Long Rate, Yen Intervention, and Fed Independence | The Trade Off
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The current landscape of global finance is defined by a convergence of high interest rates, massive debt levels, and significant policy interventions that have not been seen since the 2007 financial crisis. Long-term U.S. Treasury yields have climbed to levels near five percent, driven primarily by structural fiscal imbalances rather than a positive growth story. The United States is running persistent deficits around six percent of GDP, creating a substantial supply of debt that markets must absorb. This situation is further complicated by inflation persistence, supply shocks from geopolitical conflicts like the war in Iran, and the rising demand for capital from artificial intelligence companies, which collectively crowd out other borrowers and push yields higher.
Recent market volatility has prompted unusual actions from policymakers, including unscheduled bond buybacks by Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and a coordinated intervention in the yen market involving both the U.S. Treasury and the Bank of Japan. These moves were largely reactive attempts to cap long-term rates or stabilize currencies against fundamental pressures rather than signs of disorderly markets. The yen intervention was particularly notable as it occurred without the Federal Reserve's direct participation, highlighting a divergence between the administration's desire for lower borrowing costs and the Fed's commitment to price stability. Experts suggest that these interventions are essentially "band-aids" addressing symptoms of deeper issues, such as fiscal dominance, where political pressure to keep interest rates low conflicts with the central bank's mandate to control inflation.
The future trajectory of U.S. economic policy faces a critical tension between Treasury objectives and Federal Reserve independence. With the new Fed Chair Jerome Powell recommitting to the 2% inflation target despite current market conditions, the administration may find itself at odds if it continues to push for rate cuts or yield suppression. If political leaders prioritize reducing the government's interest bill over fighting inflation, it could lead to financial repression and damage the credibility of the Federal Reserve. Furthermore, the erosion of dollar dominance is not driven by foreign competitors like the euro or Chinese renminbi, but by American dysfunction, including erratic fiscal policies and the misuse of sanctions. Ultimately, the U.S. must address its unsustainable debt trajectory and restore trust in its economic institutions to maintain the dollar's preeminent role in the global system.
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Today on the Tradeoff, the price of
money. With interest rates at rates we
haven't seen since 2007 and US total
debt exceeding $40 trillion,
today we'll discuss the economic and
strategic implications.
It's been a busy summer and early fall
for interest rates and and debt markets.
We've had interventions in the yen
market, unscheduled buybacks of bonds,
and eventful speeches by the Fed board
and others. So, to unpack all this, we
have an excellent guest with us today.
We have senior advisor and non-resident
scholar for CSIS,
former Deputy Assistant Secretary on
international monetary and financial
policy,
Mark Sobel. Thanks so much for joining
us.
>> My pleasure.
>> Excellent. Well, again, I'll say this to
you and and to the audience in general,
I am but a humble trade economist. So,
this is really outside of my area of
expertise, but we we've been seeing a
lot of action, more than I can remember
in a long time, in these markets. So,
would love to have sort of your take on
this.
Before we get started in the
nitty-gritty of the policy and and the
broader perspectives,
you know, long-term interest rates are
quite high now, about 5 and 1/4, again,
highest rates since 2007, if if my math
is correct.
What are your general thoughts about
where we are, what has brought us here,
and any broader implications you might
see?
>> Thank you for having me.
First of all, nobody in the audience
should buy this humility from Phil Luck.
He knows his stuff across the board.
>> All right, too kind.
>> Okay. [laughter] So, now um
longer-term rates, they've been rising.
Um
and
I think in February the 10-year Treasury
yield was around four. It's hovering
today just below five. You mentioned 5
and 1/4, that's the 30-year yield. Um
Now,
should we be surprised by this?
Um
I would say on the whole, no.
Now, there are those who are going to
make the case to you with a positive
spin that this is a a very positive real
growth story for the United States.
I don't buy that.
Um
I believe there's a confluence of
factors. Uh first and foremost, I
believe that uh the United States is
pursuing damaging, reckless fiscal
policies.
Our fiscal deficits uh now are about 6%
of GDP. If you look at uh CBO's work,
they hover around 6% if not higher for
the next decade.
And then, they get worse.
