Video summary
Ed Sheeran's recent US tour has become the center of significant controversy after he dropped Irish singer Mmore from his lineup following protests from the Israel lobby regarding Mmore's advocacy for Palestine. Despite Sheeran claiming he did not make the decision himself and expressed a desire not to let down his support acts, several backing bands and artists—including Aaron Rrow, Bio Yoga, Lucas Graham, and Phineas—publicly withdrew from the tour in solidarity with Palestine and opposition to lobbying pressure. This mass exodus left Sheeran without any support acts or his backing band, leading hosts to argue that his statement was vacuous and failed him both politically and morally, as he capitulated to external pressure despite possessing far more influence than the artists who stood their ground. The situation also sparked broader discussions on free speech, drawing comparisons to political figures like Keir Starmer and David Lammy, while contrasting the current UK government's fiscal challenges under rising inflation and interest rates with previous administrations.
The discussion then shifts to three distinct policy areas, beginning with a critique of pension policy where experts argue that increasing state benefits for homeowners who have paid off mortgages is inefficient compared to addressing the needs of renters. Advocates propose indexing pension increases to wage growth rather than inflation or a fixed rate, a strategy designed to create a shared interest among retirees in a high-wage economy while avoiding the stigma associated with means-tested benefits. Alongside this economic debate, writer Taj Ali discusses his new book, *Come What May: We're Here to Stay*, which documents over 400 years of South Asian presence and resistance in Britain to counter narratives of passive victimhood. The book highlights historical figures like Anwara Ditta, an anti-deportation activist who campaigned for her children's citizenship, and explores how informal self-organizing efforts at places like "India House" in London fostered collaboration between Indian students, Irish Republicans, and Black activists.
Further analysis covers the risks associated with the artificial intelligence industry, focusing on Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang, who opposes regulation due to his company's massive profits and lack of competition. Huang is noted for aligning with Donald Trump, who dismisses existential risks like climate change and AI takeover as "hoaxes," prompting a debate on whether Huang is less ideological than peers like Elon Musk or Sam Altman but still driven by profit. The segment also addresses employee concerns raised by OpenAI's Daniel Selsam, who warned that models are becoming "situationally aware" and difficult to evaluate when they believe they are unwatched, suggesting current safety testing may be insufficient. Finally, the hosts explore the influence of the "effective altruist" movement within AI companies, which prioritizes existential risks like human extinction over climate change, contrasting the central estimate of warming by the end of the century with catastrophic predictions from figures like Bill McGuire who argue for a linear increase in temperature that could render the planet uninhabitable sooner than expected.
Read the full video transcript
Welcome to Navara Live. Coming up
tonight, Ed Sheeran pandered to the
Israel lobby and it has massively
backfired. Also, an inflation rate spike
spells trouble for Burnham. Um, or Tage
Ali joins us to talk racism and
integration and Nvidia's CEO um has, I
think, unfairly ducked the worst of the
tech backlash because I think he's
actually the worst offender. We're going
to talk about Yensen Wang. Um, I'm
Michael Walker. I'm joined by Aaron
Bastani. Uh, how's it going?
>> It's going pretty well, actually. It's
my second show co-hosting in in two
days. Uh, I did do last week, but
obviously had two weeks off before that.
I'm I'm enjoying getting back into the
flow of things, Michael.
>> And I was saying you're looking very
hip. You got your Palace t-shirt on.
Second child, you're now kind of hip
dad.
>> That's it. Millennial. Millennial dad.
The gray hairs are coming as well. So,
the the more gray I get, the younger I'm
going to dress. [laughter] It's kind of
how it works, isn't it? Uh, it's it's a
tradition. It's it's a nice tradition I
think we should all hold on to. Um, if
you'd like to support our work, if you'd
like Aaron Basani to buy more branded
t-shirts, um, you can sign up at
navarmedia.com/sport.
He says it secondhand. Can I just very
quickly, Michael, before our wonderful
supporters say to themselves, Aaron is
wasting all of our money. First point,
all of us at Navar Media earn the same.
Uh, so it's not like I'm at the the top
of some pay scale. I'm just, you know,
flushing it down on clothes. Secondly, I
bought this from a great guy, actually
Merlin. He has a used um clothes shop on
Albert Road in Portsmouth. And he said a
great thing to me. He said, "What I want
to do is make available good clothes
that you really like. You enjoy them.
You have them for a couple of years and
then you can sell them if you like.
Maybe for the same price even. That's
the kind of ethos I'm trying economy
>> instill. And so I thought I'd give
actually Merlin a shout out. He's also
on Instagram. Great shop. Lovely man.
>> Fantastic. Um Aaron's wife is a
counselor. So, she's often on Instagram
sort of sharing all the local stores.
>> That's right. And and you're kind of
taking that on board. I like it. Um the
sort of the power couple of British high
streets. We reported yesterday on Ed
Sheeran dropping Mmore from his US tour
after protest from a powerful Israel
backer. Mackmore became the target of
the Israel lobby after saying this at an
Ed Sheeran concert two weeks ago.
>> I've been trying to figure out a way to
say this all day. One of the reasons why
I wanted to come on this tour was
because I wanted to stand up here
on stages and stadiums across America
and say two words that are very near and
dear to my heart. Free Palestine.
>> So Mmore saying that led to a number of
billionaire owners of major US stadiums
saying they wouldn't allow the edge here
in tour to perform at their venues
unless Mammore was dropped from the
lineup. Now, chief among those
billionaires was Robert Craft, who owns
the Gillette Stadium outside Boston. Um,
Craft has been pictured with Benjamin
Netanyahu because he's funded campaigns
to oppose BDS and has been given awards
um by the Israeli prime minister who
said of him, "Israel does not have a
more loyal friend than Robert Craft."
This is not very subtle. Um, now, as
you'll know, this led to Mmore being
dropped from the tour. Um criticism then
piled in at Ed Sheeran and he responded
um with a statement that included these
bullet points. Um and these are the
bullet points I'm going to read because
these are the ones that really really
backfired I suppose. Um so Ed Sheeran
said Makammore coming off tour was the
promoter's decision. It was not mine.
Makammore's contract for the tour was
with the promoter, not me. And but then
he says I would never let down the fans
who had made plans. Nor would I abandon
the touring crew and other support acts
and musicians who rely on me for work
and to make a living. Um so Sharan there
saying well it's first of all saying
it's not my problem although I presume
if you're the main act on a tour you
have quite a lot of power if you really
care. Um but the thing that I think
that's really undermined him is he said
there that one of the reasons that he
sort of accepted the decision of his
management or you know succumbed to the
pressure from these uh stadium owners
was because he didn't want to let down
his support acts and he didn't want to
let down the musicians who rely on him
to make a living. So he was sort of, you
know, doing other people a favor. Um,
there was a big problem with that
statement though because it turns out
his support acts and musicians had a bit
more integrity than Ed Sheeran. So Aaron
Row, an Irish singer songwriter who had
been booked on the rest of the US tour
and released this statement on
Instagram. So he said, "I have made the
decision to withdraw as a support act
for Ed Sheeran's The Loop North American
tour. I don't take this decision
lightly. Ed has been a friend to me and
has changed my life. I can never thank
him enough for this. But as Irish
people, we know all too well about
genocide, forced famine, and violent
occupation. I cannot stand by and allow
billionaires to use their position of
power to silence the rightful voices of
those who speak up against Israeli
genocide and who highlight the savage
murder of children. I would lose all
respect for myself to carry on as
normal. I need to be true to myself and
my ancestors who resisted colonization
and fought for a freedom that I enjoy
today in Ireland. Then it says free
Palestine. Um then his backing band
withdrew. So again that statement he
says that one of the reasons I'm not
going to cancel this tour or move
stadium is because of my backing band.
Well, one of his backing bands is called
Bio Yoga. Um and I hope I pronounced
that right. And they withdrew. This was
their post. So they said, "We have made
the decision to depart as Ed Sheeran's
band on the remaining US loop tour
following the silencing of Mammore by
Zionist lobbies. We are a traditional
Irish band who never saw ourselves
playing in stadiums of that size, and
that opportunity is not lost on us. We
have been friends with Ed for over 10
years now and will continue to be. We
believe in dialogue as a means of
progressing the plight of the
Palestinian people. Um the Danish pop
band Lucas Graham also dropped out of
the tour on Tuesday afternoon. Their
lead singer said, quote, "Money doesn't
give you the right to own the
conversation. Nobody's bank balance
should decide who gets to speak or which
suffering we're allowed to acknowledge."
Um and then the artist Phineas, again, I
hope I'm pronouncing his name right.
He's Billy Isish's brother. Um, he also
dropped out. So, he posted on Instagram,
quote, "Artists must not be silenced
when they speak up for the oppressed. I
have decided to withdraw from my
upcoming tour dates with Ed Sheeran. Um,
I stand with Palestine and its people."
