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Good Government, D3, Drew Pearson Films, Washington Merry-Go-Round.

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Drew Pearson opens his report by asserting that Washington D.C., despite its grandeur and historical significance built by American forefathers, belongs entirely to the citizenry rather than the politicians who merely occupy it as temporary servants. He emphasizes that while Congress members and Supreme Court justices work for the public and depend on their reactions, they are ultimately human beings prone to error or corruption unless kept in check. Pearson argues that unlike citizens in most other nations, Americans have a unique opportunity to scrutinize their government closely because of its proximity; however, this closeness demands constant vigilance from voters who must remain alert to ensure the servants they elect continue to serve the public interest rather than private agendas. The core argument presented is that maintaining a good and clean government requires citizens to look beyond simply casting a vote at the polls and instead investigate exactly what money backs those campaigns, as large financial contributions almost always come with an expectation of return favors. Pearson illustrates this dynamic through two specific examples involving major donors: first, the Rockefeller family's strategic splitting of $85,000 in donations across multiple Republican committees to circumvent individual contribution limits, which resulted in their relatives securing high-profile positions such as Ambassador to England and a White House post; second, contributions from liquor executives like those at Seagram Distillers that allegedly led to oil drilling permits being granted within protected wildlife refuges despite previous restrictions. These cases serve as evidence of how significant financial support translates directly into political influence over legislation and appointments. Pearson further exposes the darker side of campaign finance by detailing a secret check for $5,000 from Superior Oil Company accepted by President Eisenhower's dinner committee during a critical debate on natural gas rates, contrasting it with an earlier rejected offer to a senator that was publicly exposed but led to legal indictment only when refused. He highlights how such transactions often occur in cash or through complex routing via employees and family members to avoid public record, creating a system where big business can effectively buy favorable outcomes ranging from tax breaks and government contracts to specific legislative changes like higher natural gas rates for their products. The transcript concludes with Pearson's urgent call to action for citizens to actively investigate these hidden contributions, report them to authorities if discovered, and demand the election of honest men who will not be swayed by wealth, asserting that true democracy can only survive when voters refuse to loaf on their civic duty and hold their government servants accountable.
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Hello everybody. This is Drew Pearson. Today I want to report to you on what I think is the biggest story in the nation. Keeping a watch on the capital of the United States. Now, you may not consider it such an important story at first, but I think it is because this is your capital. Your forefathers built it, paid for it, and it belongs to you. It doesn't belong to the congressmen who have offices up there. They come and go. They're elected and defeated depending on whether you want them to stay. They work for you. You pay for them. And if they don't do a good job, you can get rid of them. And the Supreme Court judges who work in this beautiful building across the park from the capital, they also work for you. They interpret the laws for you. The laws which your congressman pass. They don't only work for you, but in a very real sense, they depend on you because even our Supreme Court keeps an ear to the ground of public reaction. And of course, the White House, which I regard as one of the most beautiful buildings in the world, also belongs to you. I always get a thrill when I walk by and look at its stately simplicity. You could go in that building anytime you're in Washington any day except Sunday because it belongs to you. Now, I don't know of any country except England and the British dominions where people can be so close to their government, such a part of it. And I say this as a newspaper man who makes it his job to watch the government and criticize it when necessary. I think I know what I'm talking about when I say that on the whole it's a good government, but the only way to keep it clean and good is by watching it. You, the American citizen and voter, have to be alert. You have to watch these servants of yours in Washington because they're only human. And in a minute, I'll be back to point out some of the ways you need to watch them. Now to have good government, you have to scrutinize the people you pick for government, the people you vote for both before and after election. I think few other countries in the world these days outside of Western Europe, the British Empire, and some Latin American nations have the free elections that we enjoy. So it isn't enough for us merely to go to the polls to vote. We have to know who and what we're voting for. Now, one of the big things to watch in any election is who puts up the money for a political campaign. Where does it come from? Does it come from big business, from labor, from people who want ambassadorships or from whom? Now, most people who give large amounts of money to a political party, whether it be the Republicans or the Democrats, want something in return. And it takes a lot of money to run a national election. About $23 million was spent at 52. The Democrats going in the hole, nearly a million. The Republicans had an easier time because Eisenhower seems sure to win. And everyone likes to bet on a winner. The winner, of course, can hand out the political plums that the government controls when the election is over. So, let's take a look at how it works. Now, here is one example involving one of the wealthiest families in the nation, the Rockefellers. They gave $85,000 in the to the Republican campaign in 52. And since it's illegal for one man to give more than $5,000, here is how they worked it. Members of the family split their gifts up. John De and his wife each gave $3,000 to the Republican Committee, the Republican Senate Committee and the