Um
So, uh
that's a lot of paper for the markets to
um
digest. Now,
right now, we've all been reading in the
newspapers about AI and hyperscalers and
whatnot. So, I read something that
suggested maybe hyperscaler demands,
including
broader uh chip entities and the like,
AI entities.
Um
the demands are somewhere like 300
billion in the long-term markets, and
and you think that's a big chunk of
money relative to uh
the Treasury.
Um so, there could be some crowding out
uh going on there. Now, um
inflation persistence. So,
we um
The Federal Reserve has a 2% target,
right? Well, they've missed that for the
last 5 years, for whatever reasons,
understandable or not. But, they've
missed it. And
the US economy seems continuously
buffeted, expected or not, by supply
shocks. So,
um
AI demands come in.
Energy prices soar because of the uh war
with uh Iran. Am I allowed to say war?
>> Yes.
>> Okay. And um um
And then I think that uh in the
transition to the new Federal Reserve
chair, there's a degree of greater
uncertainty about where the Fed is
headed, what what their reaction
function is.
Um
could there be diminished trust in the
US playing a role? Could um some
countries be less willing or eager
buyers of
uh Treasuries? Um
I think that's a plausible
interpretation.
Um
And in addition to which, if you go back
to
the early 2000s, remember China was
accumulating reserves at the wazoo, as
were all the other emerging markets, and
a lot of that was being poured into
Treasuries. Well, since China hit its
hiccups in 2015-2016,
um if you look at the aggregate size of
global reserves, they've been
they've trended up, but nothing major.
So, that that's less of a foreign bid as
well there.
Um and then I'd say maybe that um
the buyers of Treasuries are somewhat
changing. It used to rely
apart from the foreigners, there was a
reliance on the prime brokers, the prime
dealers to take up the market and hold
on to it. Um
that's less the case now. Hedge funds
are playing a greater role, and but
they're less sticky buyers. So, I think
those are um
a lot of the factors underpinning
um
the move up in rates. Um it's not
necessarily a positive story. Um
and and whatnot. So, let me I've spoken
too long
>> No, no, it's
>> in response to your first question, so
let me stop there.
>> I want to pit pull on two threads there.
One, um so let me just I'm going to say
back to you a little bit of what you
said, make sure I'm understanding this.
So, I mean, this seems like a lot of
different factors here. We're just we're
issuing an amount of debt that requires
a large market First and foremost,
um there's competition for debt because
there's a lot of corporate debt as well
as you know, we're also seeing across
the G7 quite a bit of debt.
Um there is the again, we've hit missed
inflation expect or inflation targets on
the upside for years and years now for a
confluence of reasons. And I had to that
a new Fed chair who um you know, wants
to give a little bit less forward
guidance and and markets are a bit
spooked by that or at least it looks to
be at certain points.
>> Or he's not making even if less forward
guidance, what's the reaction function?
I think the markets are not certain
about that. And if he's not going to
speak to the reaction function, the
markets are going to look for it from
somebody else. But that increases
uncertainty and volatility in the
market.
>> Okay, that's a perfect. Thank you for
that. Um one thing I'd love for you to
pull on if you wouldn't mind is that
your point about sort of the
composition. So like the the increasing
role of hedge funds. Um so we saw uh
the Treasury Department and and Bentsen
sort of um you know, uh engage in
unscheduled buybacks of bonds. Um you
know, my understanding of that was
largely that he was, you know, arguing
that the market was not the pricing on
fundamentals. The first would be, do you
agree with that or do you It sounds like
you've given a lot of good fundamental
reasons for what we have here. The
second would be like, well, maybe there
is that issue
to your point, if we have sort of less
sticky
uh even potentially more leveraged uh
parties playing a bigger role, um you
know, is that something we should be
worried about sort of just overall?
>> Well, um
first of all, it is fundamentals.
I think Bentsen said it was a fever.
Um I don't believe that the markets are
being disorderly. Yeah. Again, I think
they're responding to
um fundamentals.
Um
I thought his
So, he he's done several things. I mean,
you mentioned the end of an era up
front, and then there's the whole
question of uh the tripling of buybacks.