Um, so that leaves Ed Sheeran with no
support acts. Um, and without one of his
backing bands. Um, now Aaron, obviously,
we're not leading with this story
because we're particularly interested in
the character of Ed Sheeran. I'm not
particularly interested in saying, "Oh,
Ed Sheeran, you know, he should have had
some backbar, yada yada yada." It's just
not my wheelhouse to care about that.
What I think is genuinely interesting
about this story is that for a very long
time, um, people, I mean, especially in
America, but everywhere, there's been a
real cost if you stand up to the Israel
lobby or if you if you don't sort of go
along with them when they're persecuting
someone close to you. So in this case
they were obviously persecuting not edge
but someone close to Mackmore and he
presumably fought and his management
fought well it would be too hard to take
a stand here so let's just go with the
tour and drop Mackmore
and I think what this is proving is that
there is a very powerful Israel lobby
but there's also a very powerful
anti-Israel lobby and this has really
backfired for for Ed Sheeran now and
this is not just going to be about Ed
Sheeran now whenever the Israel lobby
demand of a high-profile
you have to do what we say, they're
going to think, well, I could do what
they say, but then there's going to be
this
>> anti-Israel
>> community, which imposes another cost on
me. And it does seem like the playing
field has been to a large degree
somewhat leveled when it comes for
advocacy for for Israel and human rights
and Palestine in the United States.
>> It's somewhat leveled, but it's also
very clear which direction things are
moving in. Right. I mean, it's somewhat
level today,
three years after October 2023, but you
know, the Israel lobby and its strength
in the United States is really on a
downward trajectory. Um, I think that's
true. So, you know, we talked about
Michael Walker's wheelhouse. That's a
good place to start, isn't it? Costs.
Somebody who doesn't care about the
conflict, somebody who doesn't care
about personal morality, right, in the
abstract, would just simply say, "Well,
this position incurs more costs than
this position. I'm just going to pursue
this position." Which by the way, the
Zionist lobby operates alongside those
presumptions. They do the things they do
because they they speculate quite
rightly that most people most of the
time will behave like that. Uh with
regards to public relations, the
electric fence approach is often cited.
Nick Davis talks about this um in flat
earth news book which includes a lot of
um description about the Zionist lobby
and how they work in public relations,
which is to say if you do something they
don't like, you'll just get a little
shock,
>> right? So rather than going after a
sheer, they went after Mlemore. I think
it is not more.
>> No, I'm pretty sure Michael I don't
understand these people. [laughter]
Okay. My musical tastes are frozen in
time from when I was 24.
>> Um
they went after him as the kind that's
the kind of electric fence, right? And
so that's just warning Ed Sheeran. Drop
this guy otherwise we're going to come
after you too. Now, if you were being
very generous to Ed Sheeran before he
published his statement, you would say
they're putting him in a in a tight
spot. Now, hear me out here because I
don't think that Ed Sheeran is in any
way a victim here. Ed Sheeran's
statement was appalling, even if you
think that, because it is just true to
say that there are costs with both
positions here. His statement was
appalling. He is objectively one of the
most culturally influential recording
artists in the world today. The way he
was talking about himself was like he
had like no power at all, no influence
at all. It's quite striking that these
supporting acts with far more to lose in
terms of their future career and
opportunities have taken a more
principled stand than the person with
way more influence than them and
actually far less to lose. That's the
first point. The second point is this.
Even if Ed Shuran was indifferent to
Israel Palestine, okay, and I don't
think he should be, but even if he was,
the fact you've known Mlemore or Mlemore
for he says 13 years, 13 years. And they
are treated like this by a political
interest group.
They're they're defamed and smeared and
they're basically they're trying to
blacklist them. That's what they're
trying to do. If if Mmore McLemore were
blocked from this tour successfully and
then Ed Sheeran did it and it went
really well, then the Zionist lobby, the
Israel lobby would proceed to do the
exact same thing to Mmore repeatedly and
other groups like them. Okay? And he's
not stupid. I'm sure you can explain
this to him and he'd understand that
quite quickly. So purely as a matter of
principle, he should have Well, look,
hold on. I'm not interested in politics.
Well, you are when it comes to Ukraine,
but park that for a minute. I'm not
interested in politics. I don't have a
side here. You should kind of have a
side, but again, park that for a minute,
but I don't think this is the right way
to treat people, which it isn't.
>> So, he failed on two counts, Michael. He
failed on that statement, which is just
sort of vacuous and nonsensical. But
also, I think on a deeper level, he
failed as a person, you know, like
imagine if this happened to me. Imagine
if I was blacklisted by the Israel
lobby. You're my colleague. You've known
me for a long time, a decade or more,
and you did this. So I'd say look,
Michael, we've known each other does not
not count for anything.
>> And clearly in the case of Ed Sheeran,
it doesn't. So I think he's failed on um
two counts. Uh and then finally, Aaron
Row.
>> Yeah,
>> what an amazing statement. What an
amazing statement. And without
denigrating people in popular culture,
musicians, because of course mi
musicians have been politically
sensitive and and often influential and
thought leaders when it comes to
politics for decades.
The levels of now default political
culture on this issue on Israel
Palestine are so high, right? You might
not like that. We often criticize
Instagram and social media. I think
quite rightly, right? I pref I would
rather including myself I would rather
people spend more time reading than doom
scrolling.
However, we have to give these platforms
their dues on this particular issue on
Israel Palestine. People are more
informed than ever before and it's
because of you know the likes of
Instagram and social media. That's not
to say that those are net positive
technologies. I don't think they are.
But I think again, if you're going to
just listen to one side of this, the
pro-Israel side, you've got to
understand there are literally tens of
millions of people, I'm not going to say
hundreds of millions because it's not
just the people that are sympathetic.
There are tens of millions of people
with a very high political ideological
understanding of what's going on. And
when you do something like blacklist
someone, they have a very good
explanation as to why you've done that
and what to do in response. And I think
that's a really really big moment in
terms of Israel, Palestine, and the
broader cultural conversation. I think
I'm like you. I don't really I don't
like to get too interested in in stories
about celebrities and pop culture. This
is huge.
>> I mean, obviously,
if if the tour goes ahead, I think it's
still up in the air, but if the tour
goes ahead, I mean, it is quite likely
that the stadiums will be full. I'm sure
that the amount of interest on Instagram
that there is on this story, and it is
notable that all of these statements
that I don't think they were put out via
their press people. They all seem to be
sort of initially put out on their
Instagram stories, right? So I don't
think this sort of chain of events, this
chain reaction would have happened
without social media. Um, but I mean is
it's quite likely that financially
not many people are going to try and
return the tickets. They bought the
tickets anyway. I think that people will
will turn up and probably enjoy
themselves. But in terms of Ed Sheeran's
sort of position as a cultural figure,
it's like fatal almost. and that is
going to make people really think twice
before saying I'll do what seems like
the easy thing and go along with what
the Israel lobby are demanding I do. Um
this has become a political issue. Let's
go to um a politician who weighed in. Um
this is AOC.
>> Hey, if Ed Sheeran comes on the radio
while you're driving along, are you
changing the channels?
>> I am.
>> You are?
>> Yeah.
>> Why is that? I think that um what we've
seen especially it's not it's not just
what has happened with the act and not
just in removing Mmore from the lineup
but when you see what Robert Craft did
to line up all of the stadiums
to censor speech in that one specific
way it's become clear that this is not
just about one music artist or two music
artists but this is about how just a
handful of stadium owners and the elite
can prevent an entire massive
um issue, in this case the genocide in
Gaza. But it doesn't stop there. It
could be speaking out about AI. It could
be speaking out about any issue that you
can now just get a handful of stadium
owners to ensure that an entire person's
career um can be jeopardized if they
speak out about any issue.
>> Someone in the comments said Michael
would throw Aaron under the bus. I have
to protest that I'm a very loyal
colleague and friend. I would never. Um
AOC though I suppose adding another
element there which was about freedom of
speech. Um, it's obviously, you know,
very relevant in the United States and
AOC making the the point that if this is
a billionaire saying you can't perform
here because of something you said on
stage, then that has some, I suppose,
real implications for the first
amendment. Um, let's shift to this
country because discourse on Palestine
is shifting here as well. This was Ed
Miban speaking to the rest is politics.
>> Terrible what is happening and and
obviously I think it is important to say
this. All of us condemn in the strongest
terms the murder that Hamas did on
October the 7th, but nothing can justify
what has unfolded in Gaza since then.
And actually, you know, it's worth
saying since the ceasefire, the
so-called ceasefire, 1,200 Palestinians
have been killed.
>> Yeah.
>> You know, that is not much of a
ceasefire.
>> I thought that was really interesting
because again, that's you wouldn't have
heard that under Kharma because he's,
you know, under Kama people would point
out the plight of the Palestinians to
him and he would say, "Yes, that is
true." but then find an excuse to talk
about Israel basically whereas what Ed
Milliban he's been asked about October
the 7th and he said yes that was awful
duh but then said but also we're not
really talking enough about Palestine so
he he's very proactively bringing
Palestine into the conversation whereas
under Kisama when anyone was asked about
it they seemed embarrassed right he
seems like actually this is a good
opportunity to talk about this and I
think that is a real big difference
>> yeah he's the foreign secretary right
and he's the one that's saying a
so-called ceasefire you know he's not
some
>> some backbencher trying to make a name
for himself he is the foreign secretary.
