human mobility, migration is as old as human civilization throughout history. It has constantly influenced human existence and transformed societies. However, do their political rights travel with them? As shown, UDHR 21 and ICCPR 25 state everyone and every citizen, respectively, which points to no discrimination. They mention no borders, but do borders serve as a reasonable restriction that ICCPR allows? It is important to note that ICCPR 192 explicitly says, regardless of frontiers, in the context of freedom of expression, and to seek, [clears throat] receive, and impart information and ideas. The International Convention on the Protection of Rights of all migrant workers and members of their families, ICMW, is more explicit of being outside their states of origins, but only focuses on migrant workers. It does not include students, diplomats, and other temporary visitors. Should political rights of citizens living abroad be better emphasized? That may be the question. Allow me to now venture into each political right in accordance with ICCPR, starting with electoral rights. Please note that these data include non-citizen residents, which are not the subject of our discourse. Let's focus on the blue and teal colors only. As you can see, there are there are some gray still. Um please note that India is shown as gray, but they do provide voting rights, but not but they have to vote from the country from within the boundaries of the country. Right to be elected, also known as candidacy rights, are afforded by less number of countries compared to the right to vote. One technical problem is how can they be they represent an area within the country of origin when they reside abroad? That question takes me to the next point on representation. Representation can take many forms. The most common form is they are still represented by their representatives back home. But the most direct form of representation is through overseas constituencies. And these are countries that have overseas constituencies. They simply cut up the world into one or more electoral districts. There are 15 countries all together. Another political right relates to the ability of overseas voters in receiving campaign and can participate in political campaigns. Limits put in place by some host countries to foreign political campaigns is now challenged by the far-reaching nature of the internet. Information flow already knows no borders. ICCPR 192 already acknowledges that. Some conclusions. Every citizen means no borders. This comes from ICCPR. Some countries still don't offer either voting or candidacy rights to citizens abroad despite of their contribution to the economy of their state of origin. Our country's borders form a reasonable restriction for political rights of citizens living abroad in today's world. There is a need for better emphasis on the existence of political rights of citizens living abroad. I thank you for your attention. >> Thank you. Thank you, Pa Ade, for highlighting the normative frameworks of the political rights for overseas citizens through the OसीV practices from uh perspective of human international human rights law context the UDHR I see migration works and the ICCPR. And I think your reflection about comparing practices is perfectly suits the context that the ambassador Habib mentioned earlier, is about the different practices uh and and and the priorities of our countries, too. There's no one-size-fits-all. That's why I think we need to explore more specific reflections from Indonesia civil practices from the perspective of uh and uh Archi R.I. I would invite Ibu Anis Hidayah, who's joining us online, to share their reflections. Over to you, Ibu. >> Thank you very much uh for inviting me, uh India International and Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Indonesia. Honorable guest and uh speakers, I will share uh very brief regarding with the reflection of uh out of country voting uh from the human rights uh perspective in the global mobility. Uh as uh Mr. uh Adi Aman from IDIA mentioned that uh the right to political participation as a fundamental right that guarantee under Article 21 Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Article 25 of International Covenant on the Civil and Political Rights and Article uh 41 International Convention on Migrant Workers that guarantee migrant workers and members of their family shall have the rights to participate in public affairs of their state of origin and to vote and to be elected at election of the state in accordance with its uh legislation. And Indonesia is uh um uh ratified uh ICCPR and also International Convention of Migrant Workers. Um migrant workers, who are often among the most economically vulnerable constituents, and uh uh rights of violation uh compound by inequality especially uh women migrant workers face uh uh intersection barriers of gender, class, and legal status that further marginalize their political rights. Komnas HAM uh have the notes and recognized that protecting of the rights of citizen abroad is an extension of the core domestic human right obligation. Uh we identify uh several factors that determine whether out-of-country voting is substantive or or administrative. Number one, is legal design. Legal design must ensure that registration and eligibility criteria do not impose unreasonable burdens in human rights. Number two, institutional capacity. Institutional capacity at a diplomatic mission must be adequate. Number three, geographical accessibility. Geographic accessibility is a rights issue when migrant workers cannot reach a polling station without for fighting a day's wage, for former rights to vote becomes materiality in accessible. Number four, voter voter outreach must be treated as a state obligation, not a dis- not a discretionary program, particularly for population domestic workers, undocumented