Video summary
The current conflict between the United States and Iran is characterized as a strategic disaster for the Trump administration, which finds itself trapped with no viable path to victory that does not involve humiliation. Initially, the stated objectives of regime change in Tehran and complete denuclearization have effectively vanished from the agenda; instead, the focus has shifted almost exclusively to reopening the Strait of Hormuz to prevent global economic catastrophe before the US strategic oil reserves are depleted. Despite months of intense bombing campaigns, Iran retains its capacity to inflict severe damage on Gulf allies by targeting critical infrastructure such as desalination plants and refineries, rendering continued military escalation politically impossible for Washington due to public aversion to casualties and the depletion of munitions stocks.
A central issue driving this stalemate is a profound shortage of American air defense missiles, specifically Patriots and THAAD systems, which were rapidly exhausted during just two months of combat operations. The US has redeployed significant portions of its stockpiles from East Asia to the Middle East, leaving it vulnerable in regions like South Korea and Japan while facing an adversary that can still shoot down advanced aircraft like the F-35. This logistical reality forces a stark choice between defending Israel or protecting Gulf states, as the US cannot simultaneously sustain high-intensity operations across multiple theaters without risking catastrophic failure. Consequently, Iran has adopted a strategy of attrition, refusing to negotiate while waiting for American resources to dwindle and global economic conditions to deteriorate enough that Washington is forced into concessions on its own terms.
The situation underscores the enduring validity of realist foreign policy theory, particularly as articulated by scholars like John Mearsheimer, who correctly predicted Iran's defensive capabilities long before they were widely acknowledged in mainstream discourse. Realism emphasizes state elites' pursuit of self-preservation over ideological goals or democratic promotion, a perspective that contrasts sharply with neoconservative ambitions for global dominance through endless war. As the US drains its munitions and faces rising domestic disillusionment among younger generations regarding military adventurism, the administration's ability to project power is severely constrained. While immediate economic hardships like high fuel prices are inevitable due to supply disruptions in Asia, these events may ultimately serve as a corrective force that curbs future imperial overreach and fosters a more restrained approach to international relations once the current political cycle concludes.
Read the full video transcript
Welcome back to the Radio Rothbart
podcast. I'm Ryan McMaken, editor and
chief at the Mises Institute. [music]
And today we're going to talk about
foreign policy a bit. Uh but before that
we do that, just uh check us out online
mises.org mises.org.
And if you like the sort of content, we
got lots of articles, podcasts,
lectures, all of that sort of stuff. And
you can get daily or weekly updates for
that if you click on subscribe at the
top of the page there at mises.org.
But since we are talking about foreign
policy today, I have on here Zachary
Yoast, who is uh an associate of ours,
had him on for a long time. uh has quite
a number of uh bylines on our site and
he's the one that stays up to date on
foreign policy issues. So, I like to go
back to him when I want to check out
some of the details of what's going on
with US [snorts] foreign policy and and
especially when it comes to some of the
more specific uh strategic and tactical
issues related uh to the military and to
US military policy right now. And so the
reason I wanted to do that now, Zach, is
because it seems, for me at least, it
seems that things aren't going terribly
well for the administration in terms of
Well, I don't know how many times we've
defeated Iran at this point. About 38
times, maybe 75 times. Uh it seems every
other day the US is going to uh just
pound Iran into oblivion and then they
will beg to surrender to the US. And yet
here we are months and months later and
that hasn't happened. So yeah, give me
your overall characterization,
Zach, of how um how the situation's gone
for the US with the the it's joint the
US's joint sometimes joint operation
with the state of Israel against Iran.
>> Yeah, I mean I think it's safe to say at
this point that it's been a disaster.
I'd say that
Trump is stuck. There's sort of no way
out of this situation that doesn't
involve humiliation.
Uh in my view, Iran is in a better
position strategically than it was
before.
It is obviously suffered great damage.
Uh but you can rebuild stuff and
the
I mean we can put it this way. Trump was
crowing about that Iran can't have a
nuclear weapon and that was supposedly
the instigation for this misadventure.
The nuclear issue has practically fallen
by the wayside and now all of the
discussion is about the straight of
Hormuz
because of its effect on the global
economy of course oil but other things
as well uh natural gas and fertilizers
and things like that and despite all of
our bombing which we'll talk about at
length I'm sure coming up all of our
depletion of munitions
Iran can still shut down the straight
and blow stuff up and uh still maintains
the capacity to basically
uh
wreck destroy all of the Gulf States. If
Iran needed to respond to US uh climbing
up the escalation ladder, they could
just destroy Gulf
uh oil refineries of course uh various
prochemical facilities. They could also
destroy the desalinization plants and
these places, these Gulf States would be
in immense trouble were that to happen.