He's the person that represents this
country on the global stage. Uh and
contrast and compare with David Lami and
Kharma. You know, that would not have
come out of David Lambiey's mouth. And
it's something that I've heard on this
show a couple of times, which I think is
so true. I think you've said it um as
well, which is all of this just makes
Karma look like a real cuck. Okay? And I
mean that politically, of course,
because he's he's basically over the
last two years saying, "Look, I'd like
to do something, but I can't. I can't
because we'll cut ties. The Americans
will lose the White House. Trump will
impose higher trade tariffs on us. I
can't. I'd love to. A bit like Ed
Sheeran, right? I'd love I'd love to.
You don't know what I'm really doing. I
love that part of Sharon's statement, by
the way. I haven't said anything. I've
not done anything, but we all make
change in our own way. Okay. Well,
you're doing nothing. Um, and it was the
same with what Kia Star and David Lammy
was saying really over the last two
years. We're all making change in our
own way what while not doing anything
which also by the way just speaks to a
sort of performative affective politics
which is designed for the media uh which
Ed Shiran and the former government
ministers Lami and and Stala all shared
and what's really interesting is you
have a new government come in a big
shift in policy you know there's a
recognition now of the illegality of
Israeli settlements in the West Bank
they have been subject to a bunch of UN
resolutions since 1967 finally
We're saying we'll sanction them. We
should have done it under Harold Wilson
long before I was born, Michael. Long
before you were born, but we're doing it
now. Better late than never. And guess
what? The Americans haven't said a word.
They haven't said anything. There's been
no negative consequences for any of it.
And so that just makes the previous
political position of the likes of
Lamian Kama look even more profoundly
ridiculous.
>> So Kama is Ed Sheeran, although less
successful and less popular. And Ed
Milliband is Mackmore. Is that how we're
concluding this segment?
kind of I mean kind of uh although I
suppose Ed Milliband is now the is now
the person in power you know the
equipment would have to be MLmore or
McLemore I'm pretty sure it's More
>> I'm [laughter] pretty sure it was More D
but you have made me doubt myself
>> MLmore uh you know the equivalent with
them you know winning some Grammys or
something I guess
>> yeah I think they did well they'd had a
very successful song once upon a time
>> yeah but they need to come back look if
Ed Miller can come back then Mackmore
can as well okay brilliant let's Hope
Andy Bernham is still having a decent
honeymoon as prime minister. He came
into office with a bunch of cheap but
popular policies and Edmund sanctions on
Israeli settlers have landed well with
the left. But the real threat to this
Labor government and pretty much any
government anywhere right now is the
cost of living. And on that front,
Bernham's just got his first set of
really bad news. So newly released data
shows that the inflation rate rose to
3.1% in August. That's a 0.2% increase
on the inflation rate in July. Um, and
there are a few signs that the cost of
living is about to or sorry, there are
few signs that the cost of living is
about to improve. Oil is still at over
$108 a barrel. That's after the Houthi
bombed a key Saudi pipeline. And
Bloomberg Economics reckons that energy
bills could go up by 25% in January. Um,
households with mortgages will also have
a keen eye on potential interest rate
rises. Um, now this week, the Bank of
England is expected to hold interest
rates steady. They have a meeting on
Thursday, but financial markets are
pricing in at least four interest rate
rises over the next 12 months, which
could leave rates at close to 5% this
time next year. And as inflation rises,
so does the government's borrowing
costs, which in turn make it harder for
them to meet their fiscal rules. Um,
yesterday as well, this has sort of got
lots of people talking. Andy Haldane,
who is the former chief economist at the
Bank of England and had been advising
Andy Bernham, said this to LBC. Do you
think there are areas in government
spending that Andy Burnham and John
Healey could cut without absolute uproar
in the labor benches?
>> Listen, any step in that direction would
would cost you something in in capital,
political capital with the backbenches
and beyond possibly. Um ultimately um
it's only by taking actions uh that come
with the political cost that you
convince financial markets that you are
serious. The Achilles heel, the fiscal
Achilles heel of this government thus
far has been its unwillingness andor
inability to cut public spending. Um,
among within financial markets, we've
gone from the cautious optimism of the
summer months to the studied skepticism
of September.
>> Show us something real there.
>> Show us it's for real. You know, the
market now suspects
that this is a traditional tax and spend
socialist government with better Tik Tok
videos. Andy Bam was today denied um
that he runs a tax and spend traditional
socialist government with better Tik Tok
videos. Um let's start on the inflation
rate and I suppose interest rates
because you know Andy Burnham is having
a honeymoon but if within 12 months
interest rates are back up to close to
5% then anyone with a mortgage is going
to feel a lot poorer and that's not a
recipe for winning elections.
>> Well, you know, we we talk about um we
talk about what Marxists call the
superructure. you know we talk about
culture and we talk about um expressions
of ideas and a good a good Marxist
Michael says look this is all an
extension of the economic base so some
people for instance say that um you know
the right will say some people on the
right some smart people actually would
say that identity politics was a 0%
interest rate phenomenon you know
actually when you've got interest rates
and inflation that go really high people
start talking about food prices it turns
out that's just a it's being provocative
and I'm sure to some extent it's true
right
what we're seeing now really since 2022
is this up and down process of returning
to material politics in a really really
hard way. So what do I mean? Obviously
energy prices, food prices were central
to the cost of living crisis 22 23 but
alongside that was a massive shift in
government finances because the cost of
borrowing went up. That meant that the
cost of servicing the national debt also
went up. Now don't confuse this with the
deficit. The deficit is how much you
borrow in order to, you know, make your
income and outcome basically square,
right? How much you how much you
borrowing to to to shore up the books
from people who are willing to lend to
your country on international markets.
That's the deficit. Right now, the
deficit in this country is about 110
billion. You know, doesn't matter too
much. If you've got good growth and you
got a little bit of inflation, a deficit
of three or 4%, which what we've got is
kind of okay. Okay? You don't want a
deficit of 10%. But three or 4% is fine.
Historically
the costs of servicing the debt are what
should really worry people. So I think
before 22 23 the the cost of service
servicing the national iss about 40
billion and immediately after
that those really high interest rates it
was about 110 billion a year. So all of
a sudden you've lost 60 to 70 billion
pounds. You've not done anything right?
You've lost that because the costs of
borrowing to service the national debt
have gone up. And consider this. I think
in a three-month period in 23 24 that
figure went up by about 30 billion. So
all of a sudden you're the government.
You're thinking, well, we've got to find
an extra 30 billion. Now the policing
budget in England and Wales is 16
billion. So in just a few months,
>> it's like getting two extra police
forces.
>> You've lost twice as much. you've got to
find twice as much money as you spend on
the entirety of policing. So even if
you're very prudent, even if you make
lots of really good decisions, if that
figure goes up in terms of the cost of
servicing your debt, you're in big
trouble. Um I talked about uh low
interest rates and and the sort of
political consequences of them. Another
really [clears throat] good example is
the Tories. Between 2010 and 2015, they
do a bunch of unpopular stuff and people
are saying there's no way they can be
re-elected. They didn't even get a
majority before. There was a hung
parliament and yet they go from 2010 a
hung parliament although they're the
largest party to getting an outright
majority for the first time as the
Conservative Party since 1992.
Why? There were 0% interest rates. Okay?
It means that people can get cheap
mortgages. They can get cheap deals with
regards to financing cars. You can buy,
you know, cheap beds on tick, cheap
furniture on tick. Your John Lewis card
is cheap. If you can access credit,
you're happy. You're a happy bunny. And
so on a bunch of measures. Obviously, we
know inflation gets people upset, but so
do higher interest rates. And of course,
so do higher energy prices, higher food
prices. And that is the world
potentially that we're going into with
Andy Burham. And this isn't speculative.
We did this four years ago, and the
political consequences were the tries
got completely smashed and Labour formed
the next government. I know that K star
and Labour first think it was because of
them, but fundamentally and of course
politicians do have to take the
opportunities that put in front of them,
but fundamentally it was a
it was a a fiscal crisis so to speak
which was in part caused by these
escalating costs of borrowing for the
British government
>> and you think so Andy Holdane now coming
out and sort of sounding quite critical
of of Bernham's government where he was
when Andy Bernham was sort of first
preparing to become prime minister he
was trying to reassure the markets by
saying I'm being advised by Andy
Haldane. I'm being advised by Jim
O'Neal. Now, both Andy Haldane and Jim
O'Neal are not joining the government.
And with Jim O'Neal, it was explicitly
Andy Bon wanted him to join in various
roles and Jim O'Neal said, "I don't
think your policies are credible
enough."