migrant who are least able to self-navigate uh bureaucratic uh processes. And number uh five, the last is technology must be deployed with a safeguard against employer coercion, a critical concern for Indonesian migrant workers in restrictive employment environment where ballot uh secrecy cannot be guaranteed. A reflection of Indonesian OCV, Indonesia decades OCV system demonstrate that uh long facility does not equal rights fulfillment. For example, in 2024 election, overseas polling station yet overseas turnout remain well below than the 82% domestic percentage reflecting registration shortfalls and accessibility gaps that disproportionately affect lower-income workers. Indonesian election abroad mechanism actually has been developed since 2004. Indonesia election abroad is always a challenge even though we already have three voting mechanism are available. For example, mobile ballot box, ballot box, and voting station. But there are some notes regarding with the effective of that mechanism. And so far Indonesian people living abroad have joined the Jakarta 2 electoral electoral district even though the constituent abroad are quite heterogeneous such as diplomat and family members, student, and migrant workers. The last is the political rights of of overseas citizen are human rights. The political rights of overseas citizen are human rights claim that states are obligated to take seriously effective implementation demand inclusive legal design, adequate institutional resource, multi and accessible voting option, state led outreach, genuine political commitment, and technology deployed in the right uh protective ways. Indonesia experience very rich in operational knowledge but still marked by structural exclusion show that the distance between a declared right and a life right remain the defining challenge of democratic inclusion in the global mobility era. Thank you very much. >> Thank you, Ibu Anies, for highlighting the importance of ensuring that OCV mechanism is should be designed not only to address the administrative proposals, but also the substantive, which is to ensure the political participations of uh overseas citizens. And also recognizing the challenges faced by the government from the national human rights institution perspective, and I think that's very valid. And that's why I want want to invite Ibu Indah Nuria Savitri to share some of the experience from the government perspective, especially for countries like Indonesia where with millions of citizens abroad, and how these monumental challenges can be addressed effectively. The floor is yours, Ibu. >> Thank you very much, Pak Indra, our moderator today. I allow me to say and welcome Ambassadors Hasanul Habib, Miss Charlotte, the DPR of South Africa, as well as our colleague Adi Aman and Annika from International IDEA. Ibu Anies, thank you so much for joining us. I know we are supposed to have you here, but due to some of the circumstances, then she's joining us hybridly. And of course, we have Mr. Daniel Uribe, the lead program the lead program officer from the South Centre joining us as well this morning. I also like to this afternoon. And thank you so much for Switzerland, we have Mr. Wayne Guan Yannick from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs joining us. And of course, all the distinguished colleagues and participants. I think in the in the previous introduction, I've been introduced as the director for human rights and migration at Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. And let me take this opportunity to complete the picture of what we have discussed earlier about um about how we can make sure the uh the exercise of of civil and political rights for our overseas citizens. So, in we definitely have a lot to share, especially because we have such a striking numbers when it comes to um voters or Indonesians abroad. So, let me start it with um a striking reality that if all of the Indonesian um overseas voters form a city, let's say, and it will be even more populous than many of the capitals in the European Unions. Because we are looking at 1.7 million people, and even probably more. Um so, managing the political participation of the citizens spread across the continents, the regions, with different time zones and circumstances is indeed a significant undertaking. Of course, Indonesia is not alone in this case. We have a lot of other countries facing the same thing. But for us, we continue to develop um one of the largest out-of-country voting operation on the planet, I suppose. So, um as one of the world's largest democracy, we have experience that shows that ensuring political participation is not only about providing the right to vote. It should goes beyond that, because it's also about building the accountable system that enables the citizens to exercise the rights uh wherever they may be. And um as International IDEA's uh 9 2025 Global State of Democracy Report um says, "Democracy on the move." Remind us that our world is defined by unprecedented global mobility. And I think Ibu Anies has also mentioned about the reality in the circumstances of Indonesia's migrant workers abroad. So for Indonesia, democracy does not does not stop at the border, but the principle continues to to guide our efforts to strengthen the overseas voting mechanisms through each electoral cycle. Um excesses and dear colleagues, out-of-country voting is indeed a constitutional mandate and a reflection of our commitment to the international convention on civil and political rights as well as international convention on the protection of migrant workers and member of their families in which Indonesia have been the party for quite some time. We believe that when diaspora citizens cast their ballots, they remain connected to their home, to their homeland, to their families and contribute to the democratic