Panel 5: International Crises – From Iran to Venezuela | Manila Strategy Forum 2026
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The panel titled "International Crises – From Iran to Venezuela" highlights the strategic miscalculations of recent US-Israel military actions against Iran and the emerging implications of a potential regime change operation in Venezuela. Experts argue that despite inflicting significant physical damage on Iranian air defenses and naval capabilities, the campaign failed to achieve its political objectives because it rested on three flawed assumptions: that strikes would resolve the nuclear issue, that decapitation attacks would break the Islamic Republic's will, and that overwhelming force would deter further aggression. Instead, Iran has reconstructed critical facilities like Fordow, consolidated power under the IRGC, and leveraged the conflict to disrupt global trade routes such as the Strait of Hormuz, imposing severe economic costs on Arab states while accelerating regional diversification of security ties away from exclusive reliance on the United States.
Simultaneously, the discussion shifts to a hypothetical scenario in Venezuela where the kidnapping of Nicolás Maduro signals a return to an interventionist "Trump corollary Monroe Doctrine," prioritizing the Western Hemisphere for lower-cost power projection and resource security. This strategic pivot involves long-term institutional commitments and security partnerships that extend beyond current administrations, driven by the need to address transnational crime and migration challenges in Latin America. The panel notes a bifurcation in global geopolitics where nations like those in Latin America maintain US security alliances while engaging deeply with China economically, reflecting a pragmatic approach where foreign policy serves domestic legitimacy and where great powers increasingly view regions as isolated spheres of influence, a concept China actively rejects in favor of acting as a positive global actor.
The direct impact of these global crises on the Philippines is profound, creating vulnerabilities in energy security, humanitarian stability, and national identity. With ninety percent of its oil imports originating from the Middle East, the country faces emergency risks regarding fuel prices and supply chains, while over two million Filipinos working abroad face displacement due to conflicts in the region, with thousands already repatriated from the Middle East. These migrant workers are viewed as modern heroes whose safety is a paramount national security priority, a sentiment rooted in historical precedents such as the 2003 withdrawal of troops to rescue kidnapped workers, yet future risks in areas like Taiwan or Europe present logistical nightmares for refugee intake and energy management that require robust contingency planning.
Ultimately, the panel concludes that while US unilateral actions have caused anxiety among allies regarding policy unpredictability, deep historical and cultural ties ensure alliance resilience, with Filipinos often blaming specific administrations rather than the nation itself. The conflict in Iran serves as a cautionary tale on the efficacy of asymmetric tactics used by smaller states like Ukraine and the dangers of threatening global trade arteries, while support from China and Russia demonstrates how adversaries can sustain resistance through economic and intelligence aid. As the Middle East moves toward an inflection point ending the era of US indispensability, small states must navigate a complex landscape where they seize opportunities for regional connectivity despite secondary sanctions, balancing the need for security assistance with the reality of shifting global power dynamics that will outlast current political cycles.
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panel here on a slightly scary subject.
Uh I'm glad we're not the last panel.
Hopefully they'll pick our spirits up
after this one. We're going to be
talking international crises uh from
Iran to Venezuela.
And with me today we have Will Toddman,
senior bully Middle East program at CSS.
We have Henry Zemer uh fellow at the
Americas program at CSS. We have Aries
uh
Aragai, professor at the department of
political science at the University of
Philippines Dolan. And we have Jean and
Cenus Frankill, professor department of
political science, college of social
sciences, a philosophy also at the
University of Philan.
With that, I think I'll uh start off by
handing over to Will.
Thank you so much Harrison.
So six months ago, President Trump and
Prime Minister Netanyahu named a
extraordinary strategic bet. They
believed that using an overwhelming
force could do more than just damage to
Iran's military capabilities.
A thought it could transform the Iran
challenge and transform the whole Middle
East with it.
It worked
but not as they intended.
Yes, Iran is substantially weaker.
It has uh faced enormous destruction to
its air deficences, its name, its
broader military capabilities
and it's also facing severe pressure.
But judged by the physical objectives
that President Trump and Prime Minister
Netanyahu laid out, the outcome is
actually closer to the opposite of what
they intended.
And today I want to make three points
about what I run.
First, the strategic assumptions were
wrong and the bet failed. Second,
conditions are now right for reviewed
and potentially far greater escalation.
And third, regardless of how the war
ends, it ws it represents an infection
for the regional order.
So starting on the strategic fact, the
theory of victory that US and Israel
laid out rested on several assumptions
and either first was tied to the fight.
The assumption was that military force
could solve or fundamentally reduce
Iran's nuclear program,
but in many ways the nuclear question
remains unresolved.
Iran has restricted IA access to the
sites. The location and status alled
stock piles of highrania
are uncertain.
Just yesterday, some of my colleagues at
CSIS released new satellite imagery
which shows a significant reconstruction
and inheritance. So, Kickax is now a key
Iranian facility
and there's a real lesson that the
Iranian has taken from this is that they
capabil nuclear capabilities
deter the attack and perhaps the nuclear
weapons could section.
>> And so this is exactly what war was
supposed to prevent. The idea that the
nuclear program was set out physically,
but the nuclear issue itself has become
harder to resolve politically.
The second assumption was that
overwhelming pressure could change
Iran's regime behavior or even change.
The decapitations, the assassinations,
the feeders have certainly changed and
weak against the Iranian edition, but so
far the Islamic Republic remains.
It's even more aggressive in many ways,
and it looks like the regime has
consolidated under all of the IRGC.
We're yet to see many sides of a renewed
domestic uprising. And in fact, I think
a lesson to be taken is that Iran's
asymmetric business allowed it to pose
costs on its farm.
>> The third assumption that proves wrong
is that costs of the war.
Now in previous rounds I think even in
the 12th day
is
US joined in June of 2025
did really retaliate and in this
time grant Egypt gets nationalized for
its vulnerability
most famously of course by
maritime traffic through this street
and although there is more than it's
open A third of the hydrocarbon resource
is still missing. Yeah. And that's still
by overt efforts to try to get oil free.
And also just byation strategies and
secular Gulf oil exporters have used
being using uh alternative ports.
Just yesterday uh the grain to grow to
above $100 again for the first time in
months. But it also has imposed huge
pricing.
um stability, its risk to Arab state's
vision and and to their economic
strategy and it has really undermined uh
its its global reputation and the
fundamentals of those strategies and I
just hit off in a summer and there was a
pretty sense of trauma that I have to
say I did not fully anticipate
this idea that they could continue drone
and missile attacks. So the paradox then
is that Iran is equally the Iranian
problem I spot larger.