>> Um, now Andy Haldane coming and saying
the same thing. Um Jim O'Neal, by the
way, former um I don't know if it was JP
Morgan or Goldman
>> and he came up with the bricks um
acronym for um Brazil, Russia, India,
China. I'm sort of testing myself on the
go here. Um does this matter?
>> Yes, it very much matters. I mean, by
the way, that clip at the end where I
don't want a tax and spend government,
but a Tik Tok, I mean, sign me up,
actually. Uh that's that's it's better
than a tax and spend government with bad
Tik Tok, isn't it? He's back. What's
it's it's quite funny. This is a line of
attack. Having good comms is now a bad
thing. I mean, whether or not you're
right, left, whatever your policy gen,
having good comms is is quite desirable,
isn't it?
>> Because to be honest, Karma Ree was a
tax and spend government that was
pro-Israel and terrible at coms.
>> Yeah.
>> Which is not a winning combination in
this country. So now we got a tax and
spend government which is taking sort of
more principled foreign policy positions
and very good at communications.
>> It's not obviously the markets don't
care that much.
>> Are they even tax and spend? You know, I
think
Is Andy Bernham and John Healey are Andy
Bernham and John Healey ever going to
oversee a budget as tax and spend as
Rachel Reeves [clears throat] first two?
They were they were really big
interventions, right? We're going to
take loads of money from over here.
We're going to put it over here. They
were
>> um I think he does politics differently.
I talked about this on the show last
night. Karma would say we are going to
increase spending to public transport to
local authorities and it'll be an extra
5 billion a year. Okay, you hear numbers
and Andy Bernham says we're going to cap
bus f2. He's talking about the outcome,
not the process, not the input. It's
just a different way of doing politics.
So, this idea that somehow Burnham is
doing things that Reeves and Star
weren't doing.
>> I don't think he's suggesting that
Burnham is doing anything that they
weren't doing. I think he's saying it's
more of the same, right? Is was the
impression I got from from from the
interview. I mean, I think where those
guys maybe have a point is that Labor
needs more money, needs to bring in more
money.
>> Yeah.
>> But because they have ruled out any of
the sort of big taxes that tax middle
class people, which is how you raise
loads of money,
>> they're having to tweak the tax system
here and there and everywhere, and that
probably is having a bit of an effect on
growth. So, for I mean, obviously, the
big example here is raising national
insurance for employers. um because
that's the one thing that wasn't quite
ruled out in the manifesto, which
presumably is one of the reasons why
it's quite difficult to get a job at the
moment because I think there are lots of
companies that have decided they're not
going to hire an extra person because
that specific tax was was raised. And I
I you know, I think a clamoring for cuts
would be a bad thing. Although I mean we
both agree on the triple lock, but which
would raise a lot of money by the way.
Um, but probably the way you want to
rise taxes is like quite a simple one,
which is just say put 2 P on income tax.
Put 2 P on something that raises loads
of money without dampening growth would
probably be the better thing. But Andy,
it would be politically dangerous, I'd
say.
>> So, um, by the way, productivity's had a
pretty healthy jump in in in the last
two years by the standards of the last
20 years. So, you might argue that well,
because the cost of labor went up
actually that incentivized, you know,
greater investment in technological
infrastructure, operational
streamlining, etc. Anyway, probably
true, right? Doesn't doesn't it's not
really a nice thing to hear if you're
looking for a job and you just
graduated. But there there's some truth
to that.
>> Um, in terms of where the money would
come from, I wouldn't have any new taxes
on the middle class. And I'm not just
saying that to sound popular. I think
they already pay quite a lot of tax. I
would get rid of the triple lock. And I
and I know our audience don't like this.
It's it's a lot of money we're talking
about and it's forever. You know, it's
not like, oh, well, we're going to keep
the triple lock for 5 years, 10 years.
You're basically saying that pensioners
are going to have an ever larger portion
of national economic output forever.
[snorts]
You know, by 2250 or something, they'll
have 100% of GDP. Now, this is only
going to be sustainable if they push up
the retirement age. So, you're saying,
"No, we have to get rid of pension of
poverty." Okay, you'll keep the triple
lock, but in 20 years time, the
pensioner age is going to be 72. Does
that seem fair? So, I think there's
quite a dishonest conversation going on,
right? There's no point in the triple
lock existing if it's for people, you
know, when when I'm old and gray, for
people over 80. Okay, that's that's
disastrous, actually. And if it also
means, by the way, we don't have a a
public funded national care service. So,
I would get rid of the triple lock. I
talked about what I do with it
yesterday. I'd pump a ton of money into
socially owned housing for older people
because if you're retired and you're a
renter and you have a state pension,
you're screwed. If you're a homeowner
and you've paid off your mortgage,
actually, you have a much nicer standard
of living. So, I would do that. I would
probably Michael, if I was the prime
minister, I'd be out before tea time.
Okay. I would probably um the threshold
which you start to pay tax, I'd lower it
a bit. Of course, what they're what
they're doing in reality is that
threshold, what £12,250,
it's going to be there forever. And
because of course, we get wage increases
just by virtue of inflation.
That's that's their plan anyway. But
you're going to have to have that at the
bottom end. And then of course the top
end I'd increased CGT capital gains tax
not introduced wealth tax. So I' I'd
broaden the tax base in quite a few
places. Also in terms of cuts I'd cut
Trident doesn't work. Uh military
spending we have the most inefficient
procurement in the entire public sector
in the military. If you want more money
you're going to have to demonstrate that
you spend it more wisely. I wouldn't
increase military spending um
particularly significantly. And and then
you know there there are some smart ways
to maybe cut some funding to some places
but we're talking five billion or
something. It's not that's not a game
changer. But between all of those
measures, you know, you got a lot of
money to play with there. You could do
quite a lot, but the point is you're
going to put a lot of noses out a joint.
And none of that was in the Labor
Manifesto.
>> Yeah. So, I mean, it is just going to be
plotting along with good TikTok videos
probably
>> and hoping for the best next general
[laughter] election.
>> Well, they might they might do a they
might do a wealth tax of sorts,
>> but that's not going to raise that's not
really going to solve the problem. It
might it might be good for political
positioning. It might be good for
inequality, but it's not really going to
help with the finances or the markets or
anything like that. And also,
>> I don't think it upsets the markets. I
don't think you might, you can make the
argument,
>> I don't think it upsets him. I think it
just be neutral because no one's
pretending it's going to raise that much
money.
>> Yeah.
>> Um,
>> markets aren't low tax. Markets, you
know, I mean, Gary Stevenson put this
really well, right? Markets want low
government spending, high taxation. They
just want you to be very liquid and have
lot and lots of cash. But I think the
point is that they're more
like the government is going to get more
credit if it were to raise sort of 2p on
everyone's tax because that's money
that's definitely going to come in. What
I think isn't going to reassure the
markets cuz that, you know, it's sort of
silly to sort of compromise it, but I
suppose they are just individual humans
making a decision. Do they want to lend
money to this government is if you say
we're going to raise£3 billion in this
really optimistic way on this very
complicated tax that probably people are
going to be able to avoid because I
think people see that and think I don't
know whether I don't know if they're
ever going to get that three billion.
>> It's like VATS with private schools,
right? Which I think we should have. I
think we should have VAT on private
schools. But the way that label saying
it's going to raise this well with
behavioral change and what it may even
be negative.
>> I think the nondom one is similar as
well. Like there was a justice argument
for doing it but I don't think it's
raised much money.
>> But make them pay VAT because it's a
it's a service that's being sold in a
private market economy. They should pay
VAT like anybody else. Make that
argument. I love our audience. I love
our audience. Um so I I want to know
what they're thinking. Um there was a
comment from Imma Killip. He was
replying to Shywarm 6906. See if we can
get this up. Tell I worked till I was
69, commuting my pension for four years.
Haven't I done enough? Ian, I get it. My
mother-in-law is a wasby woman, right?
So, she lost out significantly with her
pension as well. Um, there's a few
points here. Firstly,
the pension is is going to keep on going
up. So, if we're saying we think the
triple lock is really valuable, which is
fine, people can say that. Is that then
a fair transaction where we keep the
triple lock, but my my kids don't get to
retire until they're 75? Maybe you think
that's fair and reasonable. Ultimately,
there are costs and benefits to both of
those decisions, right? Cuz that's
ultimately where we're going. We're
spending more and more on pensions and
healthy related care because we're an
agent population. It's just a fact that
brings challenges. Um I mean it's also
the case that we literally like
logically cannot keep the triple up
forever. So the question is just when do
you is it fairer to get rid of it in 10
years than now? Is it fairer to get rid
of it in 20 years? I mean it was
introduced specifically because
pensioner poverty was higher than
non-pensioner poverty.
>> Well because new labor had done so well
to get down child poverty. That was the
big conversation in the late 1990s right
child poverty and pensioner poverty. And
then of course after the mid 2000s they
both kind of creep up again. Well really
after the global financial crisis um
actually even slightly before the global
financial crisis. Basically, new labor
starts pretty well on child poverty and
it kind of kind of eases off a bit. Uh
but yeah, child poverty is less of that
central issue and pension and poverty
still there and of course many of those
people voted for the Conservative party.