So
despite our massive bombing campaign,
Iran still
is able to knock out a huge chunk of the
global economy. So uh the short answer
is it's a disaster and we're stuck
unless we accept a humiliating defeat
which Trump constitutionally seems
unable to do.
Well, let's go back to the early days of
the conflict because there were stated
outcomes and goals sort of from the
administration as to what was going to
happen and those were not the same goals
that are being stated now. And so,
correct me if I'm wrong, but the idea of
uh launching this attack on Iran was
regime change, by which the
administration meant a friendly regime
to the United States and the state of
Israel. Also, Israel was to give up all
of its enriched uranium and any remnants
of any sort of a nuclear program whether
used for energy or for weaponry
that was to be gone and basically Iran
was simply to well on top of that there
were these draconian versail treaty like
uh elements where it was like you'll
give up any ability to defend yourself
from us whatsoever. This is like the
demilitarization of the Rhin Land,
right? It's like we control it all now.
And these were absurd uh demands being
placed on Iran. But I think they thought
they could impose these by regime change
cuz if we just bomb Iran enough. But
then what they realized was, and this
goes to your explanation of why the US
doesn't just keep going up the
escalation ladder, is that suddenly Iran
showed that it could destroy US allies
in the Gulf. And so why not just start
bombing all of the infrastructure in
Iran? Well, because Iran then would
destroy all of the infrastructure in the
Gulf States, all of which have decided
to double down on being US allies.
And so they've basically made themselves
adjuncts of the US state. And that's a
that is a close-in target for Iran to
attack. And their ability to do this has
apparently nowhere near being
eliminated. So if they keep going up
then Iran could actually bomb
infrastructure which they have refrained
from doing for obvious reasons right
because then they still have that ace in
the hole if the US decides uh to keep
accelerating. But yeah, I mean is there
anything I have forgotten in terms of
the original stated goals of uh this war
and then we can contrast them with what
we're being told are the purposes of the
US war with Iran now.
>> Yeah, that sounds right to me. I mean
part of the issue was at the beginning
it was very vague and then the White
House press secretary just released this
huge list of everything in the kitchen
sink that they are hoping to accomplish.
But yeah, regime change and
denuclearization were sort of the two
main goals. And I point everyone, there
was a sort of very interesting reporting
from the New York Times from inside the
supposedly super secure situation room
where Netanyahu and the head of MSAD
gave a huge presentation to Trump
saying, "We can achieve regime change."
And reportedly the next day, Trump said,
"Well, the regime change will be their
issue, but we can basically secure
denuclearization."
And neither neither goal has I mean,
both goals are now, I'd say, further
away than when the war started.
Well, I think that's illustrated by the
fact that the stated goals now are
completely different from what they were
at the beginning of the conflict. It
seems the stated goal now was simply the
the return of the status quo ante from
before the war [snorts] because before
the war the straight horm was open and
there was general peace in the region
when the US's allies in the Gulf states
weren't being bombed into oblivion and
the US had bases all encircling Iran.
Most of the ones on the western side of
Iran are now being are have now just
been destroyed or rendered unusable. So
now Trump's saying, "Oh, I'm going to
open the straight." And you're right, he
doesn't seem to be mentioning the
nuclear issue anymore at all. So is
there are there any current goals other
than just opening the straight or does
Trump still occasionally throw out
regime change or something like that? I
>> I think really that the ultimate goal
now to which everything else is subsumed
is for Trump to save face. [laughter] I
think that's the overriding goal because
he is stuck in this mess and I think
he's realized it despite all of his
blustering which
has made him to me seem more impotent
the more he blusters. Uh but I mean I
he's like flopping around like a fish
out of water just he cannot escape this
situation unless he gives in to Iranian
demands. And those demands drastically
increased from the first ceasefire
memorandum of understanding to what
Iran's demanding now. And I mean demand
Iran has the US over a barrel. Uh, I've
seen people say,
uh, including some smart people, lots of
dumb people, but also some people I
respect who are smart and intelligent on
these issues, but they point out, well,
the we actually achieved a lot of
tactical successes against Iran. And
actually, gas, I mean, oil didn't go up
to $200 a barrel. Gas wasn't $8 a
gallon. But if you look at the I mean in
my I'm not some sort of oil industry
analyst but a lot of that is cushioned
by the US draining the strategic reserve
which is apparently at its lowest level
since 1982.
So the ultimate goal right now is for
just for Trump to wrigle out of this.