>> Sorry this is not barrel laughs this
because you're about to little more
depressing because I think the potential
for a new and large escalation it's very
real at the moment as both sides seems
to believe that a new round of
escalation actually improve that
possession for Iran. Iran is not
prepared to just sit back and absorb the
crisis and pressure the administration
is opposing until they collapse at some
stage. They're going to change terms of
the conflict and resort to military
tactics again um to try to to to shift
and transform an
just this week in many ways. We've seen
uh unprecedentedly large attacks of
ballistic missiles against the US base
of Jordan. We've also seen BJS getting a
lot less attention. Um but you have seen
Kufis attacked multiple cities in Saudi
Arabia causing dozens of casualties
among Saudi civilians. Um they are
currently advancing uh by land
threatening the port city of Mocha. And
we also see reports of uh coordination
between Iranbacked militias in Iraq
people. And I think in terms of the
timing, the Iranians believe that their
leverage for President Trump will grow
as we get both at US midterm elections
at November. They believe that I am
posing greater economic pain on
President Trump. He will feel more
domestic virtual pressure and therefore
that their language is is greater. And
so as the line is getting eventually
weaker, I think its incentive to use
asymmetric tools will will grow
stronger. On the US side, I think uh
President Trump feels that his economic
pressure campaign is actually working
quite well and that additional pressure
may finally compel Teron to concede. It
is certainly true that Iran is facing
long economic pressure. Um but that may
not lead to a breaking point. are
effects of Iran's fever relationships
with China and Russia, its ability to
supplement sanctions.
I think that's also something to watch
out for after the midter
when President Trump will probably be
more focused on his legacy and that will
probably encourage him to make greater
risks when it comes to Iran. So the
potential from this application is very
high. And then the third or final point
I want to make was about how this war no
matter how it ends reflects an
inflection point for the Middle East.
I think it is clear that this is the end
of one phase that we've had in the
regional order. The security
architecture involves this shape. The US
has gone from being seen as an
indispensable security partner to now a
source of like great Brits. Arab states
were not consulted or the warrant began
and they suffered any of the
consequences of it. Although there is
not a substitute for Arabic power, there
is no other state that wants to take on
the world of the first we already see
the diversify the diversification
security ties of the region. The Mecca
joint defense agreement to Saudi Arabia,
Pakistan and Turkey has wind up with
this. But we're also seeing gold states
turn to other partners around the world,
Korea, Japan, crane or missile uh sorry
the Germans in particular. So we're
seeing the first mind of security ties.
Second is that the understanding of
security in the region has transformed
the interconnection between geoeconomics
and poverty. You see this one's clear.
Um, but as I said before, this has
challenged the very premise of the
Gulf's economic uh strategy. The idea
that it is a safe and stable hub of the
international investment and trade. So
going forward, Adolf is going to have to
init our Adolf states are going to have
to invest much more deeply in Brazil
and some of that AI
stages have been attacked.
I think the also proved to have
transformed in its role more broadly the
global environment. uh some of the
security uh implications are clear for
this part of the world. The defian
missions and the moving
is unpacked.
Um on the economic side, I think states
around the world are going to have a
real incentive to try to reduce their
reliance in the Middle East for energy
and oil. So that's going to be a real
challenge with these four years right to
come up with a position to encourage
continue to international economic
engagement but there going to be
opportunities as well um states around
the world if they are in a position to
reformulate and we imagine their ties
with the Gulf there are opportunities to
build new kinds of partnerships um and
also to benefit from the Gulf's drive to
actually resilience or that's the uh
food security in alternative logistics
uh hubs and and even the mitigation
strategies for energy with few offshore
facilitating
to close 6 months in the premise of the
war has so far failed. Iran is
definitely deeper but the Middle East is
not safe as a result. Now we are
entering a more dangerous and more
unpredictable phase or and the ore has
transformed the region and has widely
shaped consequences and I know it was
>> thank you well.
>> Thank you.
>> Great. Thank you Harrison. Thank you my
CS colleagues my hello panelists and
everyone who's made this this conference
possible. Um my task today is to take
you all back in time uh to January 3rd,
2026, which if you know you are anything
like Ian, that feels like whole
lifetimes ago. Uh I'm not sure how many
of you in Miss Gruden can think about
where exactly you were uh earlier in the
morning at January 3rd this year, but I
can tell you exactly where I was. I was
sleeping off uh uh sickness that I come
under uh over New Year's. I was really
embellishing the fact that it was a
Saturday and I still had uh 24 hours
before I had to be somewhat capable to
report back into the office uh for the
new year. When I was rudely awake,
client Paul wrote two of my friends told
me that the United States military just
kidnapped uh Venezuelan dictator Nicolas
Maduro and was in the process of
transferring it to Southern District of
New York where he would face uh trial
for narcot trafficking and a horrible
trafficking uh charges. And my first
reaction to that was, "Guys, this is a
really bad prank." Um, but of course I I
opened my social media feed and the
first thing I saw was images of
helicopters over her eyes. Uh, and and
little did I go, but this was in my
opinion uh the first footage I would see
of one of the most uh daring and
successful special operations raids in
history, Operation Absolut.
Since then, I think there are two key
lessons that we can draw from uh
operation absolute resol
policy for Latin America in the
Caribbean, but also boldly for our
understanding of the multitude of crises
that are facing the world order. The
first of these uh is a return to a
bruder cruder form of the club of seek
at the end of sort of in my opinion the
fitted end of the postcold war uh uh
non-interventionist stance that the
United States had in Latin America and
the Caribbean. The second of these is
what I would call the pivot to the
Americas and what some other people
might call the Trump corollary Osa
Monroe doctrine and rising US focus on
Latin America and the Caribbean. But but
starting with first the what I would
describe as kind of the end uh to the
non-advent sexist in the Americas
whereas here we used under both you know
the Roosevelt or used to come under a
doctrine later under US cold war rite
communism the United States sanctioned
all manner of overtly covert military
conventions in Latin American drug
westmosphere
since the end of the world war
since the announce
the United States had relegated this
region to something of the after all uh
and in the process had had actually
pulled back significantly from a lot of
the military engagement that had colored
US Latin American relations and that
continues to color those relations. Then
on January 3rd, 2026, that IP came
crashing down and the United States,
most notably through the Trump coralary
doctrine, indicated that it was willing
to view this region through the lens of
US on a hard-nosed analysis, US
interests, of friend, foe. Uh, and it
was willing to use military force to
back those plain soft. We would later
see that uh that lot same logic applied
in my opinion in Iran and as Will
described uh basically what went right
in Venezuela went wrong in it. In
Venezuela, the United States was said to
quickly uh effectuate a change in
governance through a very targeted
removal of a leader uh and in place uh
basically a client successor from Deli
Prizes who is willing to basically play
ball having seen the overwhelming
military force raid against her in Iran.