>> But now pension poverty isn't higher
than the rest of the population. In
fact, it's lower than the rest of the
population. So if it was there to help
pensioners catch up, then
the logical time to end it would be now.
>> So there's a few things. So you're right
to highlight this. This is key. It's
physically impossible to keep forever
otherwise it will literally at some
point consume 100% of UK GDP. So that
that's the that's the vital question to
ask. When do you want to sort of ditch
it? And then in response, somebody quite
sensible would say, well, hold on. The
UK state pension is lower than it is in
Germany and Switzerland, etc. A lot more
people in this country's rent, by the
way. Um, so it should stay that way for
another 10 years so we can kind of catch
up. That's one argument. It's a decent
argument. Okay. But then I would respond
with this point which is made by shiny
warm um 6906. We can get it up. 20% of
pensions do not own their own home. And
by the way, that figure is always going
up. Um, try being a working-class
pensioner with minimal savings living
and paying rent on the £12,600 state
pension.
Very important. And of course, we've
seen home ownership collapse again since
2008 really um particularly amongst
geriatric millennials and Gen X. Now,
it's really showing up as a thing. And
this is a time bomb. This is a time
bomb. If you have people who are on the
state pension in their 60s and they're
renting, it's an awful situation to be
in. And I spoke about this with Peter
Apps. It's on downstream and he puts
some numbers on it in his latest book.
You know, we're talking in the not too
distant future like a million plus
people. I don't want to see 75y olds
having to move every 2 years in the
private London rental market. It's just
an awful thought. You shouldn't be
living like that. And so I think there
should be a sort of guarantee. I'm not
I'm not being harsh on older people.
Hear me out.
>> There should be a guarantee about access
to social housing for them. But that's
going to cost money. That's a serious
thing to do. And I think you you do that
by not making pensions worse or making
pensioners poorer. You index it to wage
increases. That's all I'm saying.
>> Pensions go up with wages. I'm not
saying that you this is another thing.
If you get rid of triple lock,
pensioners are going to get poor. You're
not going to get poorer. Your pension
still goes up every year. It's just not
going to go up compound over 10 years as
much as it otherwise would have because
right now it's either inflation wages or
2.5%. Which is I think crazy actually
for
>> the reason I just said
>> I think helping pensioners who are
renting absolutely should be a political
priority which will get as you say worse
and worse as we go on but it's a very
inefficient way of doing that to give
every pensioner who are
disproportionately homeowners who have
paid off their mortgages an
everinccreasing share of the pie. This
is so sensible and I understand some
people will push back because it's like
an important state benefit. I get it.
And many people in receipt of, you know,
the state pension are vulnerable. I get
it. But this is it. You know, we're
talking otherwise. We we literally don't
have a plan for a million plus people in
the not too distant future who are going
to be up, you know, excuse my French,
creek without a paddle. And I think
it's kind of and I'm not suggesting this
to people in the comments, but there are
people who've paid off the mortgage,
they've got two cars, and they're
saying, "No, I I think I'm entitled to
this." So I just think there's a sort of
basic lack of solidarity there. And I
don't want means tested pensions. That's
very bad. That's very bad. I don't like
those. So I'm saying we keep pensions.
They keep increasing in line with wages.
By the way, that therefore creates
within within older people, the retired
sort of age population incentive. Yeah.
A shared interest in a high wage growth
economy. I mean, I just think it's such
a sensible position. It's crazy.
>> The relationship of Britain and its
South Asian communities has never been
more confounding. In 2010, Sedasi became
Britain's first ever South Asian cabinet
minister. That was a first in 2010. But
by 2026, we've had a South Asian prime
minister. South Asians in every great
office of state. And across business and
the media, the level of visibility in
public life of South Asians has never
been higher. Compared to most of the
West, Britain looks like a paragon of
integration.
But, and there's a big butt, 2024 also
saw the most vicious racist riots in a
generation. and reform and even more so
restore a reawakening Britain's
ethnationalist demons. Now all this
means it's a pertinent time to publish a
study on the history of Britain's South
Asian communities. Come what may we're
here to stay is a new book released
today by the writer Taj Ali who joined
me earlier today. Taj Ali um thank you
so much for joining us in the Navar
Media studio. Um your new book come what
may we're here to stay the story of
South Asian resistance in Britain um was
released yesterday. Um, so
congratulations. Um, why did you write
this book
>> in this moment?
>> So I was 12 years old when the English
Defense League marched through my
hometown Luton. And I remember being
told by one of my teachers, you
shouldn't go into the town center
because the EDL are in town. And so from
a very young age as a British Pakistani
Muslim, I was grappling with questions
of identity and belonging. And I spoke
to my father who told me there were
certain roads in the 70s and 80s that
you couldn't walk through as a black or
brown person because you'd get beaten up
by racists. And so we knew these stories
of racism in our communities, but we
also knew these stories of resistance.
And so I felt there was an urgent task
both to document history. Lots of the
history in Asian workingclass
communities is oral histories, things
we'd hear from our elders who worked in
factories, but it's not really been
written down anywhere. And some of these
people were getting old. and I felt
there was a risk that history could be
lost. So that was the first purpose was
to record and document history. The
second was for us to take inspiration
from that history given we are again
dealing with an increase in racist
violence. Um research from the British
Muslim Trust has told us that a mosque
in Britain is attacked every 5 days. Two
years ago we had the worst racist
rioting in living memory. Um, and there
were many of the more isolated ethnic
minority communities in the northeast of
England in parts of Murzyside in Essex
who were terrified. And it wasn't just
the violence, it was also the fears. I
spoke to a Muslim woman who was having
panic attacks during that time. I knew
of people who take took a whole week off
from work. Um, recently I've been
reporting in Baseldon in Essex where a
Muslim woman who wears a headscarf tells
me that when she's trying to cross the
road with her kids at a zebra crossing,
cars are refusing to stop. people are
throwing objects at them. So, racist
violence is bad in 2026. We saw what
happened in Belfast recently where
people were quite literally being burnt
out of their homes. And I think there's
an entire generation who are grappling
with these questions today and trying to
figure out well what can we do about it
because we can't be paralyzed into
inaction. And so the other purpose of
this book is to inspire our communities.
And when I say our communities, I mean
all of our communities because South
Asian history in Britain is also British
history. Just as history has shaped us,
we've also shaped history. So it was
about talking about agency and talking
about resistance rather than these
narratives of South Asians being passive
victims of racism, colonialism and
exploitation.
>> And the title come what may, we're here
to stay. So this is a a history of South
Asian resistance in in Britain.
>> Was that the first sort of demand was
that we we get to stay here, right?
We're not going anywhere else.
>> No, it wasn't. Not at all. Um the first
demand was treat us with basic dignity
and respect. Treat us like your fellow
human beings. We are neither all saints
nor all sinners. We are individuals. And
South Asians have been present in
Britain for over 400 years. Uh there's a
great intellectual civandon who says we
are here because you were there
referring to the British Empire. So most
migrants to Britain whether they were
seafarers working on British ships,
servants in the households of
aristocrats in the 17th century uh or
other laborers who came here in the
40s50s and of course in much greater
number in the 60s they didn't think they
were going to stay in Britain. They
thought they would earn enough and go
back to their countries. There was a
second generation, the children of
migrants born in Britain, dealing with
racist abuse, humiliation by their own
school teachers, uh, no basic dignity in
the workplace who said enough is enough.
We're not going to put our heads down
and try and be the good immigrants. We
are going to resist this racism and they
were forced to do so because they had no
other choice. The police were of very
little help. There were many, many
examples of racist violence, racist
murders. This year marks 50 years since
the racist murder of Gurep Singh Chuga
in South. And it was that experience of
racism and violence, relentless racism
from both the state and street gangs
that led young South Asians in Britain
to say we are going to organize. And so
come what may we're here to stay was a
rallying cry of the Asian youth
movements. I believe it originated in
the campaign of a South Asian woman
called Anwa Ditta who was an
anti-deportation activist. She was a
Kashmiri woman. She was born in
Birmingham and lived in Rochdale. She
dressed like our mothers and sisters and
she spoke at over 400 public meetings.
The Home Office said that her
Pakistanborn children weren't hers and
she refused to take that as a as an
answer. And so her campaigning led to
Channel 4 commissioning a documentary
which proved that her kids were hers.
And she spoke on stages with people like
Tony Ben and Arthur Skargill. She linked
her struggle with other struggles like
the anti-aparttheide struggle. and when
she won her campaign, she brought other
South Asia Asian women to the front of
that campaign. So, it's also about
honoring these remarkable individuals
whose stories are too often forgotten
and ignored.
>> And and what's a movement um from South
Asian British history or incident that
that you think is sort of under discuss
that not enough people know about?