And as part of that, he needs to get the
straight back open before there is
global economic catastrophe, which he
will be forever labeled with. Um, yeah.
So, I think that's where we're at now.
Yeah, that was what one commentator
suggested was,
uh, Iran basically has stated at this
point that they're not going to
negotiate with Trump anymore, that
there's no point to it. Now, this tells
you right off the bat who's losing and
who's winning is Trump is the one that
wants negotiations. Iran is not. And
it's this is hard for Americans to
contemplate and that they're like,
"Well, their GDP is going to go down if
they they don't negotiate." Yeah, they
understand that. And I can, you know,
obviously I can't speak for the man on
the street in Iran who probably would
love to see GDP go up. But the regime,
which is very much in charge, just as it
is in the United States, is going to do
what it wants, just as the foreign
policy elites in the United States do
whatever the hell they want. And they
couldn't care less what elections say.
And that is we're going to preserve the
regime.
And how are we going to preserve the
regime? Well, we're going to undergo a
decline in GDP that's going to be
necessary in order to wait out this
administration.
We're simply not going to uh engage in
any sort of uh new negotiations, new
summits, all this stuff because as Trump
showed, right, this leads nowhere
because they were willing to do it. They
went to the table a few times and mostly
it seemed like a highly highly uh risky
situation where you might be bombed out
of the sky while you're sending
delegates to some sort of negotiation
either by Israeli Air Force or US Air
Force.
>> So now they're like what's the point?
>> So they're not involved in that anymore.
But one person suggested they don't
actually have to wait out Trump on this.
They just have to wait out until the
US's strategic oil reserve is empty. And
once they do that, then the US won't be
able to cushion oil prices anymore and
you will be facing a major global uh
would it be is catastrophe the right
word? Well, I guess it depends on how
you define catastrophe. It'll be bad. It
would be a bad thing. Let's put it that
way. And or as they um it would be a
downward movement in [laughter] the
overall standard of living. Let's put
let's put it that way.
>> Yeah. And so how long will that
strategic reserve last? Unknown. But
it's amazing that we're still looking at
two and a half years until the Trump
administration is out. And what's that
going to mean then in terms of the
global economy? Uh I'm obviously Trump
doesn't want that to happen. And so can
we say face? I don't know. As you say
and part part of it is it's not just our
reserves. It's uh especially Asian
reserves. uh they have various Asian
states have stockpiled a lot of oil. I
was shocked China has an enormous
stockpile much larger than I had
imagined but China has driven they've
pushed a lot for electrification. Um so
they have actually weathered this half
half halfway decently but places like
South Korea, Japan, the Philippines,
India, they are
not able to just keep waiting this out
forever. Um especially if you know one
option the US would have would be to go
back to our position for many decades
which was banning oil exports.
uh that would soften the effect here in
the US, although it would leave everyone
else [laughter]
uh high and dry. Um Japan's notably been
importing some US oil to sort of soften
the blow here. So yeah, the the I would
say times on Iran's side and part of
this is also because of our weapons
situation, the munitions issue which you
and I have been talking about for
literally years going back to you know
when uh Ukraine started and everything
uh we have emphasized this situation a
lot and now the chickens have come home
to roost and it's uh pretty astounding.
um just how everything has played out.
The war has been going on for months,
but roughly there have been like days on
which uh combat operations have taken
place. There have been about 60 roughly.
So I mean it's sort like the US was able
to wage sort of highintensity war for
two months.
That's it. How how how can our military
planners be contemplating a you know a
war with China or something like that?
Uh it's
>> well before you go on let's for the
people listening at home let's define a
little bit what the weapons we're
talking about here are right that you've
probably seen some headlines right about
missile depletion and a lack of arms
available. You hear about Trump yelling
at Hegsth about it. So what is it that
the US is running out of? What is it
that it only took two months for the US
to basically be in a very critical arm
shortage situation?
Yeah. So the the biggest uh munitions uh
I would say that usually are in the
headlines are air defense missiles. So,
these are Patriot and THAAD missiles,
and there was a shortage of these
before we launched this crazy uh
misadventure. Uh Ukraine has been
constantly begging for more and more and
more. And it's uh we've talked about the
mismatch here. These cost a few million
bucks and they're used against weapon
systems that cost $100,000 or less. It's
a, you know, just not a workable system
and they're extremely slow to produce uh
some other system that's launched from
naval vessels. We used an entire year's
worth of production back in I guess it
was 20 24 if I'm remembering correctly
when Iran and Israel were exchanging
fire after Israel bombed the uh Iranian
embassy I think it was in uh Damascus.