Of course, that has not turned out and I
you know you've already heard how that
the assumption war was grounded upon uh
broke down. But I think for a moment I
have awakened the Venezuela operation
there was a sense that this could be a
temp for future US power projection and
I think it continues to be you know
flirted way in Latin America and the
Caribbean as United States looks to
double down and trickle down of its
presence in this in this region. So that
brings me to my second point which is
that the pivots to the Americas has made
US focus on that area of the Caribbean
uh and US renewed interest in this
region is weak um and and this is a new
uh something new that we haven't seen at
least the last three decades where the
reach is largely that kind of an after
US foreign policy instead trying to buy
a US national security strategy same
strategy outlined the Trump corollary
situate the west kind of here as the
first of any able to reach higher than
Europe, higher in the Indo Pacific,
higher universities uh in terms of US
action piercings. Now, how do we square
that with the fact that the United
States continues to be involved in uh
you know a long running conflict in the
Middle East? Uh the fact that crisis in
the Indoacific and in Europe, we
continue to pull US sources away from
this region uh the Americas that's
theoretically at the top. Our priorities
less, you know, how do we make sector
seem somewhat contradictory and and and
what I would say basically is that uh
you know you make sense this by the fact
that the costs of US power projection in
our Cherokee are significantly lower
than the cost of US power production
anywhere else. The US gets much more
bank for its in the Western Hemisphere
than it does in the Middle East, in
Europe, uh in the Pacific versus
anywhere else. That means that even
though we're not seeing the same uh
absolute investments in this region in
relative terms, US uh engage with
American is much greater than any you've
seen uh in the last three decades and
potentially even even further. As I
speak, Secretary St. Marco Rubio is
currently doing a a three country tour
of the Andes where he's visiting new
governments in Peru and Colombia uh and
sort of a new old government and
announcing several security
partnerships, economic engagements, uh
and and a broader, you know, sign of US
commitment to this region. In Venezuela,
uh we also saw what President Trump
described as the largest deal he
announced uh recently to patrol over 5
billion barrels of Venezuelan crude
reserves across 17 different oil fields.
We'll see and I'll gladly discuss kind
of whether that's going anywhere fast.
Uh but certainly uh from the standpoint
of rhetoric aside
uh the focus on the Americas and on
Venezuela in particular uh is real and
it is significant and I would argue this
commitments to the Americas is something
that's going to last uh is going to
outlast the current administration. uh
the US is setting up historical time
institution uh that are going to color
the way uh Latin America the Caribbean
countries perceive us and that are going
to demand you know continued focus on
this region. I mentioned that royal
deal. That old deal is predicated uh in
Venezuela is predicated on a one to
threeyear lease uh for patrol over these
17 fields. Assuming that it lasts and
that it does draw US investment greater
production, subsequent administrations
be they democrat, Republican uh or what
have to have to think carefully about
how they engage Venezuela partners on
the matter of US standard of security.
The Trump administration has also fitted
itself into a three-phase transition
plan to give Venezuela aggressing on um
uh stabilization and recovery and
eventual uh democratic transition. If
the Trump administration is not able to
get us to a position of democratic
transition while it's still in office,
the next president is going to have to
think about what pursuit
they're going to take uh to advance that
promise. Um or broadly again look to the
region. One thing you've seen is a real
demand for US security assistance. Uh
the rise as a transnational organized
tri throughout Latin America, the
Caribbean is one of the single greatest
reasons that we've seen a number of
tough on pride model governance rise to
power over the past two years. And that
only is going to change. the demand for
uh credible resource fat security is
going to remain a top priority and and
US perspective the desire to crack down
on urot trafficking and irregular
migration patterns is continue to be a
draw on this region and a driver of of
cooperation so I think I would say that
uh you know this is a real change it's a
real pivot uh it's created real ties uh
to latave that we haven't seen in the
last several benad and that we should be
quick to dismiss this as something
that's would simply be overwritten by
crisis and other geographies or by
demands and Washington protection that
we should learn to live with this. And
the final thing I I guess I I'll
conclude on is that Latin American also
has little to offer the world. when you
look around uh you know the the globe
today you see mounting the instability
in the Middle East uh wars in uh Europe
in Eastern Europe uh crises and contests
in the Indo Pacific you look to the
water region that is seem to be scared
from the spectre of interstate arms
collapse effect it is Latin American
Caribbean and now that your risk profile
I uh for NATO sector for instance might
include the probability that a cruise
vessel would blow it up uh or the odds
that an adversary might seek to uh
blockade a critical waterway. You look
the one region where that seems
unfortunately far far away uh those
sword clouds seem to be seem to be you
know very pushed out of the horizon is
latin epicuropean uh and a reach that
has tremendous potential hydrocarbons
uh in critical minerals uh and indeed in
a technologies hypoplatin therapy has a
lot to offer. I'm not saying Dakota had
easy, not at all. I'm not saying that
it's fair enough
and domestic crisis, but I do think that
the world as a whole, and I'm, you know,
conscious of where I sitting here,
Southeast Asia, and the global south as
well have a lot to gain from our
partnerships, not American.
>> Thank you. Look for questions.
Thank you for being
here.
>> Hello. Good afternoon. um had a blessed
afternoon to all of you and to my
panelists and thank you for this
opportunity to speak and
my task today is to actually uh discuss
with you the impact of the crisis in the
Middle East particularly uh on the
Philippines and uh specifically on
migrant Filipinos. Um, expectedly the
prices in liberal east would affect the
Philippines uh especially economically
because we import 90% of our fruit oil
from the Middle East and so uh President
uh Ferdinand Marcus Jr. had to clear a
national emergency declaration
uh to facilitate the um procurement of
oil and to sort of manage uh the fuel um
prices and a rising oil prices. However,
um unbeknownst to probably some of you
who are not Filipinos, a key impact of
the crisis, um is the fact that more
than 2 million Filipinos live and work
in the Philippines. And as of today, uh
the Department of Migrant Workers has
already um accounted for about 10,000
migrant Filipinos
which the department has repatriated
from the Middle East and the latest of
which
uh were uh the bodies of two seab bears
who were um victims of a strike in the
straight of Horus.
Um so why is this the chaos? Why does
conflict around the world actually
um is so much in the radar of the
Philippine government?
And I have three reasons for this. Um
migrant Filipinos
particularly in the Middle East um
um is very much a part of the Filipino
imaginary political economy.
One in 10 Filipinos have relatives
abroad all over the world. The
Philippines is found in Filipinos are
found in more than 200 territories and
countries in the world and migrant
Filipinos contribute
more 8 to 12% of GDP an average no
annually to our economy.