>> I think just the long presence of South
Asians in Britain. We tend to think of
South Asians arriving after the Second
World War and we've been here for over
400 years and that shocks people when
you tell you it. But some of the
earliest multicultural communities in
Britain are in the British port cities,
Liverpool, Cardiff, South Shield. And
you had South Asian communities with
black communities and Chinese
communities living there for so long. So
when people talk about, you know, I want
my country back, Britain, make Britain
white again, it's not been white for
that long.
>> It's not been that way. And even when we
talk about migration, lots of the white
working class in many industrial towns
and cities, they're also the children of
migrants from Scotland, from Ireland,
from depressed parts of County Durham in
the 20s, they also migrated. So our
stories are not so different. I guess
the other stories that I think are quite
neglected when we think about the
history is the self-organizing. You
know, we will read the literature about
the Anti-Nazi League and Rock Against
Racism, but there was lots of informal
organizing in our communities, and there
were people who never went under
banners. They never had organizational
names. They were just trying to defend
their communities. They were just trying
to find a place to live. And so, it's
about honoring workingclass history. Uh,
one of the stories I tell in the book is
of a place called India House. This was
a student residence in Highgate, North
London, Leafy Street, 65 Cromwell
Avenue. You wouldn't think it would be
the epicenter of Indian revolutionary
activity in Britain, but it was. And the
reason I know this history is because
the British state spied upon all these
Indian students in 1905. So if you go to
the British library, they have the India
office records and they have all of
these detailed surveillance files on all
of these radical students who are
smuggling weapons into the subcontinent
who are doing bomb making workshops in
the gardens who were talking to Irish
Republicans and who were also working
alongside each other regardless of race
and religion. And that's another theme
we see in the history of South Asians is
that we took from other communities.
Many of the radical Asian youth
movements learned from the Black Power
movement. Malcolm X visited Britain on
four separate occasions when he visited
Smemedic after the worst racist election
in British history. The Indian Workers
Association described it as a shot in
the arm of the anti-racist struggle.
Many of us learned from the Irish
struggle and we adopted the tactics of
the home rule movements. And so I think
that's an interesting story there about
solidarity and building bridges between
other communities as well. The word
that's sort of very prominent when it
comes to mainstream conversations about
Britain and South Asians is integration.
>> And that can even happen in in one of
two forms. So one sort of celebrating
the fact that there are so many South
Asian people in positions of prominence
and power. We've had a South Asian prime
minister, the current home secretary of
South Asian. And then also there's this
question about a lack of integration or
purported lack of integration I should
say. Um where different communities are
living different lives. And I wonder how
sort of like your studies into
resistance, how do you relate to to that
question of integration?
>> Well, it's interesting when you look at
the immigrant experience in the 60s, if
you went into the houses of the Windrush
generation, they'd be portraits of the
monarchs. Um, South Asians and West
Indians would dress very smart suits and
ties. very s very few seeks would grow
out their beards or wear a turban
because they felt that the racism and
the hostility was so bad that they're
going to have to uh force themselves to
assimilate I guess was the word back
then and as the communities grew larger
they would certain rights that they
would assert so when you think about
Enoch Powell's rivers of blood speech in
1969 he warned that in 15 to 20 years
the black man would have the whip hand
over the white man and he was the MP for
Walva Hampton which had a growing
Punjabi seek community. During that
time, there was a dispute on the buses
for the right for Punjabi seeks to wear
a turban on the buses and this is one of
the things he cites and says these
people are taking liberties here.
They're advocating for their religious
rights and this is a problem. And so
there was all this hyperbole back then
and you see a lot of it today when it
comes to the Muslim community. But it's
age-old as well. If you think about the
Jewish community in East London in White
Chapel, you can go through newspaper
reports from the early 20th century and
they will talk about these people living
parallel lives, refusing to integrate,
being a problem, being hostile to the
majority. And it's the same rhetoric
they use today about the Muslim
community in White Chapel and Tower
Hamlets. I've always believed that we
need to work to bring communities
together. I have my own critiques of
state multiculturalism. I believe in
workingclass unity. I believe that if we
have racial segregation in Britain,
that's a problem. I want us to get to
know each other. But there are many
historic factors that led to racial
segregation in Britain. So, for example,
Luton is often cited by Tommy Robinson
as a place that's extremely divided.
I've never felt that there was lots of
hostility between communities, but I've
understood that when my dad was growing
up, there were certain areas where you
were less likely to be racially abused.
There were certain estates that you
wouldn't want to live because you would
regularly get your windows smashed and
so migrant communities congregated
together. They also went where the work
was in the inner city areas. Lots of
people who achieved a degree of social
mobility or wanted to escape for
instance the slum housing of East London
in the 70s. They ended up moving to the
suburbs and the new towns. And so yes,
maybe there were some people who didn't
like the newcomers and moved out of
anger, but some of them had better
quality lives to live in Canada and
Australia. When we talk about migration,
we don't talk about immigration to all
of these countries. So, lots of white
working-class people have also moved as
well. And a friend of mine often says,
you know, we never told anyone to leave
that area. We came in,
>> we were part of the same industries. We
worked in the same jobs and people moved
out.
>> There's also the convenience. If you're
a Muslim who needs access to halal meat
or you want to go to a local mosque,
you're going to live in an area that
caters to your needs. If you live in an
area where all the pubs are closing down
and you want a nice Friday night out,
you might want to live in an area that
has those facilities that isn't driven
by hatred.
>> When we're critiquing the AI industry,
we normally focus on Elon Musk, Samman,
and Dario Amade as the power- hungry men
taking us to the brink of catastrophe.
Um, I think it's well warranted to focus
on those three. However, I think there
might be an even bigger villain in this
story who we talk about less. Jensen
Quang. Um he's the CEO of Nvidia, which
is the company that designs the chips
that power data centers and which thanks
to the AI boom has become the world's
most valuable company. Um he has the
strongest interest of anyone in the data
center buildout continuing at pace. Um
which perhaps explains why as calls for
an AI slowdown are growing, he's been
the loudest opponent of any new
regulation. And that's put him on the
opposite side of scientists like Jeffrey
Hinton and Joshua Benjio, but it's put
him on the same side as Donald Trump.
And the cozy relationship between the
world's most powerful CEO and the US
president was on full display this week
when Trump called Hang in the middle of
a live podcast show.
>> The great thing about life is that
Jensen can develop the most complex
computer chip in the world that nobody
can copy for 10 years, but he can't
figure out how to put ME ON SPEAKER.
[laughter]
THING WE HAVE TO remember this one. So
with the AI it's almost this conspiracy
>> and the happiest group is China and
China is very happy and I could even say
in the country a lot of states are happy
that weren't going to get anything
because they're being uh inundated by
people that want to be there. But now
all of a sudden you see they're building
in Finland. They want to build one.
Google wants to build a big one in
Finland, which I'm not happy about
because they were unable to get
permitting. And I'm telling you, it's
all a hoax. The data centers are great
and they make people wealthy and they
make states wealthy and it's the oil of
the next 20 25 years. It's bigger than
the internet and the AI, you know, much
more so. And uh they're just playing
right into the hands of a lot of people
that don't want to see it happen. And
that could be political people. It could
also be China. And we're not going to
let that happen. It's a It's a hoax. And
>> you're right. We're not going to let
that happen, sir.
>> No, we're not going to let it happen.
The uh the robots are not going to be
taking over the world. And that's not
going to happen.
>> We're not going to let that happen, sir.
Um Jensen Wang has, you know, the
evidence of him opposing regulation
isn't just that clip. He's been very
explicit. He's saying we don't need any
new regulation on AI. the companies if
they're making anything dangerous, they
should just not release it. So, he's
saying it should all be left to the
companies, dismissing the idea that
there is any kind of dangerous race or
collective action problem and and
basically saying, you know, let's keep
this going. Now, there's a good reason
why he wants to keep this going, right?
Why he's very opposed to regulation. In
the latest 3month reporting period,
Nvidia's profit doubled to $60 billion.
So, that's in 3 months. And for
comparison, just 3 years ago, Nvidia's
quarterly profit was $6 billion. So the
AI boom has increased its profit by a
factor of 10. This is not normal, right?
Their profit margin is also enormous at
66%. So for every chip they sell, they
make a 66% profit margin. That's because
they don't really have any competitors.
So Trump's current position on AI
regulation will be and has been
[clears throat]
music to his ears. Um so on the same day
he sort of had that impromptu
conversation with Jensen Wang. Donald
Trump posted this. I am the hoax buster
and I'm right now breaking another hoax.
That AI is going to take over, consume
and destroy the world and that robots
will be marching into our cities and
getting rid of us all. This is even
wilder than the Russia Russia Russia
hoax or the global warming scam. Thank
you for your attention [laughter] to
this matter. President Donald Trump. Um,
Aaron, I thought this was interesting
because I suppose it's because he's not
as like weird or maybe duplicitous as
like Dario Amade or um Sam Arman or Elon
Musk. Maybe not so openly sort of
political that he doesn't get quite so
much hate, but he is the guy who is
profiting the most from the AI boom,
most directly from the data center boom.