And he didn't announce that as part of
the regular Treasury refunding
announcement. He in the middle of it. Um
And and then there are the
And then there was this issue that he
mentioned with regard to Japan. It's
very technical and esoteric, but the
FEMA the foreign and international
monetary authorities uh
repo facility. So, basically, you you uh
How do you finance an intervention?
Um
Well,
if you're trying to strengthen your
currency like Japan was, you
sell
dollars, you buy your own currency,
right? And in selling dollars, you got
to pay for that. So, how do you do that?
You you offload your Treasuries, but
that puts upward pressure on rates. So,
FEMA
You give the dollars to the FEMA, and
it's basically collateral against
liquidity from the Fed, and you're not
selling Treasuries.
Um
So, to me,
what Bessant was showing or revealing
with these maneuvers was
uh concern
about the rise in the longer-term rates
and a desire to cap them. And
longer-term rates are really what drive
investment. Um They drive mortgage
rates. And then there's this little
thing happening in November called
midterms.
So,
so I could imagine that is what
motivated him. But again,
in the face of these gale-force winds of
the fundamentals, our fiscal and
whatnot,
I think that uh
Bessant was uh deploying
band-aids.
>> Mhm. Um
So, uh
so I'm skeptical about the uh efficacy
of these and I really wish more
attention were being paid on getting our
fiscal house in order, but of course
neither party uh
wants to deal with that.
>> Yeah, absolutely. Um
yeah, and to your point, I mean, you
know, I think the best in recent has
talked about, you know, our the need to
sort of grow our way out of our debt.
That that's a argument you can make
sometimes, but not when the debt is
growing faster than really any
plausible, I would say, argument for a
level of growth of a developed economy.
>> I agree with that and I would also say
that um
so when you think of debt GDP, there's
the debt in the denominator in the
numerator, which you just mentioned, but
on the denominator, you know,
the forecast for potential growth in the
US are
two two and a quarter, let's just say.
>> Yeah.
>> You know,
they they are telling a yarn about
AI is going to cause a surge in
productivity and growth and we'll just
grow our way out of this and the
deficits will be down to 3% of GDP.
That ain't happening.
>> Yeah, I would agree with that.
Um but, you know, it is one of those
things where every problem slightly
easier if you're growing fast, but
>> Or you have lots of inflation, we can
inflate our way out of [laughter] the
debt.
>> Exactly. That's right.
So, to the point about sort of this, you
know, the the gale force uh
the gale forces here, um let's talk a
little bit more about the the
intervention in the dollar-yen exchange
rate. So, um for those who are tracking
this a little bit less closely, I think
uh end of July, um the bank the uh the
Japan's Ministry of Finance, uh it
joined the US in buying uh yen. Uh and
this sort of joint action, my
understanding is the first time since
2011, so it's quite a while. Um
and um
I think you called this sort of
operation uh the most surprising aspect
of the operation um
uh
you know,
a very surprising sort of action. Um,
and
what was I guess first thing that why
was it surprising? Why was this
abnormal? What was the US trying to
accomplish and what was Japan trying to
accomplish? And and did it work?
>> Okay, um
So,
um
Japan has had
in recent years what I would call an
overly accommodative monetary policy.
Uh, in addition to which um
So, so as you know, they held rates at
zero for a long time. Now, that was
against background of years of low
inflation deflation, understandable, but
they've been very they were very
hesitant
to raise rates even as inflation climbed
wondering whether the
inflation was durably
going to
stay a sustainable 2% target area.
Um, and in the process the Bank of Japan
acquired over half of the JGBs, Japanese
government bonds outstanding. Okay, on
the fiscal side uh Japan has huge debt.
Um
Uh, I think at one point it was
general government debt was something
gross was somewhere around 250% of GDP.
It's come down since then.
Um,
but uh
the markets have their issues about
Japanese fiscal sustainability fairly or
not. And um
when the new prime minister came to
power, she uh advocated um
for, you know, increased defense
spending as everybody is doing these
days, but and also for some consumption
tax cuts on food. So, those were seen as
fiscally expansionary measures
um and given the high debt loads, I
think it
caused some concerns. Um
Interest differentials against uh US
Europe very wide. Yen weakens.