United Republican Committee of New York. That way, each was able to give $12,000 yet stay inside the $5,000 limit by dividing up his campaign contributions. And each member of the Rockefeller family followed the same technique. They gave $12,000 a piece to three different committees. John D. Third, Lawrence, David, Winthrop, and Nelson. Grand total $85,000. Now, what did the Rockefellers get in return for that $85,000? Two things. Their cousin and uncle Winthropri became ambassador to England, the top diplomatic post that we have. Second, Nelson Rockefeller became a White House 8. However, in all fairness, I think I ought to report that Winthra Bal has done a very good job as ambassador in London, while Nelson was one of the best men around Eisenhower. So, in this case, the American public lost nothing. In fact, I think they got two pretty good men. Now, here is another case, a very interesting one. One heavy contributor to all political campaigns, nearly all of it, has been the big liquor company. Then in 48, serums distiller split $50,000 between the Republicans and the Democrats. Well, in 54, Ellis Slater, vice president of Sigums, gave $2,500. His wife gave 3,000 all to the Republicans. Nelson Slater gave a,000, while Jay Gould, another serums executive, gave $2,500. Now, what did these Serums executives get in return? They got one of the prized unexplored oil concessions in the USA. is the lying wildlife refuge in Louisiana. Here too, almost no oil drilling has been permitted in wildlife refues. They're set aside under an act of Congress for the preservation of our rapidly disappearing birds and wild animals. And in previous administrations, almost no drilling permits have been given in these preserves during the entire 50 years of their history. But when General Frank Schwangle, head of serums, went to Washington and called on the Secretary of the Interior, Douglas McKay, his Frankfurt Oil Company, a wholly owned serum subsidiary, was given a permit to drill oil on the Lacazine Wildlife Refuge, one of the most important bird refues in the nation. Well, those are the contributions on the Republican side. Now, let's take a look at contributions on the Democratic side. Most of the big Democratic contributions of the past have come from labor. Not many big businessmen seem to contribute to the Democrats. And after John L. Lewis contributed $250,000 to Roosevelt's campaign in 36, labor has been required to earmark any money collected from union members for political purposes. In other words, political money has to be given freely, separately, kept in a separate account from regular union dues. Now, these political labor funds must be open to public scrutiny and for the most part have been very carefully spent. But here is one strange case where a big Ohio banker Cyrus Eaton contributed $35,000, believe it or not, to John L. Lewis's labor's nonpartisan leak. Eaton, one of the biggest bankers in the Middle West, wanted to fight against Senator Taff, but he didn't want to do it publicly. So, he contributed through John El Lewis. And here, step by step, is what he did. He deposited $5,000 in the bank account of his son, Cyrus Eaton, Jr. Then he put another 5,000 in the account of an employee, John A. Cruz. Then 2,500 more in the account of Dorothy Work, another employee. Then these three gave their checks to John L. Lewis's Labors Nonpartisan League. On top of this, five other employees of Otis Company, Eaton's Banking Firm, contributed to John L. Louis's group. So the total amount from Cyrus Eaton directly or indirectly was $35,000. That was one of the few times that I've ever been able to far it out when a banker contributed to a powerful labor leader. Now here are more hidden contributions. Contributions that influence the type of man you send to Washington. In the files of the Senate committee that's investigating lobbying is a secret check, one of the most important in Washington. It's never been made public. and the senators don't know exactly what to do with it. It's so hot it's almost burning a hole in their files. However, I've been able to obtain a photoat of this check. Here it is. Don't ask me how I got it. But this check is the real reason why President Eisenhower vetoed the natural gas bill. Also very important, it illustrates the evil of big campaign funds. the fact that when a big businessman gives big money to either political party, he expects to get something in return. This check is from HB Kek of the Superior Oil Company. The same KEK and the same Superior Oil that offered $2,500 to Senator Casease of South Dakota to influence his vote on the natural gas bill. Senator Case turned the $2,500 down, but this check for twice that amount was accepted by the Eisenhower dinner committee on January 10, 1956, right in the middle of the Senate gas debate. Senator Casease refused his $2,500 and exposed the whole matter in the Senate. But this check for 5,000 from the same man, HBK, National City Bank of Houston, was accepted at exactly the same time during the gas debate. And nobody has said a single word about it. Superior Oil was indicted for offering the $2,500 to Senator Case, but nobody has been indicted for either offering or accepting the $5,000 retained for the Eisenhower dinner committee. In fact, they haven't even made this check public. Well, that illustrates how important it is that you watch campaign contributions. The man who gives my big money usually wants something big in return. Whether it be legislation for higher rates on natural gas or lower taxes or an ambassadorship or a big government contract or an oil drilling permit in a wildlife refuge. I'll be back in just a minute. You know, of course, that campaign contributions are supposed to be registered for public inspection with the clerk of the House and the Senate, but this is not always done. A great many contributions are given in cash and given secretly. It's a hard job to ferth them out. But in my long experience in watching your government, I'm convinced that big money can be one of the worst influences for corruption, for favoritism, and for bad government. So if you learn of any secret contributions, write me or write the Justice Department. Remember, this is your government. It's your capital. It belongs to you. And you can't loaf on the job of being a citizen. If you want lower taxes, if you want more efficient government, you have to watch your government servants. And especially, you have to elect good men to be those servants. That is the real key to making democracy live. Heat. Heat.