Just last year ago, Aloe contributed
about $35 billion
in remittance sets. These remitted sex
actually account also for uh social
welfare services because uh instead of
relying in the government might have
Filipinos, Filipino families rely on
these remittances for housing, education
and medical costs. And another reason
why Filipinos abroad are so much in the
hearts and minds of the Philippine
government and uh Filipinos in general
um is because um they are often called
modernday heroes. No, the discourse of
heroism is very much in our national
imaginary because we perceive of them as
uh sacrificing a lot. They're rendered
secondass citizens abroad and they are
away uh from their families for such a
long time to toy in jobs that are
considered uh dirty and demeaning
uh by locals abroad. Um also migrant
Filipinos occupy
um the third I think and uh as a pillar
of our national uh security. No. Um and
this has actually made the government
act irrationally in some decisions. I
mean at least on the part of uh some who
are not familiar with this uh context.
For example, in the 2000 or uh Iraq war,
a migrant Filipino by the name of Angelo
de la Cruz was kidnapped and uh by Iraqi
Minta and he
um was on CNN. Um the government acted
very quickly. Our president was then
Gloria Pakapaloyo
and she acceded to the demand of the
Iraqi militants.
uh when she agreed to withdraw our
humanitarian troops
um from Iraq, she earned the eyeire of
the US president and members of the
coalition of the way. So why did Gloria
Aoyo decided uh this way?
Particularly because
of the fact that they are migrant
considered migrant heroes and also
because Gloria Makapagal Aoyo at that
time was facing a legitimacy crisis over
allegations of uh electoral fraud. No.
So this is something that's very much
unique in the context of the
Philippines. Can you imagine if a crisis
in Taiwan suddenly arises? So that's
going to be a logistical nightmare for
the Philippines. Not only because
there's going to be tension very near
our territory, but also because we need
to protect no Filipinos.
Um, so that's not going to be an easy
thing. We have 150,000 to 200,000
Filipinos in Taiwan. No, working mostly
in semiconductor
uh factories in in Taiwan. No. And so in
a nutshell what I'm trying to say is
that uh this is uh why conflicts around
the world are very much important on the
part of the Philippine government and on
the part of ordinary Filipino families
>> and this is how it will continue to
shape our reaction to conflicts because
it uh affects
every Filipino. It also affects our
political economy. Thank you. That's it
for my talk.
Welcoming your comments and questions.
Thank you.
>> Uh thank you very much for the
invitation. Uh it's great to be the last
speakers. I'll rarely just square the
circle here. Uh I think it this scandal
was formed maybe four or five years ago.
ISIS wouldn't be the term war you know.
Uh I guess if that was uh the case we
would just be more focused on possible
flash
conflict.
The big difference is that not just this
year but since let's say 2022
invasion of Ukraine wars have become the
new level in gol and that is be uh
countries in this part of the world
where she very ancient or get uh a war
happened in central and eastern Europe.
war h
a leader was kidnapped in Italy.
There's a there's a war in the Middle
East regul Asia's term given the
multiple clash points is causing heat.
So the temp is hot and uh what we've
seen in the wars that you don't need
even the temperature to to have these
uh my colleague Dr. GRA already
mentioned the the vulnerability of the
Philippines that said just double down
on that at the end emphasize that the
vulnerability is not just because we are
a lot in the East Filipino workers that
we rely so much on Middle Easter. The
vulnerability is our capacity as a small
state but also our historical commitment
to the roots based international order
and we put where our our mouth where our
money is. We have invested in bulkity
a bounding member of the United Nations.
We felt so bad we didn't get the US uh
the US Supreme 3000C but that that's
fine been in that institution for you of
it. So you're talking about a country
that's very vulnerable given its fil
over overseas partners give it that it's
a frontline state to so many regional
flash books but at the same time it's
because it has historically led that if
it invested in multilateralism
in peace in nonvention
uh the manila declaration of the Pacific
settlement of disputes in 1980 Cuba side
in Manila it is on the pill tells you
that Utilities is one of the very first
punching that is committed
that small states despite their
capabilities could have an impact if you
shape a envy making a way towards peace
stability. So what the crisis revealed
is the fact that have to be very
quadlavic but at the same time comes to
public with some values that have A4 or
for I suppose it's it's not what you see
is that you can't just rely values Asia
is very important and our Assean
neighbors has showed that you just have
to be more prag but at the same time the
Philippines always go at the long
hedging and highism only upon that it's
important to invest in institutions
>> because as small states we're the grass
we can't do anything for elephants we
will get trampled it's just how much
will we get and whether we can keep a
silate you know because we can't be
elephants
>> is limitations uh supposed to be
this is
on the importance
who directs any choices at all. uh would
prefer the defense secretary and this
become some sort of a catalyst uh or the
governor to speak with Juan Bus but
unfortunately as someone who was dead
watcher dealing politics and for
politics doesn't stop the water's edge
in this country
in fact the is in terms of which superh
to support although trust maintains
the highest is China could be used to be
the least distrusted uh the least
trusted country according to whole but
China's numbers of approval will take
and where action outliers uh due to
quote the IC snake Southeast survey plus
other Southeast Asian countries seem to
have made a choice then divorce and
attack
in Southeast
make the choice in
in that survey. Sorry if I keep using
it. Joan is here because that's other
hospitaliz
geopolitical
of the region. It's just that
where will the US come in the next time
the muro
points you that heads of states could
just be extractable and if we're talking
about autocratic leaders they're to a
region where there's not a block there
or democracy remains deem
we also pick out that uh the crisis also
revealed that the stress test on
regional incipation I'm not going to for
we've been bashing asan since this
warning but as someone who has studied
asan for almost two decades uh the point
in the previous cannons correct if he
might leak
it might be slow
but it's the only thing it is we have to
make it burn and the buildings as share
comes in a very 15.
Why do we have to act a concert which
happened if after Iran is that Southeast
Asian states in the bit because she had
to negotiate for deals with Iran. We had
to reach out to Russia to buy Kil.
Um so what I'm saying is small stakes
arm auctions are great.
You want institutions to work but
without the support of our big brothers
without the support of our uh the
elephants the super powers it's very we
can only hold so much let me end by
saying that uh crisis in the uh
international crisis when we when
happened most Filipinos is like oh where
is all
it's okay then food prices
uh when Venezuela happened. Oh,
Venezuela that is far civic ocean our
way then uh oil crisis got hit again
where Iran happened it's like oh it's
not that far when you know it's still
not with the Asian backyard the dual
crisis increase by 50 people so I think
it's important for the building
government to make sure that it won't
just be reacting to the next crisis but
at the same time to have the information
regional experts to tell the Toby
government that these are clash with
these are hot spots and we better start
with that uh preparations for possib
Taiwan
that would be
very scenarios
200,000
of Taiwan uh where the front light stick
where the nearest of Taiwan
he signed the 1956 convention as
stateless. Yes. So we have to take in
refugees in the contingency because
we're
so the big question is
thanks.