But at any rate, we we use these up very
rapidly. And CSIS has a report out.
They estimate that before the war
started, we had 2,330
Patriot missiles in the entire planet
that were under our control. Notably,
this includes stockpiles in East Asia.
You know, supposedly we've been pivoting
to Asia for like 15 years now without
any success.
>> Notably in South Korea, right? If I
remember correctly, a lot of
>> there. Yes. There. And then they also
had THAAD THAAD batteries there. And
they took them out of Japan in South
Korea and redeployed them to the Middle
East. So [snorts] we're like weaker in
East Asia now than when Trump took
office. Uh now it's estimated as of July
27th
that we possess 759
to 827
patriots.
So this is uh you know quite a drastic
drop and we used these this many up in
like two months of actual combat.
Imagine a China scenario. It's just it's
mindboggling.
Meanwhile, THAADS
we had 452.
Now it's believed we have 234 to 278.
So th this is like the main one of the
main topics of discussion because
as we were just discussing before Iran
has the ability to pound all the Gulf
states and Israel and there was a recent
report also that where uh some high
level brass person was like we can sort
of either defend Israel or the Gulf
states. We probably can't do both.
>> [laughter]
>> I wonder which uh which option will be
chose there. But um it's not just our
defensive systems though we are also
have used up a lot of offensive weapons
uh various uh types of ship launched air
launched missiles of various types um
tomahawk missiles.
Uh,
and the point is the one thing we're not
short on, we're absolutely not short on
all are JDAPS, Joint Defense attack
munitions, which are basically gravity
bombs that have a glide kit slapped on
them. We have like 140,000 of those.
It's estimated.
Uh, and they cost way less. They're like
a hundred grand
uh compared to these a tomahawk or
something like that. But the problem is
is that these have to be air launched
and they have to be much closer than the
standoff munitions we've been using. And
despite all of the blustering,
it seems Iran still has the ability to
defend its airspace.
Uh now it seems like ancient history,
but it was not that long ago. Listeners
might recall that Iran succeeded in
shooting down an American uh aircraft
and there was a huge scramble to rescue
the pilots.
There's also video proof that they hit
an F-35, which I'm not, you know, I'm no
expert, but I think the F-35 is
overrated and very expensive and not uh
very reliable. But this is supposedly
our top-of-the-line aircraft. Well, the
Iranians hit it with their ramshackle
air defenses after we've been bombing
them for weeks straight. So, uh, Trump,
you know, casualties are are
anathema
to the American public. So, Trump is
stuck there as well. If Trump was
willing to lose dozens of fighters and
bombers and whatnot, we could resume
bombing with Jans, but uh it was roughly
two weeks ago Trump had a big cabinet
meeting at Camp David where it was going
to be decided, you know, are we going to
bomb them back to the stone age? He was
blustering as the biggest campaign since
World War II. And the decision was made
not to do that. And it's pretty clear
from leaks that that's because Trump
concluded, "We literally can't." And he
was berating and fighting with Pete
Hegsth over the munitions issue. And
this indicates how out of touch Trump
is, which I'm sure part of it is the
fault of his handlers and toadies and
whatnot, but Trump reportedly said to
Hexath, "I thought that the munitions
issue had been taken care of."
This indicates he has absolutely no
conception of the production timeline
for all of these various munitions,
which will take probably two to three
years to get back to pre-war levels, let
alone build up uh for what is obviously
would be needed if the US were to fight
an honest to goodness war.
And I'd note that we've already
ameliorated some of this issue for us by
just cutting in line. Uh, you know, all
of our allies are always ordering
gajillions of dollars of weapons from
us. Well, the US has just said, "Well,
we're going to take the weapons that
were being manufactured for you so we
can use them, and we're just going to
push your order fulfillment back four or
five years, maybe." [laughter] So, the
situation is is not surprising to those
of us who have been following the issue.
I suppose it shouldn't be surprising,
but I'm surprised that we're at this
critical stage. We've let it get this
bad. And you might recall my more
optimistic note, well sort of optimistic
note back when we talked, we did an
episode right after the war started
because I thought Trump would try and
cut and run way earlier because of the
munitions issue, but uh that didn't
happen. But the munitions issue did
happen. So yeah.