journey of the country. So no single voting method can seamlessly serve a migrant worker, let's say in Hong Kong or a dock worker in in in Europe or a university student, let's say in the United States. So we are looking at distance um postal reliability, geographical dispersion which remains um a practical challenge and therefore our focus is of course to look at all of those loopholes and problems and getting into some continuous improvement like expanding access, adapting some of the mechanisms being used, ensuring every possible efforts made to provide citizens the opportunity to participate. So we response through a multi-channel voting systems um supported by overseas election committees which manage voters registration, outreach program polling arrangements and of course vote counting and administrative processes and believe me it is not easy at all. We are looking at 1.7 and but we are also trying to reflect the experience that we have back home even um taking care of more voters um during the election process in Indonesia. But it is important to note that they represent a very important human infrastructure behind our overseas democracy. A multi-channel voting system that we have is created to maximize voter turnout while maintaining strict security. So you have to find a balance how to make sure that everybody's coming and vote and exercise their right but at the same time we make sure that the process is accountable, the process is secure and the process is in line with international standard. So first we have in-person polling stations. This is a traditional method of course utilizing our embassies, our representatives across the world. I think we have now what 135? Around 135 missions all over the world. We have embassies, consulate, consulate generals and specially designed physical sites. And second we also have postal voting where um in which ballots are mailed directly to the voters and must be returned securely to the committees. Of course it does come with a challenge as well because we need to have the exact accurate updated address of the voters and sometimes that will be the challenge because not everybody's coming to your embassy or consulate or consulate generals to report the latest or update the latest address or where their whereabouts wherever they are. And the third we have also mobile ballot boxes where the overseas election committees travel directly to places like factories, large plantations, construction sites, and remote neighborhoods where vulnerable groups or our migrant workers gather. So, in order to help reduce geographic and financial barriers to voting. So, for us this three-pronged OCV framework is designed again to ensure that no citizen is left behind. But again, as I said, we do have challenges. We do have hindrances on on the ground and and some gaps in in the implementation. Nevertheless, I think it is important to note that our 2024 general election showed strong participation from the overseas voters. So, out of 1.7 5 million registered overseas voters, women represented 57.1% of the voters. I think this is a very good reflection of active participation of women abroad, including migrant workers, young students, and beyond. So, beyond numbers, overseas voting strengthen civic bonds as well by ensuring that our diaspora remains active stakeholders in the democratic process that we have. And at the same time, Indonesia's experience provides valuable lessons as well because reaching millions of of citizens abroad of course required flexibility, innovation, certain approach, and ability to actually adapt electoral arrangements to diverse local realities while again maintaining the integrity of the process itself. Running a global election means dealing with the real-world friction. We are talking about large-scale participation, which naturally comes with significant administrative and logistical pressure, particularly when we are talking about the major photo hubs for Indonesian like Kuala Lumpur in Malaysia or like Taipei in Taiwan. Um and and several others. So, during the 2024 cycle, our standard infrastructure were was obviously tested. In Kuala Lumpur, um administrative arrangement and administrative challenges raised concerns over the electoral processes. The National Election Committee uh did not look the other way, but instead it prioritized the accuracy and integrity over convenience and to safeguard the uh public trust as well. A rigorous re-voting process was conducted to ensure that we follow the procedures. If we come up with some of the discrepancies in the process itself, then um the decision to have a re-voting process was taken. So, this is in accordance with the electoral procedures as well as the laws and regulation that we have in Indonesia. Again, as I said, it's not easy. It's difficult. It's a resource-intensive um decision um and action as well. But, again, for us, it is important to make sure that the electoral credibility um will definitely uh be fulfilled. So, um we do not share these experiences by saying that we have design a flawless or perfect uh system. No. We share this because we do have hurdles. We do have uh hindrances. And I think if this is shared among every um countries facing the similar um problems or questions, we can definitely um learn from one another. This is why the exchanges of experience and best practices are essential. International IDEA has worked a lot on that compiling some of the best practices and as well as the challenges we we face. and I I believe each country will have different um um processes and different procedures, but this the objective is similar or probably the same, ensuring that distance does not become sort of a barrier to meaningful democratic participation. So, again, we look forward to learning from uh one another, from all of you in the room, um from International