So, for the last 2 years, um
dollar-yen sometimes has gravitated
towards 160, uh which I think the
Ministry of Finance is responsible for
FX matters in Japan. Um and I think they
saw that as somewhat of a line in the
sand because the Japanese public does
not like the weak yen. They think it
adds to inflation and erodes real
incomes.
Um
but they're not going to change their
fiscal policy, and they weren't at the
time changing their monetary policy. So,
you know, what do you do? If you're a
policymaker, you got to do something.
So, you know, you
you
you jawbone,
um you rate check, and then you
intervene. And when they intervened, it
would basically take some of the short
position out of the market, so the yen
would rise, and then it would go back.
So,
I guess what I'm trying to say is
the markets were not disorderly. Coming
back to fever earlier,
>> fever?
>> No, they There was a misalignment in the
yen, but the misalignment was reflecting
the fundamentals that were there.
So, um
now you asked a bit about um
why was all this surprising and whatnot.
Um
>> Or was it? I mean, feel free to
challenge that premise.
>> [laughter]
>> So,
uh as you said, um
so, in this century, the US has
intervened twice, or three times now.
Uh
2000 in the euro, a collective G7
intervention. 2011, a yen intervention,
a collective G7 intervention.
Um as a general rule,
policymakers
believe that intervention can be
perhaps effective only in the short-term
for the for the major floating
currencies
when their markets are disorderly.
>> Mhm.
>> Again,
not a fever, not disorderly.
>> Yeah.
>> So,
so there.
Was this a G7 operation?
No.
The Treasury and the Fed
uh
Look, the US has minuscule foreign
exchange reserves, but half of them were
held by the Treasury, half of them were
held by the Fed.
Equal.
>> Mhm.
>> Equally invested.
To the penny.
In this operation, it appears the
Treasury went alone without the Fed.
So, so again,
not disorderly, not G7,
not concerted, Fed and Treasury go their
own ways.
Even if over minuscule amounts. So, I
find that
um
a bit surprising.
And um
Now, it's it seems that the Japanese may
be shifting a bit in terms of their
monetary policy outlook, that they may
be looking a bit at a faster pace
towards normalization. This has helped
to strengthen the yen a little bit in
the last few days. We'll see if it's
sustained.
Um a lot of expectation uh
Bank of Japan will lift rates 25 basis
points next week, whether that is going
to be
um
followed up more quickly than might
otherwise be expected uh will be a key
issue for the yen uh going
forward. Um I guess to the extent I
guess you could say that maybe Best Buy
this this yen intervention and Best Buy
joining in it
um
was a reflection of concerns that
instability in yen markets might uh
transmit to Treasuries,
um, and by participating,
um, in this, he could, again, help
steady the
Treasury market. But, as I said,
there are fundamental reasons why
Treasury yields are rising.
>> Yeah. So, to that last point, I mean,
one thing that I I we've I've heard, uh,
from commentators is, you know, Japan is
one of the biggest holders of of
Treasuries.
Um,
you know, if they were going to continue
to try to defend this, uh, you would
essentially you would
sell dollars and and buy yen. Um, how
much do you think the Treasury
Department was essentially motivated by
their
extreme interest in not having that
happen.
>> Um,
well, I think to the extent that you saw
Bessant make this call for expanded use,
uh,
country limits for the female account, I
guess you could say that, um, it was a
factor of a or possibility that was on
his brain.
>> Okay.
And And another question, so you
mentioned the it was not a G7 operation.
Uh, I I would say even more than that,
it sounds so the US also, I think, did
the somewhat a irregular thing of of
selling euros to buy yen. So, not
selling So,
uh, in doing so, as far as the reporting
is, uh, or everything reporting I've
seen, without even informing the the the
Europeans of that fact. Um, again, what
If that's true, how irregular would that
be?
>> So, um,
as I said, we we'd only intervene twice
in the last century.
And those were And they're G7 These were
coordinated G7 operations, you know, not
only did the technical people coordinate
on, like, how much you're going to
intervene, more or less, and where and
what times or what time is the BOJ going
to operate? What time is the going to
operate? What time is the Fed uh, on
behalf of the Treasury and whatever the
US going to operate? So, in addition to
to all that, we agreed on statements.