Um, he at the moment is the closest one
to Donald Trump. Yeah, everyone seems to
give him a bit of a pass. Like he's not
public enemy number one.
>> Yeah. Is he getting off lightly?
>> I think two reasons for that. First, he
had a proper job, right? So, when he was
a kid, he grew up in the United States,
but he worked at Denny's. This is this
is a true story. Um I think was it
Steven Wit wrote a great book about
Nvidia and Yensen Huang, FT book of the
year last year. Really well written,
fascinating book. He had a real job is
one thing. And he's said things in the
past such as, you know, there's um the
potential wealth tax. There's the
referendum on that in or the vote on
that I think in November, right, in
California. And I think that would cost
him billions of dollars if there's a
wealth tax. And his position is if
people vote for it, I'll pay it. I'm not
leaving California, which you know is
very different some Elon Musk. So he's
got some credit in the bank for for
stuff over the years. But you're right,
structurally he is benefiting more than
almost anybody else um with regards to
to this technology. Uh Nvidia, I think
at one point passed $5 trillion in terms
of its market valuation. And of course,
this is the company that designs the
chips that AILM are all using for the
most part. I think about 25% of the
market at the top end is like Samsung
and TSMC. Um Samsung and uh
>> Huawei.
>> Huawei. Yeah. Sorry. The the but Huawei
have their own sort of Chinese little
acronym. Um but ultimately Nvidia is
making almost all of these chips or
designing almost all these chips and
then of course fabricated in Taiwan by
TSMC. Um so I think he's got off lightly
for for reasons understandable reasons.
Um but it's an interesting one and I
also say that
for him it's a very dangerous game to be
tying yourself to Donald Trump now. I
mean the guy is going to have two years
left after November. I mean, unless they
change the constitution and there's
still a big open question. Is there MAGA
after Trump? Uh, I kind of feel like
both political parties in the US are in
this moment of transformation and I I
could be wrong. Famous last words. I
feel that the Republicans are kind of
coming to the end of their
transformation a little bit and the
Democrats are just starting. Uh we're
kind of seeing that with the first story
tonight about a Sheeran
and the changing sort of political views
of of younger and middle-aged Americans
sitting on something like Israel, right?
I think it's a dangerous game for him to
be playing to tie himself so closely to
Trump now. Um however, you know, it may
be the same reason why he's saying he's
perfectly happy to pay higher taxes in
California. You're the person in charge.
I'll defer to you. And that's just
that's just how he does business. It
might not be particularly ideological.
Whereas with somebody like Musk, it was
heavily heavily ideological. Um, but
also Trump Trump's position about hoaxes
and things. My goodness, you know, uh,
Jensen Tuang by all accounts of all of
these people is the most intelligent of
all these, you know, multi-
multi-entillionaires.
Um, centiillionaires is the is the
technical term, isn't it? And in the
case of Muskat trillionaire, he is by
all accounts the most intelligent. So,
and you're and you're saying we'll stop
it, sir, to a guy saying that it's a
hoax and comparing it to, you know,
climate change is a hoax and co is a
hoax.
>> Seems kind of myopic.
>> I was going to say people prefer people
who are doing physical manufacturing
because it's real and they think that's
a real job, but actually Elon does that
as well. So, so it must be that Jensen
Wang is yeah, he's he seems less
ideological than the others, even though
I think he's probably the one who is
most driven by his bank balance, whereas
the other ones seem to have other weird
quirky interests. Um, Sam, I mean, Sam
Alman, I think, also wants to be
president of the world in a way that
Yensen Wang doesn't. Um, meanwhile,
anyway, let's go sort of what else we're
learning about this story this week. Um,
because more and more employees at the
big AI companies have been going public
with their concerns about the
technology. Um Daniel Selum who works at
OpenAI published a viral essay this week
about two million reads I think this
one's gone. Um so he writes I have been
working on AI for over 15 years across
many different paradigms. I did early
work on probabilistic programming
languages at MIT. Was one of the early
developers on the lean fear improver at
Microsoft research. Demonstrated one of
the first instances of neural network
learning um to reason for my PhD at
Stanford and since joining OpenAI almost
5 years ago have helped pioneer chain of
for optimization on language models and
more recently data efficient
pre-training methods. Like many others,
I've become extremely concerned about
how far language models have come and
the risk that future iterations will
pose. I am encouraged by the recent
proposals by the leaders of the frontier
research efforts to require third party
oversight and to push for domestic and
international coordination to address
risks. However, I believe a major
consideration has been absent from the
public conversation and that merely
pacing the frontier more carefully will
not adequately limit the long-term risk.
The crucial and overlooked problem is
that the models are becoming so
situationally aware that we are losing
the ability to evaluate them in context
where they believe they are not being
watched or controlled. Future
experiments will tell us almost nothing
new about how they would behave if they
were truly unconstrained by humans. And
what we already know about this is
alarming. Models will increasingly seem
aligned even when they are not. Um, so
he's saying they're these experiments
that they do on these models are going
to become impossible because the models
now know they're being watched. And I
think he's he's in charge of watching
them. So again, it's one of those ones
where the person closest to the
technology is saying we're all going to
be screwed. He ends the statement by
saying this. I want the glorious
renaissance future as much as anyone. So
he's one of those people who thinks that
AI is going to give us I mean something
akin to fully automate luxury communism.
I suppose I have worked for it however
torturously my whole career. It breaks
my heart to see the potential insight
and forgo it. The argument that if we
get there by growing models rather than
engineering them, we will lose
everything in the end seems very strong
to me. I am still wrestling with it and
its staggering implications. I do not
have answers. But as a first step, I
wanted to share my present concerns. So
that's gone viral because it's someone
currently working at OpenAI. Now lots of
people saying why are these employees
allowed to tweet this? Like have they
been given permission by their CEOs
because the CEOs want to hype the
technology? um why haven't they signed
an NDA? Um now Nate Suarez who we've had
on this show he made an interesting
point on breaking points um where he was
suggesting that the statements from the
AI companies are actually
I mean in a way they're to try and for
properly serious regulation but they're
also to try and quell possible workers
results revolts sorry workers revolts
because lots of these people in these
companies think this threat is is
serious as you're seeing from this guy
and so they're trying to sort of appease
them with these statements and that's
also why they're allowed to speak
publicly because otherwise they get
poached by one of the other companies.
because they got lots of power these
workers. Um, and when it comes to these
workers, they are an interesting bunch
of people. Um, and the Trump
administration seems to on one level
understand that. So, the AI companies
are famously full of people from the
effective altruist movement. Um, and the
Department of Defense uh this week
tweeted effective altruists in shambles.
Now, it's not very often um that you get
uh I mean this is the Pentagon, right?
tweeting about what was once a very I
suppose niche philosophical movement
coming out of Oxford University. All
these quite like nerdy kids who'd read
too much Peter Singer. Now you've got
the state well it's not the state
department it's the Pentagon sort of
saying haha you know you've never had
before them sort of arguing against
canians or any other niche philosophical
school but that's what's going on. Um
[snorts] so again very interestingly the
effect of altruists and their cery have
realized they're potentially at risk of
undermining the AI safety movement if
Donald Trump decides that all of this
concern is just coming from this
particular ideological sect which he
thinks is not aligned with his own
interests and politics. Um so this is
really interesting because Jacob Coxen
so he was the guy who resigned from
anthropic. um he appeared on Fox News
and I think this was sort of
strategically decided um that he wanted
to point out that Trump and the
effective altruists might actually have
something in common.
>> And I do I agree with with President
Trump's tweet that global warming
doomsday scenarios were overplayed. Like
it's a very slow process and talking
about doomsday is completely absurd. I
mean, I also agree that um many other
catastrophic panics in the past have
been just fear-mongering. The reason
this is this is unique is AI is moving
so incredibly quickly. We we won't have
time to respond to it before it's too
late.