Well, and and I should note, right, we
were talking about this in the context
of Ukraine in 2022,
like almost as soon as that conflict
started, we saw largely because it was
pointed out by guys like Mirshimer
that the US doesn't have the ability
because Russia was going in, they had
all this artillery that they were just
pounding eastern Ukraine with, super
cheap World War II era sort of
artillery.
cheap, plentiful, and expending insane
numbers of rounds per day. But then the
US is only defense uh in the for the the
state of Ukraine was was all these ultra
expensive defensive missiles uh to use
in drone warfare. So is uh this there's
this big asymmetry in terms of cost and
it was clear that the US was already
draining its useful missile its useful
weapons quick much more quickly than the
Russians were draining theirs. It's a
different situation in Iran it seems
where they have more high-tech missiles
that they're using. Right. Obviously
artillery
launched from Iran is not going to do
much damage except maybe just on like
the Iraqi border or something like that.
Um,
so it is a different situation, but the
US's response is always the standoff
weapons that are being launched from
naval warships or uh it's drone sort of
stuff,
but the Iranians have a tons of that
too, like huge stockpiles. And I don't
know if you've seen much on it, but it's
it's real sketchy information. It could
be that then they are actually even
being partially
uh restocked in uh cooperation with the
Chinese as well at least in terms of
some key parts and things like that
because why wouldn't you, right? If if I
were the Chinese and the Russians, of
course I would want the Iranians to win
this war. Uh, and so I would be shocked
if they weren't doing something to help
at least prop up the availability of of
high-tech weapons that Iran still has
access to. But we should note that as
Mir Shiver was talking about this, he
was correct. He basically everything he
said about Iran has been correct at this
point. And I just keep up with him in
terms of why, right? He does almost
daily interviews now on various
podcasts. He seems to be on weekly at
least once a week on Npalitano's podcast
for example and a number of other places
and his message hasn't changed much over
time at all. It's simply been time is on
Iran's side and closing the straight of
Hormuz is a sort of defensive tactic
that's almost on the level of nuclear
weapons because it can cause major
global economic damage.
uh that is that is available to Iran on
the cheap and that right Iran doesn't
have to
um
invade and occupy foreign countries
which of course is very very expensive.
All it has to simply do is prevent ships
from going in and out of the straight.
And I I continued to see some headlines
at proTrump uh websites saying, "Oh,
look, another ship made it through the
straight of Hormuz yesterday morning."
As if one vote. [laughter] Overall,
traffic's down 99%.
But these proTrump people are acting
like it's some great victory that a
couple of ships made it through. and US
policy seems real muddled on it because
I think there's still simultaneously a
US blockade as well because they want
the straight of horm closed on the US's
terms and they don't want Iran sending
oil to Iran's allies like China. So the
whole thing's a mess but everything that
Mir Shimemer has said about it has been
absolutely correct. He said what they
were going to do. I think the one place
he's been a little bit wrong, I think he
saw more escalation
uh at this point than has actually
occurred. Although maybe he was more
tenuous on that. Also, he's been
predicting more horrible escalation in
Ukraine and Russia, which thankfully has
not yet happened at this point. But the
over overall the overall message is Iran
just has to wait this out. They just
have to wait it out until the global
economy is in shambles and then Iran
will be uh easy to negot Iran will find
it much easier to negotiate with other
countries like the US or maybe we'll
negotiate separate pieces with different
countries outside the US. Uh but yeah,
what would you say is is Mir Shimemer
coming out looking good at this? I think
uh this is I the guy's like 80 years
old, but he uh this is kind of his
moment to shine, I think, in terms of
it's only taken a couple of months for
him to look like he's smart and all of
the administration people are dumb.
>> Yeah, I think he's 76 if I recall
correctly, which my knowing that might
be an indication I I'm not unbiased. I'm
a very big fan [laughter] of Mshimer. I
don't agree with him on everything. uh
people can read my somewhat critical
review of his recent book at the
Independent Review. But yeah, I mean I
think he has been proven quite quite
right. And uh one thing that's sort of
shocking really is that as far as I have
been able to find uh Trump uh Mirshimer
has never once been called to testify
before Congress despite his you know
quite anyone even his opponents would
say he has quite quite a high status.
He's never been called in to testify.
And I I know for a fact that uh in 2016
he was never at least as of you know
midy year of 2016 he was never contacted
by the Trump administr uh the Trump
campaign despite you know their rhetoric
that somewhat you know aligned with his
way back in the day. But um
yeah, I mean I think he was quite right
and
uh you know I I have a friend who works
in foreign policy in DC and he relayed
this story to me where a different
realist it was not me or Shimemer but a
different realist had made a prediction
and that prediction had come true and my
friend you know emailed this realist and
was like wow you were right about that
and the realist who was you know rather
humble said well realism's pretty good
theory to understand the world. So
[laughter]
yeah, I I think uh that Mirshimer and
other realists emphasize some sort of
key fundamentals
uh that are useful and Mirshimer says
this many times. There's a lot of uh you
know this is a slight tangent but
there's a lot of misunderstandings about
the theory of realism.