>> Uh we're going to transition your
question uh shortly. I'm gonna take the
first out of this though. Uh I think
we've already heard just now about a few
things that hearken back to yesterday's
discussions. Uh, and I wanted to ask
about this small and middle power agency
uh, issue that keeps coming up and maybe
to Will and Henry.
When you look at how countries in the
Middle East in the Western Hemisphere
have responded to these kind of
unilateral surprise actions in the
United States? Um,
have there been lessons that people can
draw? uh for potential crisis in their
own region. Are there are there
countries that were more prepared or uh
have there been responses that some that
have helped them to kind mitigate uh the
ball up?
>> Thanks.
Yeah, I I do think that this war had
shocks for lots of countries in the
Middle East
and
certainly either that they felt about uh
the onset of the war and the decision to
launch the war but then of course also
Iran acts is helpful and uh it's caused
a societal shock you or not but I think
these countries are already identifying
opportunities that are emerging
uh and I think that is the lesson from
this that in the midst of crisis there
is a opportunity to rethink uh I should
say that these opportunities not always
seized but if we take some of the Arab
states uh the Middle East is famously
the peace to create future world the
multicultural institutions are basically
the
GCC
driven by divisions but there were some
ways which Arab states or GCC states
came together which will have longerterm
efforts. So they immediately lifted some
of the customs um restrictions that we
uh produced to sort of uh facilitate
trade in the urgent crisis for some of
those measures are going to outlast like
the conflict and so there is opportunity
to come together. Certainly Syria has
identified this as a real opportunity to
transform its geopic role in the in the
region to present itself as a potential
club for regional connectivity or trade
across land or the Gulf to Europe. Um
they have this on four seas and shot it
as well with the Mediterranean on the
Red Sea, the Gulf, the Casin
and um so I I think the idea that bits
of crisis there are opportunities. Um
but one of the real challenges is
they're not able to fully pursue the
strategies that they'd like to because
they do still hand so much of the
decisions of great halls such as the
studios. So when I was in Qatar, this
was in there was discussion about
completely transforming their
relationship with Iran. They talked
about the idea of economic
even as they were getting attacked by
Iran. They were talking about how can we
restore deterrence
traditional the deterrence fail and so
instead they could consider building up
victimized disincentiviz.
But ultimately they're not equal to
pursue this strategy in uh in light of
US sanctions. Now secondary sanction
sheets being announced by the Trump
administration you could say that
stretch would never have worked but I'm
just saying some of the options they
have to try to navigate it and pathway
is still pretty restricted. And so I
think there are still major obviously if
it was to their agency
attempt to problem solve Austral.
Yeah, thank you for that question. Um,
I'm going to raise yet another crisis or
we're an almost crisis. Uh, my response
could just be uh if we could remember
back to January 2025, one of the first
countries see that um that the time
President Trump used about uh seizing
territory from Louisiana Panama uh where
he mentioned his inaugural address you
to take back if you had to let them. And
I remember thinking uh when when I when
I heard that being like geez I would
hate to be right now because you know in
other conflicts contexts a lot of
countries have had parts played. Ukraine
had Europe standing behind it. Similarly
in the case of Greenland when there was
the rumblings about buying Greenland or
acquiring it or some other method of
curing Greenland the European Union
became involved. you saw this kind of
regional coming together standing behind
Greenland and Detark um and that doesn't
exist in my opinion in any real way or
any any meaningful way in Latin America
and the Caribbean which is a shame
because unlike the Middle East there's a
raft of international bodies in Latin
America and the Caribbean in many ways
you know the region prides itself on
being one of the birthplaces of
multilateral the organization of
American states uh the the uh ELAC, the
examiner Caribbean. Um, but they've been
pretty bad, I'd say, at rising to the
challenge of today, which is how you
build a real integrated coordinated
response. And so, um, you know, I I
guess if there's any any lessons to be
learned, uh, we have to look to other
regions of the world, other other
cooperation areas. But the last thing I
guess I would say is just that there's
no there's no deterrent like capability.
uh and and the countries that we see
best able to respond to global crisis
are the countries that are choosing to
leverage uh this moment into unlocking
growth uh it's building into form you
know actually real investments
channeling um you know real real uh
resources I would say especially
critical infrastructure uh and that's an
area where lately
fallen pretty far behind where there's
there's severe infrastructure gaps uh
there's many ways that but there's there
are the roads or the ports or the rail
connections that are needed to
facilitate intra regional trade. Uh and
what little there does exist is
controlled by powers that in my opinion
are it's risky to pivot your future act.
Now for China letting China control the
telecommunications in your country is
not a particularly good way to achieve
sovereignty or independence uh if you're
a small and middle power. And so these
pinters need to think in my opinion
really carefully about where they're
getting their their critical
infrastructure from and how they're
going to supercharge that.
>> So interesting parallels there in terms
of maybe not holding on to what was but
seizing new opportunities that come out
of these uh crisis. Uh Gan and Aries, I
did have one question for you about
another theme um and we talked a lot
about yesterday and it's coming up here
again is uh US credibility and
unpredictability
uh and perhaps
>> the comparison between those um as a US
treaty ally the Philippines
um
>> what is your take on this
unpredictability and these unilateral
eneral ashes the United States does that
have a deterrent power in Asia does that
have some benefit um or conversely you
know is walking away from commitments
and finding us to multilateral norms
you know where where is the balance on
those two
>> yeah
take the first crack this difficult
question. But I always tell my Southeast
Asian colleagues and counterparts that
uh what is the Philippines has been
dealing with the US were uh the longest
>> uh in in different bowls forward how
long at the and now is an ally. So we've
seen the US evolve in so many ways and
so many directions
that's one. So therefore uh if there is
anxiety
southeast Phil it'll be might still be
anxious what the level might not be as
high you bet the historic feelings uh in
the way that we see the US uh transform
it
the second is that uh that's why they're
called government the day right so uh
and and uh some of the speakers that
would take to be already uh yesterday
the mere fact that uh which we can
relate to because building for policy
also has tendency
do
depending what who sits in yeah the
office which uh we hope could de lessen
the future
and this is why I'm not fan with behind
uh the the role of the president him as
chief architect or an allseason power
because I do think that role for these
it's a bit too much out to the present.
That's just a personal opinion of a
political scientist.
>> On the other hand, uh the the unilateral
actions course bother the the Philippine
perspective quite a bit because uh much
of our faith in multilaskism
comes from faith.
