Video summary
The AUKUS security partnership, announced nearly five years ago by the leaders of Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States, has evolved from a theoretical concept into a concrete strategic reality. Initially existing primarily on paper as an amalgamation of ideas, the alliance has now moved beyond planning to implement real capabilities under the leadership of current Prime Ministers Anthony Albanese and Andrew Barr, along with President Donald Trump. The core objective of this initiative is deterrence, achieved through two main pillars: the development of a sovereign nuclear-powered submarine capability for Australia and a collaborative framework for advanced defense technologies. This transformation required navigating nine different administrations across the three nations, undergoing rigorous reviews to ensure the partnership remained aligned with its original intent while emerging stronger with each iteration.
The first pillar of AUKUS focuses on an audacious undertaking: enabling Australia to build, own, operate, and eventually construct its own conventionally armed nuclear-powered submarines. This arrangement makes Australia the seventh nation and the first non-nuclear weapon state to operate such vessels, with the United States and United Kingdom providing the necessary technology, training, and initial platforms. The execution plan is divided into three phases, starting with a training and infrastructure buildout that includes embedding Australian personnel in US and UK nuclear schools and shipyards. This phase also establishes an independent naval nuclear propulsion regulator and introduces rotational forces of US Virginia-class and UK Astute-class submarines to Western Australia, laying the groundwork for the delivery of new submarines by the early 2030s and eventually Australian-built vessels by the early 2040s.
The second pillar extends beyond submarines to include a standing arrangement among the three partners to jointly develop advanced capabilities in areas such as undersea warfare, artificial intelligence, quantum computing, cyber defense, and hypersonics. Significant progress has been made in reforming export controls to allow engineers from all three nations to collaborate effectively on these technologies. A key signature project involves payloads and enabling systems for unmanned undersea vehicles, with deliveries expected to begin next year. The strategic advantage of nuclear propulsion is highlighted by the vast distances across the Pacific Ocean; unlike conventional diesel submarines that are limited by fuel constraints, nuclear-powered vessels can sustain long-term operations far from home ports. To support this, Australia is building an intermediate nuclear maintenance capability near Perth, reducing the need to send submarines back across the ocean for repairs during potential conflicts.
The success of AUKUS relies heavily on substantial financial commitments and the recruitment of skilled labor over decades, effectively making it both a sprint in specific areas and a marathon in its overall scope. As China expands its nuclear submarine fleet, AUKUS aims to maintain Western advantages through sustained funding and personnel growth. Diplomatic support for the initiative has grown significantly since its 2021 announcement, with broad backing from countries facing direct maritime pressure from China, such as Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines. Through sustained engagement and tangible port visits by US and British submarines, regional understanding has improved, clarifying the distinction between nuclear propulsion and nuclear weapons while building confidence in non-proliferation arrangements. As the partnership matures, future milestones will include the arrival of the first US submarine at HMAS Stirling and continued growth in industrial workforces to sustain this long-term strategic endeavor.
Read the full video transcript
Good day. I'm Charles Eidell, senior
adviser in Australia chair at the Center
for Strategic and International Studies.
Nearly 5 years ago this month, the
leaders of Australia, the United
Kingdom, and the United States appeared
together and announced a new security
partnership that got the world's
attention. Almost nobody knew about this
partnership outside of a small group of
officials even as they were forming it.
They called it AUS. Nearly a half decade
on seems an appropriate moment to take
stock to examine the original intent of
AUS, but also look at where it's been,
how it's changed as it's developed, and
critically ask whether or not it's
delivering on its original intent. Here
at CSIS, we've developed a number of
charts that will help us with that stock
taking. Think of it as the who, the
what, the where, the when, and the why
behind AUS. To walk through those
charts, I'd like to turn it over to my
colleagues, John Olstrom, who recently
retired from the US Navy and has just
joined the CSIS Australia Ter as an
adjunct fellow, and Angelina Bruno, an
economist with Reserve Bank of
Australia, who's currently working with
us as a thie fellow. Angelina John, over
to you.
>> In the early stages of this partnership,
AUS primarily existed on paper, an
amalgam of good ideas that had yet to
take form. Today, the AUS partners have
found their cadence, moved beyond
planning, and are putting real steel
behind the vision. AUS made its public
debut on September 15, 2021, announced
by Australian Prime Minister Scott
Morrison, British Prime Minister Boris
Johnson, and President Joe Biden.
Between then and now, the mantle of
leadership for this endeavor has changed
hands several times. Nine
administrations to put a number to it.
Today, AUC is under the purview of prime
ministers Anthony Albanesei and Andy
Bham and President Donald Trump. In each
country, AUS has gone through
challenging reviews. Reviews that asked
tough questions to ensure the
partnership was delivering as intended
and emerged stronger with each pass. The
very heart of AUS is deterrence whether
through conventionally armed
nuclearpowered submarines or advanced
defense technology development and its
deterrent effects is the lens that AUS
should be evaluated against.
Augustus Pillar 1 is an audacious
undertaking. The centerpiece of AUS is
building something Australia has never
had. A sovereign, conventionally armed,
nuclearpowered submarine capability with
the United States and United Kingdom,
supplying technology, the training, and
initially the submarines themselves.
Sovereign capability means Australia
isn't just buying submarines. It has to
be able to own, operate, maintain,
regulate, and eventually build them
itself.