You know Mirsh it is a theory. Mirshimer
says it's a way to simplify the world so
that you can understand it and make
predictions. And in his words, he said
it many times. He thinks it's right
about 80% of the time. So anyway,
yeah, it's I mean, yeah, we can do a
little side piece about realism here,
right? If you go through school, you do
your inter international relations
stuff, they'll teach you about realism
that you've got the levels of analysis
and so on. Realists just tend to tell
you that the the inner workings of the
regime don't matter that much. That each
regime just simply seeks
self-preservation and whether it's
democratic, whether it's dictatorial
is not a deciding factor a lot of the
time and that it's really just the state
elites that determine foreign policy.
And Rothbart agrees with this
wholeheartedly. You can see in in his
analysis on war, peace in the state and
an anatomy of the state, he says this,
right? foreign policy is the domain of
these these state elites who make
decisions based along what he doesn't he
doesn't say this but based along realist
lines in terms of they're making
decisions based on self-preservation and
it fits well together uh with realism
very much the Rothbardian uh view of the
international system obviously he has
some slightly different goals and I
think he would tend to be he would be on
the the the far end of the realists who
want to reduce armaments as much as
possible. Right? Some realists are a
little bit more supportive of heavily
heavily preparing for the next war. Some
believe, especially in the US, that they
the oceans are sufficient to provide a
significant buffer in terms of defense.
Obviously, if you're a realist in
Poland, that's a very different
situation than being a realist in North
America. uh we have uh the benefit of
just simply send out the navy, alert the
uh the guys who man the missile silos
and you don't really have to engage in a
bunch of international action. Uh beyond
that situation is different if uh you're
Switzerland in 1936 or you're Poland in
basically uh Poland at any time or the
last 500 years or so.
But you could clearly see that realism
in terms of if we're out there looking
for an international relations
uh system and theory, that's the closest
we're going to get, I think, to uh what
what currently we would call libertarian
or classical liberal sort of thinking in
my view. And I was recently reading a
chapter from
uh Lou Rockwell's book against the state
and he's got a chapter in there called
the war system. very very long chapter,
very extensive where he just talks about
foreign policy broadly and yeah and he
says look the realists because he's
talking about it in the context of the
old Iraq war and all of that stuff and
he's noting the realists are the only
sane people here in I mean they're not
really ever in power in Washington but
they have some presence there and he was
saying these are the only sane people
near the US government in terms of
foreign policy and they're basically
realism um is hated of course by the
neoconservative
high highly ideological groups that
think we'll establish democracy in every
country and it'll just be non-stop war
until the United States dominates and
rules the entire world and creates
puppet regimes everywhere. Realists
don't see that as worth the the price at
all. And so realists just end up being
the the group that is in favor of
restraint and sanity. I would say from a
libertarian point of view. Now I don't
agree of course on everything with
Mirshimer either uh especially since
he's an offensive realist whereas I'm a
defensive so we have kind of a different
overall view of the international system
but I mean who would have been who would
have led us to a better more peaceful
more prosperous world over the last 12
years if if Mirshimer had been in charge
versus Biden and Trump. I bet it would
have been like night and day. And so now
this is what we're stuck with is just
the usual nonsense coming out of the
foreign policy blob. And so here we are.
He looks great on podcast, but as you
note, he's never been really consulted
as by by his own words, I think seven or
eight years ago. Someone asked him,
"Do people in Washington ever ask you
about this?" He says, "I've never been
consulted by anyone at any high levels
of power in Washington whatsoever." So
that's just that's just where we are
now. Um, and so I just want to know and
I've noted this a couple of times on the
website is often we get these critics
who think that Rothbart was some sort of
pacifist or that our editorial line at
mises.org is pacifism and absolutely
not. Uh Rothbart always viewed defensive
warfare as justified especially
non-state defensive warfare. Right? his
special place in his heart for partisan
guerrilla warfare which of course was
non-state sort of military action and
which in his view won the American
Revolution and has won in quite a number
of other wars throughout history against
major powers. Uh so this idea that yeah
just just give up and let the guys with
the guns do whatever they want and but
we'll read some books and then they'll
come around to our point of view and
give us freedom that has never been a
Rothbartian position but I hear it all
the time from people uh who think it is
the Rothbartian position. But yeah, if
you want just kind of I think a general
good introduction to what is just much
more sane foreign policy, yeah, you can
consult the work of the realists. And I
think that just goes a long way towards
setting you on a more reasonable road.