IDEA ideas well, from member states, from our civil societies, as well as national human rights institutions. And um each and every one of us as a citizens and those who like to ensure that the exercise of our civil and political rights are fulfilled as well. So, let me leave you with this final thought. Um a true democracy is measured not by how easily citizens can vote at home, but how far the government is willing to travel in order to collect the ballots. Thank you very much, uh everyone, and I will now hand it back to our moderator. Thank you. >> Thank you very much, Ibu Indah, for this valuable experience and sharing the operational strategies and challenges uh faced by Indonesia in organizing selections for overseas citizens. I think we have a truly uh learn about the valuable lessons in uh maintaining the balance between ensuring that no citizen left behind and also ensuring that the process is secure, accountable, and in line with international standards. And speaking about international standards, uh we have uh Michelle Donahue Uribe from the Carter Center here, who will I think uh will uh >> [clears throat] >> be uh grateful if you also can share your perspective of these uh political efforts to include these overseas citizens from uh in this practice. And we do just for a reminder for everyone, we do have a resolutions uh 5717 on equal participations in political and public affairs, and I will leave it as it is right now to for us to discuss whether this this resolution has already reflected the discussion that we are taking right now. Please right now. So, without further ado, I give the floor for Mr. Daniel Uribe. The floor is yours. >> Thank you very much. I have the difficult position of being the last speaker when you had amazing speakers before, and I might repeat myself in certain cases. I would like to focus on the real challenges that developing countries actually face when they are looking at the issue of overseas citizens vote because the current challenge is not if they should do it. It's actually how they should do it when they are facing budgets and resources which are tight. So, in the real world, we know that setting an overseas voting system is incredibly complex, especially for developing countries with limited budgets. Think about distance. Citizens abroad don't live next to an embassy. They are often scattered across vast distances geographically. And they are working in agricultural areas, or small towns where it's difficult for even the authorities of the host state to actually achieve certain kind of services for them. So, when we are thinking about that, we have to also think about how to achieve the objective of making them participants in the decision-making processes in their home state. Mail systems, for example, can be slow or completely unreliable depending on the host country, meaning paper ballots get delayed or maybe lost. And just keeping the voter list accurate in the home state is quite difficult. Checking IDs, running public information campaigns takes a massive amount of work, time, and staff. So, how countries turn these rights into a working system? There is no single formula. Some countries, as we mentioned, give the overseas citizens a direct voice by setting aside a special dedicated seats of them in the parliament, so a direct approach to participation. Others simply count overseas votes back in the voters last home district. But when it comes to the actual voting, the states use different methods, like voting in person, what we all already mentioned, using mailing ballots, or setting up mobile mobile voting systems. But there is still a big challenge in finding a correct balance, making voting easy, but at the same time keeping the entire process secure and trusted. This is where South-South cooperation and sharing experiences is quite important for developing countries. Indonesia, for example, is a good example on how to handle these exact problems. Instead of trying to run everything from a rigid central office back at home, they actually use decentralized committees spread out across different host countries. The most creative idea in these cases is using mobile ballot systems instead of forcing citizens to travel hours to a particular embassy, or actually taking a lot of cost through my trafficking or transiting, election teams actually go physically with ballot boxes to places where diaspora gather, or community centers where they are participating in. This keeps the vote safe and supervised while making it much easier for regular people to participate. Other developing countries have also built groundbreaking systems that offer great elections. Senegal, for example, has established 15 dedicated seats in the National Assembly completely reserved for representatives elected by the diaspora, which will ensure that overseas population has a real structural voice in making national laws and budget. It's not just about voting, it's actually making their voice sound really strong enough in their home states to be part of this process of discussion. The Philippines realized that traditional paper and mailing and mail voting couldn't reach everyone and costs too much. So, to solve it, they are using current technologies technology information so that they can actually move towards securing online voting, showing how technology can keep a highly mobile workforce included. There's something that Indonesia is also exploring at the moment for the 2029 election. So, the experiences from Indonesia, Senegal, and the Philippines, which are among others because we don't have sufficient time to look at all of them, do prove that tight budgets and long distances do not have a mean political exclusion. The structural hurdles of bad email system and massive geographic distances can be solved with flexible and smart engineering. But, I would like to