This is not just something in heaven.
It's a combination of our small our
status and our I think idea that many
Filipinos are deployed of wall. So we
want the entire world safe because if
there's a war there's a conflict out
there still get exits after convention
and so therefore for us when the US does
things
the vilities still we were the first to
volunteer
uh during after 911
right so and in terms of reliability
uh we cannot be accused of being less
reliant although of course October
president almost started the process of
appreating the policy he led by stating
that we understand US politics because
uh because still politics tend to have
the same characteristics so there's a
level of emp of empathy there uh our
journey towards bettering our
democracies continues needs to be
something that they share. But I also
think the US alliance is so dense, so
okay, who had some loring trust despite
unilateral actions towards Muslim?
>> I I agree with Alice. No, maybe because
the ties, the Philippine US ties are
really very deep and it's really
structural. no uh historical, economic,
and um uh military ties, but more
importantly, we have strong cultural
ties with the United States. I'll always
say that we're more American than the
Americans. We've been exposed to so many
Hollywood films. No. And that um tells
you why uh the United States is still
very popular according to surveys with
regard to current unilateralism.
Of course, it has affected many
Filipinos. It has reached uh every
Filipino household because of IO cause,
but I think this is more episode. No.
And Filipinos would probably just um
blame uh the current administration and
not so much the United States itself.
Thank you.
>> All right. Well, with that, I'm going to
turn to the audience. Uh as always, if
you have a question, raise your hand and
uh please identify yourself before
speaking. Uh I see two right there.
Maybe we can take both of them.
Uh good afternoon. Uh my name is Jose
from the University of Pat and uh also I
would like to thank you Dr. Franco. We
always acculate our uh immensity.
Um so my question uh is very much
simple. So how should the Philippines
respond to the growing internal problems
that uh I think it get it is springing
from the conflict of uh in Iran. uh this
is because uh the long affect of the
rise of fuel uh prices uh down to being
you know the uh also the rise of the
prices of commodities. So how shall we
uh Philippines respond strategically uh
it is uh growing internal profit. Thank
you very much.
>> Thank you. Can we take the second
question right there?
>> Hello Levi alter threat consultants.
Thank you for your time. Uh this is
pretty funny. United States uh template
through regime change in Venezuela. We
can see that they attempted to repeat
that method in the Middle East. The
outcome has been very different this
time around. So how will that change the
US's approach to other countries when it
comes to as you said playing ball that
are less likely to cooperate? Also on
the other hand, does Iran's approach to
the more philosopher a template for
those who choose not to play with the
use as well? Thank you.
>> Thank you. How about uh first question
on the key internal energy economic
problems.
>> Yeah. Yeah. Uh there talks about for
example to link to other any energy
sources as a means to be uh less reliant
on uh uh oil from the Middle East on
imported oil. That's I think something
that we've that the government
uh has talked about so many years but it
has uh even become more palable because
of the recent uh uh tension in the
Middle East. Um and I think um because
of what happened and because it's
somehow lingering
um still protracted uh my sense is that
uh the Philippines will uh be even more
uh gung-ho will even uh expedite and
will really use its resources and all
its efforts to finally um you know make
this unproductive case. uh in terms of
not relying on uh imported fuel. Thank
you.
>> Uh I failed to mention earlier I think
this is where Assad would could make a
thing. So while Assad had divided
interpretations on on the Iran war they
they did some concrete action. They
Assean likes to plant things likes to
lay down frameworks likes to have
blueprints. So it had it has an a prayto
spirit you have assean members or actual
trees there's an Asian power grid I
think to to down the road uh that might
be the low hanging fruit but the idea of
the park
the idea that going beyond fossil pupils
there's a lot of other uh certain enemy
that have there's the cow pie find it.
But I I'll try and finally we have the
Milky Seeds to explore all possible
sources of oil and control and this is
why it's important that it's of what
exists within its area.
>> Okay.
And then the second question about uh
the template for regime change and then
if you also for defiance
I'll speak in particular on sort of the
template which is definitely in the wake
of absolute resolve. Uh there was
absolutely a sense that the United
States had stumbled onto a new model uh
right that as a popo instead of doing
these open-ended regime chain wars I
mean that involved nation building and
long-term commitments to US resources we
go in we fix the guy we take the guy out
uh who wasn't frag um and we find
someone who would and then the adventure
back that should pay for itself many
times over um I hate what we've and I
think This belies a broader kind of
approach that the Trump administration
has which is incredibly leader segmented
right Trump likes to deal with
personalities. Uh and so you see this
other in other um moves where you know
US is falling a move to endorse a
particular candidate in an election as
the person be the credible
uh and where it falls ser
is a big cases where uh the leadership
apparatus is well institutional and so
the most the question the billiond
dollarar question everyone's hides I
feel right now is what are we going to
do in Cuba and I think what's happened
in Cuba is is isa the Cuban communist
party has to signal that hey via
or past ros in his 90s uh we're just
going to have a conference and we're
going to find someone who we all approve
and and and have them continue to say
also as if you really want to uh you
know impose your preferred regime on us
you got to invade yourself to a
potentially opened conflict and that has
given the United States a lot more feet
than I think they would have had in
January and February of 206 so you the
the the I guess the the um the template
or the the the the counterplays that
seems to be if you could show that that
removing a leader will result in any
policy change uh you can up the costs ah
the United States thinks it's going to
have to be
>> um I I think it is in some ways too
early to say what the implications for
the US are of the war with Iran because
we ultimately don't know it out yet. I
think it's clear from what I said
earlier that I do not consider this to
have been a strategic success so far.
But Iran has not won this. Iran is
emerging from this severely and we don't
know what that will lead. It could
ultimately result in the collapse of the
regime. It is very possible and I think
President Trump likes to make
comparisons between the duration of the
conflict in Iran and the Vietnam war for
example. And you know ultimately this
has only gone on to six months so far.
So we don't know exactly what the what
the consequences will be because I think
people will draw less than you the
outcome. But I do think there is a
growing sense across the political
spectrum in the US of a um you know a
push for more restraint in uh US foreign
policy uh and renewed opposition to
these so-called forever wars. So I have
to assume that a future administration
will be less likely to embark on such a
bold risk like trying to uh you know
attack or facilitate or ferment some
kind of regime change in a place like
Iran. When it comes to um the lessons
that others will take from Iran's
response, I think there are several. So
one is what sort of mirrors Ukraine's
response to the Russian uh invasion as
well which is the power of asymmetric
tactics the evolving nature of war uh
the premium that is put on very cheaply
produced drones um and other kinds of
weapons and the ability of using those
uh systems to uh impress costs on
farther
accounts. So I think that's something
that a lot of smaller states around the
world will learn and be fully invested.