Pillar one is the nuclearpowered
submarine line of effort. The
arrangement that transfers naval nuclear
propulsion technology to Australia
making it the seventh nation and first
non-nuclear weapon state to operate
SSNs. Its execution plan the optimal
pathway announced in March 2023 unfolds
in three phases. The first phase running
from 2023 is a training and uplift
phase. Australian officers and enlisted
sailors embedded in the US and UK
schools and submarines. Australian
civilians embedded in partner nuclear
shipyards. All alongside increased US
and UK SSN port visits and maintenance
activity at HMAS Sterling in Western
Australia
alongside significant infrastructure
buildout and the standup of an
independent naval nuclear propulsion
regulator. Phase one also includes the
launch of submarine rotational force
west as early as next year with the
rotational presence at HMAS Sterling of
up to four US Virginia class submarines
and one UK astute class submarine.
The efforts of phase 1 directly support
Australia's readiness for phase 2 which
focuses on the development and start of
a sovereign SSN capability starting in
the early 2030s. Subject to US
congressional certification is the sale
of the first of three inservice Virginia
class submarines to Australia. Phase 3
is generally known as SSN, the common UK
designed US technology enabled submarine
built in both Barrow in Scotland and
Osborne in South Australia with the
first British boat expected in the late
2030s and the first Australianbuilt boat
in the early 2040s.
Pillar 2 is the other half of August,
the part that isn't about submarines.
It's a standing arrangement among the
three partners to develop and field
advanced capabilities together. Undersea
warfare, autonomy and artificial
intelligence, quantum, advanced cyber,
electronic warfare, and hypersonics and
counter hypersonics.
For the first several years, most of the
work was to reform the export controls
so engineers could actually talk to each
other and build machinery to run
trilateral programs. That ground work is
now paying off. In May, the three
defense ministers named the first pillar
2 signature project, payloads and
enabling systems for uncrrewed undersea
vehicles with deliveries starting next
year.
The AA submarine chain links Australian
construction and basing sites to
established US Navy support
infrastructure. On this map, you can see
there are around 8,000 nautical miles of
open ocean between San Diego and Perth.
That vast distance highlights one of the
significant advantages found in August
pillar 1. With nuclearpowered
submarines, distance is less of a
consideration in what is achievable. If
you compare this to a conventional
diesel-powered submarine, fuel becomes a
significant factor in the submarine's
ability to conduct sustained operations
away from home port. This chart also
highlights the unique uh nuclear
submarine maintenance ecosystem across
the Pacific and exemplifies the
strategic nature of HMAS Sterling in
this capacity. It is important to look
at nuclear sustainment capability in
different locations like San Diego,
Banger and Pearl Harbor. Long distances
sustain sustain a submarine distances
which would prove challenging in the
event of a conflict in the Pacific. This
brings us to Henderson, just south of
Perth, where Australia, with support of
British and American partners, is
building an intermediate nuclear
maintenance capability that allows Perth
to service submarines itself rather than
sending them back across the Pacific.
Angelina, over to you.
>> Thanks, John. So on rawar submarine
counts the largest fleets three largest
fleets United States, China and Russia
are close in size but composition is
really important here. In particular the
breakdown between nuclear and
conventionally powered submarines.
Currently there are around 60 submarines
for each of the three largest fleets
United States, China and Russia. Most of
China's fleet is still conventionally
powered. In contrast, the American and
British fleets are entirely nuclear,
built to operate a long way from home
for a long time, and those are tools for
different jobs.
More importantly, that composition is
changing quickly. China launched three
nuclearpowered submarines in 2025
and is intending to expand its nuclear
attack and cruise missile force in
coming years.
Orcus is designed to maintain the West's
advantage in nuclearpowered submarines.
At its core, Orcus is a numbers game,
not just of numbers of submarines, but
the funding commitments to enable Orcus
to progress and the personnel required
to make it a success.
With regard to funding, the three
governments account for defense spending
slightly differently and over different
time horizons.
But the chart on the left communicates
the sheer scale of forward committed
spending reflecting decadesl long build
programs.
The chart on the right shows the
additional personnel each country has
announced it needs for submarine con
submarine con construction sustainment
and support.
Again, these time horizons differ
because each government is sizing its
workforce to meet both national
requirements and orcus commitments.
But the scale is the key point. This is
a very large amount of skilled labor
that will need to be recruited and
trained over many decades.
And this map shows the range of
diplomatic responses to Orcus today.
Overall, there has been broad support
for and little opposition to ORCUS.
Support largely tracks countries with
direct exposure to Chinese maritime
pressure, including South Korea, Japan,
the Philippines, as well as treaty
partners, including Canada, Germany, and
New Zealand.
The initial reactions
in 2021 at the announcement were
noticeably cooler, particularly from
some Southeast Asian and Pacific Pacific
countries, Pacific Island countries.
Since then, sustained engagement by the
three partners foreign ministries has
improved regional understanding of what
Orcus is and what it is for.
And that includes the distinction
between nuclear propulsion and nuclear
weapons and greater confidence in the
non-prololiferation arrangements around
it. Poor visits by US Virginia class and
British astute class submarines to
Western Australia have contributed as
well making the program tangible rather
than a hypothetical.
So I'll pass back to John now.
>> Thanks Angelina. It's important to
remember that AUS in many ways is both a
sprint and a marathon. The partners are
sprinting on each vital line of effort.
But when you step back, you immediately
see that this is a long-term effort.
Over the coming years, we will look for
growth in submarine industrial-based
workforces, sustained and significant
financial commitments, sustainment and
production improvements in national
submarine programs, the arrival of the
first US Virginia class submarine at
HMAS Sterling, and many other critical
metrics and milestones.