leave three important main lessons. One, a states should start to look to multi-channel voting systems. It's not necessarily that one that only one system can actually cover all the needs of the diaspora in different countries. The second one is the good experience from mobile mobile ballot tools. This is important for increasing participation of the diaspora that actually needs to participate actively. And trust in the centralized local teams. It's not necessary that everything has to move from the home state onwards. This will also require that a states have sufficient policy space to design voting systems that actually fit their specific budget and administrative tools. Not that they have to comply with all international standards itself, but that focus particularly on their budget and requirements. A good starting point is revising rules that require voters to travel all the way back to home so that they can still keep being registered in voters lists. Eligibility rules should help people vote easily, not create additional barriers for regular people to vote. Finally, we believe as always that sharing these ideas through South-South and international cooperation can allow the community to protect broader the rights of millions of people on the move. Thank >> Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Daniel Uribe, for sharing your important lessons. So, before I open the question and answer, we don't have much time. I would like to invite our distinguished delegate from Switzerland, Mr. Yannick Waeber, to share your comments. As Switzerland is also the co-sponsoring of this event as well. The floor is yours. >> Um, thank you, Mr. Moderator. Excellencies, distinguished panelists, dear colleagues, I also run the risk of repeating myself or repeating your your points, but I still like to raise a couple of points. So, Switzerland thanks Indonesia and the International IDEA for convening this timely discussion on political rights of overseas citizens, and is pleased to co-sponsor this event along with South Africa. Today, increasing numbers of citizens live, work, and study outside their country of origin. Ensuring that they remain able to participate in political life is, in our view, essential for the inclusiveness and long-term resilience of democratic systems. In Switzerland, citizens abroad have long been able to participate in federal votes and elections, primarily through postal voting. This reflects our broad broad commitment to participation as a cornerstone of our democratic systems, including for citizens who are geographically distant. At the same time, our experience shows that out-of-country voting is complex and requires constant adaptation. Practical challenges remain significant. In particular, ensuring the reliable reliable and timely delivery of voting materials, especially in regions where postal services are less consistent. And enabling participation across different geographical and administrative contexts. In recent years, discussions on complementary solutions, including digital tools, have further highlighted the needs to strike the right balance between accessibility, security, and trust. Several Swiss cantons are currently e-voting trials, including for citizens abroad, with the aim of facilitating participation. However, expanding such solutions requires caution to ensure that increased accessibility does not come at the expense of confidence in electoral processes. These experiences also underline that there is no one-size-fits-all model, as your Excellency has already stated. National contexts differ widely. In exchanging practical experiences, it is therefore important to translate and adapt them to context-specific needs and realities. Ultimately, enabling citizens abroad to meaningfully exercise their political rights strengthens democratical legitimacy and helps sustain the link between citizens and their countries over time. Um, you've already commented on some on some questions I I I'd still like to raise. Um, so I take this opportunity to maybe ask the representatives from from Indonesia first. In the case of Indonesia, could you maybe more elaborate um, what approaches have proven most effective in increasing participation and also addressing logistical barriers for out-of-country voting? And maybe for the entire panel, um, how can states responsibly leverage digital solutions to expand participation of overseas citizens while safeguarding electoral integrity and public trust in institutions. Thank you. >> Thank you, Mr. Yanik. I think we do not have enough time to respond to those questions. >> One round Yeah, the time >> Yes, so I will encourage you to approach the panels. And we also share we will share the the presentations and also the statements delivered in during the discussions. So, right now, allow me to in invite Miss Soyelout Seole, Charge d'Affaires and Deputy Permanent Representative of South Africa to deliver the closing remark. Mr. Seole, the floor is yours. >> Okay, South Africa is pleased to have partnered with Indonesia and the international institution institute for democracy and electoral assistance for this important side event. On behalf of the co-sponsors, we wish to take this opportunity to thank all the panelists for sharing best practices for identifying and examining the factors that shaped the effective implementation of out-of-country voting and exploring how enabling overseas citizens' participation in electoral processes contributes positively to broader electoral inclusion in their home countries. The International IDEA was clear in its presentation that normative framework for out-of-country voting is quite clear. It emphasized that Article 21 of the Universal Declaration for Human Rights affirms that everyone has the right to take part in the government of their country, while Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and