>> And one one last note on that in terms
of the realists literally putting their
money where their mouth is. I think I've
mentioned it before, but uh I I
literally have a copy hanging on my
wall. Uh in I think it was uh 2002
uh Mirshimer and a bunch of other
realists with a few other people who
were not realists paid $50,000 of their
own money in in in 2002 money uh to take
out a full page ad in the New York Times
entitled war with Iraq is not in
America's national interest.
And uh I have I have the autograph of
six of the signators on my copy. It's
one of my most prized possessions. And
uh for the economists in the audience,
Thomas Shelling was actually one of the
signators as well. I don't have his
autograph, but uh the story is that the
day before this was supposed to go to
print uh Condisa Rice called Mirshimer,
well called the office at the University
of Chicago to dissuade him basically to
call call it off.
And uh the story is that Mir Shimemer
told you know the department secretary
like just just tell her I'm busy and and
to call back tomorrow went to print the
next day and uh she never bothered to
call back. But uh anyway, yes, enough
enough realism uh fanboying I suppose
for [laughter]
well as a final question for you then is
playing off a little bit about what
Mshimer is talking about in terms of
escalation in Eastern Europe, but also a
number of other commentators have noted
this as well is that it seems the
conflicts in Ukraine and in the Middle
East have merged in terms of right the
US is involved in both and weapons can
only be used in one theater or the
other. They can't be used in both.
Resources only go so far. Europe, right?
We got German crazy people asking how we
can kill more Russians
uh in um press junkets and so on. I mean
that this whole NATO obsession with
Russia
and their their desire to increase
armaments not for not in a defensive
capacity but we want Europe to rearm so
it can go to war with Russia seems to be
the desire in Europe right now. And then
of course you've got the state of Israel
never really wants to end uh the
constant military action uh in terms of
mowing the lawn as they like to say
against all of their neighbors. So,
we're starting to see uh these blocks
form, right? You've got the Israeli
Saudi block, which has also brought in
Morocco, interestingly enough, uh
related to hm that interesting invasion
of Spanish territory recently. Uh this
block is is is forming up. You've got
the Russian, Chinese, Iranian block.
You've got the the NATO US block in in
Europe. And so, some people are
characterizing this as essentially World
War III. Now, we always knew when I was
a kid in the 80s, we always imagined
World War II would begin with a nuclear
exchange.
Uh if this is World War II, clearly uh
that's not beginning that way. Let's
hope it doesn't end that way. But it
does seem to be slowly congealing into
uh one conflict. You can only imagine if
the Turks somehow get into it in some
way, that would basically create almost
a territorial cohesion between all of
the uh the belligerent. So, what do you
think of this narrative? Do you think
that it's heading in that direction of
of a
of it's already a global conflict, but
in some sort of global hot war? Is it
moving in that direction or are are the
major powers
I can't say wise enough because they're
not that uh afraid enough, reticent
enough, uh unsure enough to avoid
getting into that sort of major
situation? I don't know. What do you
think?
>> Yeah. So, there there was this talk of
the wars merging, especially after
Ukraine struck an Iranian vessel in the
Caspian Sea
with the claim that it was transporting
munitions and stuff.
And
I viewed that as a
attempt for Ukraine to chain gang, as
the term goes, uh the US into direct
conflict with Russia trying to merge the
wars. Uh because Trump can't lose face
in the Iran situation. It it's so
directly tied to him. whereas he will be
able in my opinion to cut the losses in
Ukraine were things to go south there
which I think they're headed in that way
very slowly. Um I I I'm not too
concerned about a this huge sort of hot
war confflration springing up in part
because as we were just discussing this
lack of munitions
uh if we can't bomb Iran
in this way that Trump wants to, how can
we then expand the war uh to directly
into conflict with Russia? I don't think
that that's very possible.
I will say to your point about nuclear
weapons because of our terrible
uh stockpile situation,
there is more rumblings of that the US
will have to rely on nuclear deterrence
in East Asia
because we we've literally packed up all
of our weapon systems in East Asia,
shipped out, you know, there have been
periods of time where there's not an
aircraft carrier in East Asia, you know
this is craziness. If we're literally
planning to uh pivot there, I think the
Chinese are not foolish enough to try
and invade Taiwan right now. Um
I think rather the Chinese seem more
patient in terms of long-term thinking.
They are, I'm sure, looking with glee at
this situation though for the most part.
Of course, there's economic pain, but I
mean, the US
has demonstrated how poorly it would
perform. I mean, it it can't beat Iran.