Um I think there are also potential
lessons for what Iran has done to
straight up moose. Um in some ways this
is now opening the Pandora's box of
threatening a key artery of global
trade. Will others try to draw lessons
from that stand power uh that it has
bought Iran?
That's a real possibility. And then also
at CSIS we've done quite a lot of work
on the so-called crinks China Russia or
Korea. I think there are also lessons
for those countries in the support that
they've been able to provide for Iran
particularly China and Russia both in
terms of economic support the ability to
uh withstand to bolster Iran's ability
to withstand pressure but also in terms
of intelligence sharing which is looking
pretty successful. Okay. uh a a
reasonably low investment for China and
Russia, but a an important um incredibly
important strategic outcome to hold US
down so much. Uh so I would expect um
you know this will probably further
invigorate this this spring.
>> Right. Thank you. Uh you have one year.
Is there another I can take?
I guess we'll start here.
Yes,
sorry diplomat. I just two questions.
First, professor, yes, the government
has a lot of criticism about what
happens to our post. I think direct
criticism has been pretty good and our
response
we did, but when China seized
alleged TNT, we did not change any of
our positions.
China arrested 10 100 TNTs. We did not
change any of our positions with respect
to the implementation of our domestic
law or our positions on the subs. That's
one. My real question is to bring
something from the previous
session.
This US tendency in tech and trade to do
my way or the highway. Is this kind of
thinking going to infect US strategic
approaches here given the increasing
reality of cross regional connections in
crisis?
Is the US going to be so narrow line
that it's going to ask people to line up
on one side or the other because that's
almost guaranteed to lose. But
did you ask the first question? He was
>> the first question.
>> Yeah. Um concern David right then and
you said that the China arrested
undocumented Filipinos
>> undocumented Filipinos were allegedly
reportedly eating
>> because of what we were doing with
respect to the sand
ski mill. Okay.
>> Okay.
>> We did not change our position. Okay.
So there are limits on our vulnerability
to uh our oil villages.
>> Uh so China arrested uh 100 suspected
undocumented Filipinos, we did not
change our position towards
>> the West Philippines in
>> adopistic law.
Then they say they tap on and let the
actual
>> all the can you help put microphone on
or there we go.
Chinese
>> retaliated because of the co-owner.
>> Arrest of Chinese nationals here are the
violation of our laws in connection with
the Sandia steel mill and other Chinese
investors. We did not change. So there
are limits to how far the Philippine
government can push. Maybe uh let me
offer a hypothesis. The the the why as
as Dr. Franco earlier mentioned Aoya was
facing a legitimacy crisis and therefore
the the political conditions of the
government of the day patterns
and uh for my own analysis of historical
analysis of the foreign policy is that
foreign policy tends to be used as an
instrument to crop up legitimacy when
it's in deficit. So there the there's
there's no current legitimacy deficit on
the part of Marcus Jr. I mean he has a
much it's the only VB president that has
a majority mandate one he did not cheat
the elections right or less uh and
second uh the idea that he might have
low trust ratings now but that doesn't
amount to that he should be like so what
I'm saying is that from the angulo de la
case to to this case changes in foreign
policy is an instrument of the president
which he or she see domestic right so
the key here is one should not use court
als as if it's an instrument to sanitize
oneself or to improve one's image but
that's the reality that is building all
sex and this is why I say politics the
stop stop at the water's edge or
strategic interest is filtered through
the survival of current governance and
how legitimate or unpopular they part in
the domestic.
>> Yeah. And and may I add also that um in
Anglo de la Cruz's case it was quite
different because he was kidnapped by
Iraqi militants but uh with regard to
undocumented Filipinos I think um the
Philippines is also thinking about the
fact that if we sort of
uh deposit as candling undocumented
migrants then it might affect our
reputation in other parts of the world
where migra Filipinos
are actually living and seeking or
having u work in these parts of Europe.
>> See,
anyone want to venture in the technology
and trade
US tech stack?
>> Maybe no other on the text. Can I talk
about sort of the forcing US uh for
Carters to fall in line because I that
was part of your question there. I
wonder if I I heard it. Um so I think
there are sort of several kind of
remarkable things that we have seen
after the outbreak of the war in Iran.
One is uh how many US allies have
refused to not only participate but
actually actively tried to uh block the
US uh from pursuing this war. So we've
seen Italy stay refusing uh to let the
US uh use the ACES and airspace to
defuse tags. Discussions about the same
in the UK. Um and and so clearly there
is very you know the US has has really
failed to bring along its allies and
partners in this effort. I would also
say the Trump administration doesn't
seem to have really tried to do that. Um
there doesn't seem to have been a effort
to engage with allies and answer the cop
sort of after it began really to to
bring on board and and have them
participate. Um but another somewhat
remarkable thing is that we haven't
really seen any alternative despite the
huge economic sinks uh that this
conflict has had or economies around the
world. Um, as you can probably tell, I
did the UK and I, uh, you know, the
sense of crisis earlier in the summer in
the UK was really quite real. Even
though it's not in any way like the
Philippines has um, or other countries
around the world, there were
expectations that flights will be over
the summer. And yet despite that we saw
only really one uh effort by France to
set up some kind of alternative for uh
to to secure the stra but only after the
conflict is over. There's a really a
very low appetite for other powers to be
a tool in an alternative. So although
the US has certainly failed to bring his
allies and partners uh along with it in
the in the war um I think other powers
also really failed to put forward an
alternative that could help pursue
trusts. Maybe it's only a matter of time
for initiatives like cat or efforts to
work against the US and detain the US in
a way but so far we not really see.
>> All right, other questions.
Yes, right here.
>> Hello, I do definitely uh my name is
Francis Prop Paris University. Uh my
question is for uh professor Aruguay uh
on your work of the localization
great power computation. We've seen how
uh several provinces in in the
Philippines for example in Kabayan at
Palawan are becoming more and more
entitled to plate power uh competitions
specifically and of course the US and
China. I was wondering if you see this
as a continuous trend and expanding in
various local government units here in
the Philippines even though this or even
if these local governments are not
necessarily in the forefront of the
conflict because as you know Alawan and
Tayad both host uh edes
so uh Thank you to your thoughts on that
uh very much like Thank you.
>> Thank you Francis. Uh that study was
really just a snapshot of what we kind
of know is an ongoing and gradually
spreading phenomen. And we've heard
reports that what Kagan Plawa might be
your your first sight. uh Chinese
influence in Kagayan has been years a
that was what we found out. That's my
obvious by the way. Uh
but what we're seeing in fact is uh and
and it's it's very benign because they
start off with sister city sister
province arratios rightawan is a sister
province arrangements withina right and
what we've observed if I not get
coincidence is that a lot of these
sister city sister province arrangements
are a voter rich policies.