So, we put out a G statement. So, there
was plenty of coordination and
cooperation in those cases.
>> Okay. Yeah, so but a little bit less
this time it seems like.
>> [laughter]
>> Um so, uh one of the thing I'd love to
talk about so there's obviously the you
know, there's a discussion around
potential um
fiscal dominance, right? So, there's
always this you know, Treasury and
Treasury and the Fed they sort of play
uh you know, they they can sort of play
in each other's sandboxes a little bit
and
um and Treasury can sort of take over
some of these things. Um
we we mentioned so uh war shoes the new
um chairman of the Fed. Um
he uh in his speech at at Jackson Hole,
which is a large um
a big speech on the on the calendar
yearly. He recommitted to the 2% um
target, which again I think we've missed
for about 65 months straight now, which
is you know, starting to feel like a
trend.
Um
you know, how do you um
what do you how how is his job harder
now uh because of all of this? Um
do you think that um
what would you be looking for going
forward of course we have the FOMC
meetings uh next week I think. Um
are you looking for anything in
particular beyond just the
announcements of of rates um from those
meetings?
Um
should be a fairly interesting um
uh I mean, obviously the rate outlook is
going to hinge on inflation prospects. I
mean,
I I should say one could imagine a path
back to 2% um PCE target in 2027 if the
supply shocks abate, the energy prices
fall sharply, maybe some of the AI
abates.
Um I don't frankly see that happen um
given the latest CPI numbers yesterday
on PPI and today, um, I think it
would be really hard for the Fed not to
hike given that the market probabilities
are 90%.
Um, and as you said at Jackson Hole, he
was re-committed himself to price
stability and the 2%.
Um, and he said that financial
conditions were not restrictive. Um, and
he kind of said the labor market's fine.
So, that was interpreted hawkishly. Um,
he left his options open, of course. Um,
but I I think it's really going to be
would be hard for him
not to go along with
a rate hike and I think it would be very
bad for his credibility if he
didn't, though it may cause him some
troubles with certain people at
Pennsylvania Avenue, 1600.
Now, um,
what I find, um,
interesting, um,
so,
I mentioned FEMA. Well, I mentioned, um,
buybacks.
>> Yeah.
>> Th- those have implications for the
Fed's balance sheet. Um,
now,
my sense, so Trump and Bessen want lower
interest rates, short and long end.
>> Mhm.
>> Warsh kind of has basically said uh,
he'd like the long end by spoon-feeding
the markets less. He'd like the long the
markets to figure out where the
long-term rate should be.
Um,
but but if
Trump and Bessen
want
to use
want to see the Fed support lower
interest rates to reduce the
government's interest bill
or to keep
um,
the rise
in debt below the increase in nominal
GDP. That that would be symptomatic of
fiscal dominance and financial
repression, which is what you raised in
your question. That would fly in the
face of
Fed independence, I would think.
Um that would fly in the face of trying
get back to the 2% um
target. Um so I see some definite
uh
potential for
different perspectives coming from the
Treasury and the Fed. And um
uh
depending on how this shakes out, Mr.
Warsh may have a shorter honeymoon than
he might have expected when he was
confirmed.
>> Uh yeah, so I mean yeah, I mean to your
point, you sort of talking about Warsh's
speech, you sort of you mentioned in in
in writing that this he sort of avoided
the elephant in the room, which of
course is that fiscal dominance issue.
>> elephant in the room.
>> Um so I
it might be helpful to step back just
for a second. I mean so obviously look,
you know, the administration wants to to
they have a lot of
you know,
important priorities. Everything from,
you know, national defense to data
center build out and all sorts of
things, right? So it makes sense that
they want to borrow cheaply. Um could
you help um our viewers think a little
bit about like why
um why would Treasury and the White
House care about long-term rates uh
specifically in terms of the US economy?
I mean they obviously don't well,
shouldn't say obviously. They don't seem
to care an enormous amount about the
overall debt burden.
>> Nope.
>> Um so what is it about long-term rates
that that um
that would be um you know, important to
this to this administration? How does it
What are the economic impacts of that?