How can it defeat
China
a 100 miles away from its coastline? I
mean, Iran is able to keep the US Navy
quite far away at sea from the Iranian
coast.
how how would we even get close enough
to support Taiwan in this nightmare
scenario? I mean, the losses would be
catastrophic. So I I hope the Chinese
will exercise restraint. And uh I think
Mike Michael Brendan Doerty at National
Review had a thoughtful piece I think in
2020 20 late 2025 maybe where he
basically said that the next president
is going to be very constrained by Trump
using up US munitions. And this was in
the context of the Houthis and the
12-day war. And I recently saw him
comment, "Well, I was wrong here because
uh Trump has constrained himself now."
Uh so it's it's sort of like uh I've
been, you know, trying to be more
uh [sighs and gasps]
reflective on the situation here. Let's
end on a slightly positive note here,
okay? [laughter]
And I would I'd encourage the the
listeners to think or to look up the
dowist parable of the old man and the
lost horse.
And in brief, you know, there's this old
Chinese man. His horse runs away. The
villagers say, "Well, that sucks." And
then the old man says, "Well, we'll have
to see." The next day, the horse returns
with a whole herd of wild horses that
decided to follow it home. The villagers
say, "Well, that's sure, Lucky. That's
great." And he says, "Well, we'll have
to see." The next day, his son is uh
training some of these wild horses and
gets bucked off and breaks his leg and
they go, "Oh, that's terrible." And he
says, "Well, we'll have to see." And
then the next day, the final day, the
government ministers come around to
draft the young men into the war. And of
course, they reject his son who has a
broken leg.
And uh the moral I mean there's many
layers to this story but uh I've been
thinking about it in the context of this
disastrous war. Total mistake. We should
not have done it. But I think we are
achieving some silver linings which I
suppose I could conclude on. One being
the US has constrained its ability to go
on adventuring because we're we're
literally running out of munitions.
So hopefully this will reduce our
uh sort of Trump's varying degrees of
interest in the Ukraine war. Hopefully
he's just like, "Well, that's on the
bottom of the the list right now." And
our ability to go up the escalation
ladder in Iran is greatly limited. And
of course, China. Another silver lining
to the situation is that the youth that
I have talked to which range from both
sort of white collar, you know, people
in law school, people working at think
tanks to, you know, relatives and
friends who work literally in like
factories here in Pittsburgh.
The and of course the exit polling from
the Thomas Massie primary also
demonstrates this. The youth are so sick
of American foreign adventuring,
military adventurism, h they've become
quite disillusioned with it and
disillusioned with Trump as well. So,
whoever's going to try and win them over
next time, there's any sensible people
like JD Vance who can claim at least
he's opposed the war and you know
there's some record of him doing that.
That'll be to his advantage. and other
people who might not have opposed the
war, they'll have to pretend they did.
So I think that's also good. And related
to that is that the US opinion of Israel
is continues to sink, especially among
young people. Uh I mean,
I know someone who works at a factory
and the factory literally gave everyone
a paid half day off so they could go and
vote for Trump on election day 2024.
And my friend who works at this factory,
his assessment of the mood of people on
the factory floor after this war started
was in their analysis that Trump
launched this war because he was being
black by black blackmailed by Israel
over uh Epstein. Okay, [laughter] so uh
these are long-term trends that I think
are positive and everything is terrible
right now, especially if you have to go
fill your gas tank up. many other
issues. We might have quite some
economic hard times ahead, but in the
long term, this can, you know, work out
for the good. Hopefully, potentially.
That's that's the positive note I'll end
on.
Yeah, I don't have anything to add to
that. I I totally agree. And yeah, I I
get a similar vibe from from younger
people especially. There's there does
seem to be a big difference between the
over 65 crowd and the I would say even
under 50 crowd in terms of how they're
viewing the direction of the US and
where things are headed and time is on
the younger people's side [laughter] in
terms of where things are going to look
in 10 years in terms of politics
assuming something major doesn't change
that affects uh the public's ideology
but uh we shall see and I do Thank
everyone out there for tuning in this
time. Thank you, Zach, for uh joining me
this time. Uh we, you know, I don't like
to do too much foreign policy stuff week
after week u because that but that's
just about what's in the news has been
in the news so much lately. But this
last time I think we had something more
to sink our teeth into in terms of just
how the policy situation has changed so
dramatically from what it was a few
months ago. But we'll know more after
election day. So, we'll at the yeah,
Zach, you and I will have to connect at
least uh by November to kind of talk
about what the future of foreign policy
will be for that. Uh so, thank you
everyone out there for listening. Uh
we'll be back more in the near future
with Radio Rothbard. So, we'll see you
then.