political rights guarantees every citizen the right to vote in genuine periodic elections without unreasonable restrictions. Similarly, the Human Rights Committee in its general comment number 25 has been explicit in asserting that states must take effective measures to ensure that citizens abroad are able to exercise their right to vote where it is practicable to do so and any restrictions on that right must be objectively justified and proportionate. Out of country voting is therefore not a privilege we had. It is a right one whose denial requires rigorous justification and whose realization is an obligation of democratic governance. Mr. Uribe has shared with us various ways or options of ensuring the exercise of these rights. Indeed, overseas voting is not not without a challenges. Switzerland asked very interesting questions that would require answers from the different panelists later. I want to mention though that like Indonesia, the Philippines, Senegal, and other countries that were mentioned earlier, out of country voting is quite fundamental for South Africa as well. Needless to say that our shameful past, apartheid past, where the majority of our people were denied their right to vote simply because of the color of their skin has made political rights sacrosanct in our country. Today, the cross that we proudly cast at the ballot box as a democracy is not just sacrosanct, but it was because it is also sacrosanct because it was not simply handed to us on a silver platter. Rather, it was a product of decades of struggle for one person, one vote. As such, South Africa's Constitutional Court, which considered the matter of out-of-country voting, asserted that the vote of every citizen is a badge of dignity and personhood. It says that everybody counts, and it declares that we all belong to the same nation, and that our destinies are intertwined in a single interactive polity. The Constitutional Court similarly maintained that the right to vote and its exercise is a crucial part of our democracy. Each vote strengthens and invigorates our democracy and reminds those elected that their positions are based on the will of the people and remain subject to it. It also reminds both electors and the elected that they bear specific responsibilities arising out of our democratic constitution. Accordingly, given its symbolic and democratic value, the Constitutional Court declared that electoral system should, wherever possible, encourage citizens' participation and enjoined the government to take positive steps to ensure that the right to vote can be exercised. South Africa has therefore provided for out-of-country voting in every general election since 1994. However, initially, out-of-country voting was not available. It was only available to limited categories, such as citizens temporarily absent from the country for holiday businesses, attendance at tertiary institutions, and in educational visits, or participation in an international sporting event. This, however, changed when the Constitutional Court in 2009 found that requirements compelling citizens abroad to have a specific reason for being outside the country before they could vote, imposed an unjustifiable restriction on the right to vote. The court therefore ordered that the electoral framework be amended to remove this barrier. This judgement was transformative. It confirmed that the right to vote follows the citizen, not the citizen's physical location. As such, in our most recent elections held in May 2024, South African citizens voted at over 100 diplomatic missions and consulates across more than 70 countries. Voter registration for external voting, the administration of ballot ballots, and transmission of results were all managed by the Independent Electoral Commission, an institution that is constitutionally independent in South Africa, professionally respected, and widely regarded as a model for electoral management on the African continent and beyond. This is not to say that South Africa's out-of-country voting journey has been without challenging. Registration remains constrained. External voter registration requires advanced action by citizens, and our awareness among diaspora communities is always high. Similarly, logistical coverage is another ongoing challenge. Not everyone Not every country in which South Africa resides has diplomatic missions capable of hosting external voting. This means that some citizens still face practical barriers to participate despite their legal entitlement. We are, however, determined to overcome these challenges as out-of-country voting matters, not merely as an electrical technicality electoral technicality, but as a human rights issue of real consequences. We heard earlier today that global mobility is a defining feature of our era. Across the world, hundreds of people live outside their countries of citizenship. To deny these citizens the vote is to treat physical location as a determinant of civic belonging, a test that finds no support in international human rights law, that falls out of disproportionately on those least able to meet it, the poor, the displaced, and the migrant workers. South Africa's democracy was built on the principle that every vote count and every citizen counts. 32 years on, the principle remains our guide. We owe it to the memory of those who paid ultimate sacrifice so that we could finally exercise this right. I thank you. >> Thank you, Mr. Salau. Let's give a final round of applause to our excellent panelists and to you, the audience, for your active participations. And this bring us to the end of our side event, but rest assured, the discussions will remain open. Let's keep discussing this topic. And we warmly invite you to join uh us outside. We provide a additional light lunch or refreshments. Thank you all and have a wonderful afternoon.