So let's say you have a a pro-China
candidate.
All that candidate needs to go is to
window because we don't have a major
carry assistant or be a plurality with
the presidency and there's a lot of
nickel deposits in some of these places
where there are sister cities savages
and I'm not quite sure whether they're
just accident or coincident. That's one.
Second, what we're noticing is that it's
been shifting from the uh western part,
western frontier of the country to the
eastern and this goes to the
of our strategic takers that uh terms of
influence and in terms of say aerent
spell China is go well for them like the
westb
that's ours
there but on the other
And this tells the huge burden of the
Philippines inhabiting because we're
surrounded by all these key maritide
zones north, south, east, and west. So
we're still looking at the west uh at
the desert here, but our neighbors are
already looking at
the other.
The question is, what are we doing on
the second island?
What are we doing? because we've been
receiving records at more and more pre
and it starts from that
and and so therefore the the local
governments on that side of the
archipelico what we observe is that
Chinese registars
unfortunately local government or colon
provides that these local updates could
engage this why there's a moratorium
is republic.
Ask here why the government covered but
a core government
sign these arrangements without
>> since we're on that note maybe Henry can
I ask you about Chinese inputs in Latin
America we know they're making
investments uh they're they're making
new relationships uh how is that shaping
I think this is transforming reg you
know the relationship US is transforming
a lot right now. How is China's place uh
interacting with them?
>> Yeah, absolutely. I'm a gratefully hero
professor because uh we've seen many of
the same things happen in land of
Caribbean in particular. uh Chinese
influence showing up increasingly at the
local level uh even as it remains well
trenched to the national uh what I would
basically say is I think um we've seen a
kind of a bifurcation of how a lot of
countries treat their strategic
partnerships they view United States as
still very much the top dog in security
states uh there's no country in the
western hemisphere I would say that
believes it can United militarity or
that has any interest in sort of you
know opening a Chinese military facility
on its territory uh that that just
squeeze or even you know cooperating
extensively in China on public safety or
security stuff you see some of that but
not as much as we might expect uh but
there's a that okay I play that states
security go and reassuring them that
we'll work with that on military and law
enforcement issues we can trade
economically engaged with China to our
hearts content. Uh and of course China
has become over the past decades the
number two trading purpose for Latin
America as a whole and the number one
trade for South America in particular.
And that's why you see that even as uh
very pro- US presidents have risen to
power in South America. We now have the
space that Brazil standing that's that's
on um uh pro you know chest thumping pro
US governments uh even those even those
um you know new governments like Javier
Millino said he wouldn't trade
communists well Argentina's trade uh
with China has increased every year
since the office uh and so China's
influenced by in the economic domain I
guess be tremendously durable and in
particular I think a big source of that
is China's global gal infrastructure
critical critical infrastructurally
ports and energy uh telecommunications.
>> All right. Actually audits I see one
over two.
Thank you for pursuing uh preparing here
your
research scientist of the Asian
technology also.
We are
the name and under we need sorry
we all have
needs
and
either
we are
or
so we
reach an
adver for
needs before we reward our
so I asked if I just
we
it
emphasize
border security
is still
achieved through
jurisdiction stewardship
but then it is similar
leaders to
banish shark
for you to typically
comprehend
um
jurisdiction.
juristics stewardship.
>> Is there girls on the team?
>> I think some of us may lack the
international legal education to comment
sensibly on it.
Uh is there any comments perhaps on the
maritime situation
>> that has been offered as a way to
>> resolve
South China Sea is uh because that
argument could be made that who who who
cares who owns what show what rock when
the the the marine environment is
destroyed.
So uh while we're still looking at
different guides
uh findings of our marine scientists
have revealed that the marine
environment in the south China sea which
is the hub on global marine biodiversity
is already be destroyed. So there's an
argument could be made that could we
just bypass or at least shell put it put
all these sovereign claims aside to to
take a look at the bigger issue
uh to work uh collect it
for leaders agree between AE and China
who take care of the Minia in the south
unfortunately that
in mindful idiots to just be
it's less worth than the paper lips
because the marine environment he's
destroyed as we speak and uh in fact
there already news that the secretary of
national defense said that a new case
because unfold that burg would take care
of all the requirements in their respect
>> Iris have to
>> thank you
>> another question.
>> I would have to clarify that uh a
majorification would be that we get
reputations
and will stay and make the plan
defense of territory.
Yeah.
>> Well, uh, that's certainly an
interesting proposal. Um, do we have a
question from someone else in the
audience?
If not, I might I should ask one myself.
Uh, we've been talking about US actions
in different regions and the potential
for a crisis in Asia.
Um
what we've seen from this administration
I would say there's an attempt to
separate
uh different regions of the world and
treat them as completely isolate. Uh
even efforts to tell Europe to stay out
of Asia. Um efforts to say that the
Western Hemisphere is the United States
business and no one else is. Um and it
sure be that you know in some ways this
argument uh could be similar to what we
see or what we fear from China in terms
of uh becoming a regional edma. Um how
maybe from the Philippines perspective
how do you make sense of that uh
approach from the United States
resembling what we see uh in your
region?
together with an ISIS colleague we
actually brought a short piece on what
the theations aware of the Maduro affair
he says some sort of demonstration
effect so if Russia gets to do its own
thing in this sphere if the US does its
own thing with western youth sphere that
it's pretty much Asia in China's
official input in the China start you
know arrest
Tai events who are very much local or
they uh use some sort of law if you with
the Chinese legal system and throw that
against any soilation.
So far our analysis that China like
epilog
although it might this on other hat give
the scaps in southeast
which is a gray area in terms of loy
but for saying that China might plant
the
military action to kickers or autocratic
leaders but they might use their own to
prosecute
and capture uh elements, gangs, uh
people his camos that are chain
but in terms of I think if they were
going to ask me will China respect his
gears of influence our colleagues have
shown here that China wants to be every
positive and not just in a specific
area. Okay. And therefore it will not
concede into that idea of dividing the
world. They just be be content with
having East Asia as as experiencing
China has always said that the US has
caught us well
as a light rest week. Uh the idea here
is that the behavior of the US in terms
of its uh in peace crisis tells China
that it's way more obligated just
militarily intermediate
uh and therefore we're learning from
what the US practice.
>> All right. Any more questions from the
audience?
All right. Well, I think if that's the
case, we might wrap it up here. Uh why
don't we thank our excellent panel here
for this very interesting discussion,
some tough issues. Um we're going to be
back at 250 for the next panel. So,
please get some coffee and uh join us
for the last session.
So be