>> Uh
investment keys off of longer-term
interest rates. Mortgages key off of
longer-term interest rates. The housing
market is not doing well in the United
States right right now. The government's
interest bill is over 3% of GDP.
Government's spending more on interest
than it is on defense. Um so uh
rising interest rates will can tank an
economy. Um if the markets get the
jitters and um
start dumping US paper, that will
further ratchet up interest rates. So,
how are we going to deal with the
unsustainability of debt? Um maybe the
chickens aren't going to come home to
roost tomorrow, but um you know, it's
with these massive deficits, social
security financing problems looming
around 2032, the trust fund goes bust.
There there's some huge challenges
there. We as a society need to deal with
them. Um but again, the politics of our
country suggests that nobody is willing
to tackle um this fundamental issue. I
fear that uh it's going to take an
extreme market events to uh
force us to uh grapple with it.
>> Yeah. Uh I I totally agree, um
unfortunately. Um
Well, I'd love to let's pick up on that
last piece, which is like um you know,
extreme market events or things like
that. I'm not asking you to predict how
this is all going to unfold, but you
know, you you've written a lot about
dollar dominance and the so the role of
the dollar in the US and in the global
system. Um you've argued that, you know,
the dedollarization is probably
overblown in terms of, you know, the you
know, the the the the risk of some, you
know, a wholly new regime. So, what
what will this look like, right? I mean
again, if you if if we're both kind of
correct that like politicians are not
going to take this seriously until
something fairly dramatic happens.
Uh what would that be? How would
how would
I guess I'm asking you to to predict
more than I said I was going to, but
like what what should we be looking for?
What is this going to look like going
forward?
>> For dollar dominance? yeah. Yeah.
So,
this is a great question. I think it's a
important issue. Um
So, why is the dollar dominant? You
know,
there were some policy things that have
happened that
buttresses. But, basically, why is the
dollar dominant? It's
features endogenous to the United States
are properties. So, for example,
we're huge economy.
We've had
we've been a
we've tended to run good decent enough
macro policies. We've got the deepest,
most liquid capital markets in the
world. We we can offer a scale of
investable assets that no nobody else
can.
We've been a trusted ally. And I think
there was a Fed study that showed that
75% of Treasuries were held by countries
with some kind of military tie with the
US. Uh we've
good property rights, good rule of law,
Fed independence.
So, um
what's happening?
Um
uh
A former colleague of mine, Steve Kamin,
who was head of the International
Division of the Fed, and I have written
about termites feasting away on dollar
the foundations of dollar dominance.
Okay.
Big economy, yes. Trusted ally, uh
not so hot these days. Um
We're attacking
Fed independence.
Um our ma- macro
you know, inflation has been not too
great. So, um you could see that
basically
the termites reflect an erosion of the
foundations.
Um
Now, does that mean dollar dominance is
going to go away? No, as you suggested,
um,
partly because
who else can match us on investable
assets or the size of our economy.
Um, and in addition to which, when you
think about Europe, it has its warts.
Um, China, RMB has lots of warts.
Um, digital currencies, we'll we'll see
about that. I think that's overhyped and
and and whatnot. So, so what what I've
said and what Steve and I have said is
that the greatest challenge to dollar
dominance is not
the euro, it's not the RMB, it is not
stable coins, it is American
dysfunction.
>> Mhm.
>> Now, I don't think, again, we'll see
maybe some more RMB, some more higher
share for the euro,
>> [snorts]
>> more gold, more alternative this and
that. But basically, the dollar, um,
should remain preeminent. But
as we always like to say,
you know, if the dollar's role in the
global economy diminished because
everybody was performing wonderfully and
optimally and [snorts] running sound
policy,
who'd care, right? But if it's if it's
declining because
we're being dysfunctional and we're
upsetting global markets, that's going
to be a bad thing. And and the last
point I'll make is
as an American,
dollar dominance shouldn't be seen as an
end in of itself. If we're losing dollar
dominance because we're messing up the
US economy,
dollar dominance will be the least of
our worries.
>> Mhm. Yeah, couldn't agree more.
Um, and it you know, it also beyond
giving us a sort of tool of statecraft,
it it also confers enormous benefits of,
you know, exorbitant privilege and all
that.
>> Since you mentioned Well, I I don't
believe the privilege is that
extraordinary.
>> Okay.
>> we we gain on some seniorage. We have
reduced effects risk.
And
maybe interest rates are a little bit
lower, but real interest rates are
pretty similar in the major countries.
But as you said uh
>> Yeah.
>> You mentioned economic statecraft, and I
hadn't included that. It shows my
old-style thinking about economics.
>> Well, in the new world order.
>> [laughter]
>> Um
So, um my feeling about that is um
you are right.
Um
we
25 years ago we wouldn't have even
thought about it. But after 9/11, uh we
began to um think about it. Um and of
course, you know, if you you have a
carrot called diplomacy and a stick
called war, that's you don't want to go
to war all the time. So, sanctions um
become a a tool. Uh my view of sanctions
was
if they were multilateral
um and
framed around
a strategy, a coherent degree target,
and you know, they weren't
used willy-nilly or
you know, like kids in a candy shop, it
would be okay.
You know, I
That isn't to say one could preclude use
of them bilaterally, but
but basically to be responsible. I think
we've overdone it
um and um
I think that that
contains therefore the seeds of its own
erosion in terms of its
efficacy going forward. And I do worry
that that is another factor that will
uh
weaken the dollar's
role. That isn't to say that I I I
totally support what
uh was done with the Russian
>> Yeah.
>> um assets, um but but I I think there's
a balance there and I think policy
makers need to think more about how to
strike that balance.
>> Couldn't agree more. I mean, you know,
uh as as an economist it's in my
obligation to always say there's no free
lunch, right? Like these are not
costless tools. I have a colleague who's
a great uh former Treasury official from
uh France who describes it as sanctions
is like antibiotics, right? It's like
Look, just because they have, you know,
they build resistance, right? Doesn't
mean you shouldn't use them, but you
need to think about that sort of that
side effect in your sort of calibration
of it. And I think that's one thing that
it's hard for policy makers cuz you're
always you're faced with a problem and
you want to solve it and it's a it's a
it's a hammer and the problem is a nail.
Um well, great. Well, Mark, I before we
wrap up, um
I just want to ask you sort of two
questions. We sort of touched on this,
so so feel free to be brief on this. Um
as I mentioned, we have the FO FOMC
meetings next week. Um we also have the
Bank of Japan uh meetings coming up next
week as well. Um is there anything
particular you're looking for those
there? Um anything our audience should
be watching for? Uh and then, if you're
willing to,
uh you know, uh we already sort of
talked a little bit about the dollar
erosion, so I I'd love to ask you a kind
of a loaded question, which is if you
could talk to uh the secretary, uh
Secretary Yellen, um for 15 minutes,
anything particular in addition to or on
top of whatever you've said today that
you might want to uh
pearls of wisdom you might want to share
with them.
>> FOMC, BOJ, I'm expecting 25 basis point
hikes out of both of them next week. Um
I think the
maybe even potentially more interesting
question than the hike per se is how
they
articulate and frame the hike,
particularly with respect to
what might happen subsequently.
>> Okay.
>> I could see the Fed more seeking to
treat it as a one-off thing and they'll
worry about Yeah. Manana later.
Although, we'll have to see what the
dots show. And uh the BOJ, I think
that's a very real question for the BOJ
um
given the weakness of the yen and the s-
somewhat
seeming change in attitudes in Japan.
Uh what could I
uh I'm not sure what I could possibly
say to Mr. Bessant. Um
You know, I I would hope that um
You know, I I think this administration
could be
could do a much better job about
thinking about we need some real fiscal
restraint.
Um and we need to do a better job in
working with
our traditional
allies and I think
doing that would
um
help them cope much better with
China and uh
reinforce the
Western economies.
>> Yeah, our our network of partners is one
of the biggest advantages we have
against so many of our sort of
competitors with different systems.
Totally agree. Well, Mark, thank you so
much for for joining today on the Trade
Off. Really appreciate it and hope to
have you back again soon.
>> Great fun. Thank you.
>> [music]