>> So, that's very interesting because
obviously Jacob Cotton keeps going on
Fox News, right? Because he seems to
want to communicate with Donald Trump
and he's recognized that Donald Trump
thinks these are just a bunch of like
lefty people who I shouldn't trust.
they've done all these other hoaxes yada
and then he's going Fox News to say
actually I don't think climate change is
an existential risk I think these you
know I'm not the I'm not your bog
standard lefty we're a interesting group
of people who are difficult to place
ideologically obviously it's pissed off
a lot of people on the left what did you
make of
>> yeah I don't think Trump's going to have
that much space in his brain for nuance
is he firstly climate change is an
existential risk although I suppose his
point there is the timelines are very
different right um of course there'll be
lots of extreme weather events and
disasters as we'll see over the next few
years and decades before we see
something really terminal and awful
towards the latter half maybe of the
century or maybe after the middle of the
century. His point though is that this
could happen in just a couple of years,
a handful of years it may be too late to
pull back. Um my personal view is that
the biggest exential risk to humanity
today is is climate change. But I mean
that's a coherent argument, right? And I
think you're right. He's going on Fox
just to talk directly to to Trump
because he knows that Trump at, you
know, 1:00 a.m. is sitting there in the
White House watching Fox eating his uh
his Cheetos, having his uh ultralarge,
his venty Coca-Cola. So, I mean, it's a
smart strategy and whether or not he
believes what he's saying is of course
another matter. I should say, um,
yesterday I spoke to Daron Asamoglu, who
is, I think, probably the world's top
economist. If you go on the rep sort of
league table of economists, he's number
one. that downstream's [clears throat]
out on Sunday and he, you know, he's pro
AI. He says, "I'm pro worker AI." And
this idea that AI can only be LLMs and
it can only be um an artificial
intelligence of the kind you're getting
with anthropic or open AI and it's going
to be a monopoly and it's going to
swallow up loads of work and loads of
value from other industries. Yeah, it
can do that, but it doesn't have to do
that. And I said to him, or I asked him
rather, what could be the future of the
UK economy? You know, we've had stagnant
productivity for 18 years. He said you
should be you should be going all in on
pro worker AI. How can artificial
intelligence help productivity for
people who are already in work rather
than destroying those jobs? How can you
make those people immeasurably more
productive? I think AI can do that with
electricians with pharmacists with
nurses. He said, "We haven't even
thought in these terms because these
guys Sam Alolman, Yansen Huang, Elon
Musk have basically cornered
just the realms of possibility when it
comes to this technology." And I kind of
agree and that also interestingly does.
So if you take the existential risk
seriously, which I do, that that gets
around quite a lot of that because the
risk comes from agents. Yeah. And the
reason that it it makes sense, the
reason the AI companies at the moment
are investing in LLMs plus agents of
working together as a unit is because
they're specifically selling a story to
businesses, which is you can replace
workers with this. And you can't replace
workers with a chatbot, right? You can't
replace workers with something that
helps a user that's sort of reading the
answers. You can only replace workers
with agents. It's agents that, you know,
the whole paperclip example, it's agents
that potentially threaten to cause
chaos, as was the case with the hugging
face incident. So, if you sort of move
away from agents and towards a very good
sort of helpful advice bot, which is
what sort of these LLMs could be, then
we'd be in a much better position. Um,
just some background on what Jacob Coxin
believes there, cuz I want to talk sort
of more about this on the show cuz it's
so interesting because we always, you
know, we're often talking on this left
right spectrum on this show. I think
most people watching it, they know what
sort of like the leftwing people
believe. They know what the right-wing
people believe and they know what the
centrists believe. But in Silicon Valley
right now, we have this section of
people who believe a really specific
thing which is really different to what
everyone else believes and kind of
explains what Jacob Coxin is talking
about there because often they're
long-termists.
And what a long termist is is that
there's someone you you spoke to um
what's his face? you interviewed him um
the Scottish philosopher
>> William Macascal
>> William Macascal he he wrote the book on
this. So long-termists believe
>> that the biggest threat we face or the
biggest tragedy would be if there were
human extinction because they care just
as much about people in a billion years
as they do now. And they say if sort of
7 billion people were killed but a
billion survived they'd still be in a
position to create a new fantastic
civilization. So it'd be sad but it's
not that big a deal. If everyone dies,
then that ends civilization and we've
let down our future generations. And so
a 1% risk of everyone dying is a much
more serious problem than like a 50%
risk of 7 billion people dying. So it's
not it's not an FXI share, but that's
why they don't think climate change is
existential because they don't think
climate change is going to kill
everyone. They think it might kill a
fair few people, but AI is the only
thing that might plausibly kill
literally everyone. So that's the one
that fortoalls our future potential. And
then the other thing I think which
explains what Jacob Coxin is saying
there. I mean I'm sort of putting words
into his mouth. I don't know if he is a
long termist but that's why lots of
these people say this about climate
change when compared to AI. The other
thing is they are tech optimist. So they
basically think that you know humans are
very inventive when we've had problems
before. We've invented a technology to
solve it. We probably will invent a
technology to solve climate change.
We've got enough time to do it. But AI
is different because you can't create a
technology to solve AI because AI is the
technology. you've handed over the the
role of best innovator in the world to a
different species and you can't out
innovate them because whatever
innovation you come up with to get
control over them again they'll just
come up with a better one. So that's
sort of how how if you're watching that
and think what the hell is that guy
talking about [laughter] that's the
intellectual world these people are
coming from.
>> Yeah. Uh and if you if you disagree with
that sort of proposition about climate
change just watch my video with Bill
Maguire. uh climate change isn't going
to kill everybody so to speak, but it
will in the long term create potentially
certainly for primates an uninhabitable
planet. So I suppose they would say well
we can just you know colonize other
planets and we can terraform them or we
can sort of retraform this planet. I
think if your argument to save humanity
is based on tech technologies which
don't already exist that's that's quite
shaky that's quite shaky as a basis to
make that argument.
Like Bill said, you know, it's very
possible that we create a cascade of
feedbacks in the next couple of decades
which lead to a planet of four, five,
six degrees warming. It will simply not
be habitable for um for human beings.
>> Bill Magcguire's take is also
controversial. Obviously the the effect
of altruists with their ex- risk take
that's very controversial. But the sort
of central estimate of climate
scientists at the moment is we're
heading for something like 2.5 degrees
by the end of the century. So obviously
I think people should take Bill
McGuire's
>> I don't think that's true anymore.
Michael
>> seriously but the central estimate of
say like
is about 2.7 I think
>> even the guy that you were what was his
name the other the other guy you were
speaking to house father
>> yeah even he was saying that with El
Nino next year we're going to be looking
at potentially 1.7 above industrial
pre-industrial levels right so when
people talk about two degrees warming
they mean two degrees warmer than I
think the pre-1850s he's saying that
with El Nino next year this is next year
we'll hit 1.7 right we're already at 1.5
and people say well 1.5 to stay alive
already hit 1.5 5. The point is you have
to do it over 11 out of 20 years. That's
how it's being measured, right? So
really, we've already gone past 1.5.
[gasps] Elino takes to 1.7. What he said
to you, Michael, is that that number is
going up by 0.2 degrees every decade.
Okay. In other words, in 20 years from
now, that baseline will go up from 1.5
to 1.9. And when you get Elinos, it's
already gone past 2.5. And that's in 20
years. So I I just don't think that's um
it's a middle estimate, but I I just
don't think it's a sensible one.
>> I'm just trying to I'm just trying to So
if it's 0.2 per decade, then by the end
of the century that would be what's 8*
0.2
>> you would presumably say there's going
to be some sort of this some sort of
ceiling on it or it will decelerate. But
right now that's where we are. I mean,
so if that's if that's the case, then
>> they're looking at the trajectory of
electricity.
>> By the yeah, by the mid 21st century,
we've gone beyond we've gone beyond two
degrees quite comfortably.
>> But the central estimate is 2.7, right?
It's not
>> Well, I'm saying by the mid by the
middle of the century, not by the end of
the century. And then you incorporate El
Nino, etc. And then it's very easy to
foresee that by the '60s, 2070s, we're
already way past 2.5 with El Nino years.
This is This is kind of crazy to play
this down to me when the guy you were
talking to who's not a radical is saying
it's going up by 0.2 his central
estimate by
20 100 it wouldn't look like Bill
McGuire's like I've read his work he's
not there's a tension there's he's
essentially saying two separate things
he's saying it's going up by 0.2 degrees
every decade but by the end of the 21st
century it won't be as high as you would
otherwise infer from my previous
statement.
Well, well, one
>> presumably he thinks crypto technology
will draw down CO2 levels or whatever. I
don't know. But we're doing what we're
doing and it's going up by 0.2 every 10
years. That's what we're doing.
>> But he does work on carbon capture. So,
I mean, he thinks that that is going to
come through.
>> Sorry, a little detour there.
>> Very interesting. I like this.
>> This is serious. This is serious, folks.
It's going up by 0.2 degrees a decade.
This is serious. This is not some crazy
theory. It's happening.
>> Yeah, but Bill Magcguire is at the
extreme end of predictions. I think that
is important to note. just
>> it is important to know but bear in mind
this guy
>> doesn't mean he should be dismissed of
course it's not the central estimate of
the majority
>> he's very credentialed and of course
very credential people have been wrong
about all kinds of things but he you
know he he was a member of sage under
the black government he was a a
professor of volcanologist and a climate
science professor at UCL he's a serious
guy you know he has personally moved to
the peak district a thousand feet above
sea level because he thinks this stuff
is real and it's coming in the next 20
to 25 years in this country Yeah,
personally moving to I think that might
suggest someone who tends towards the
catastrophic, but so do many of these
people in Silicon Valley that I take
very seriously. So I I agree take this
guy seriously. I'm just saying the
central estimate just as the central
estimate isn't that AI is going to kill
us all. By the way, like that's I mean
the average seems to be in Silicon
Valley they think that there's 10%
chance that it's going to kill us all.
That seems to be the central estimate.
>> Well, the central estimate of AI and boy
we're going over here. The central
estimate of AI is that it's just going
to make regional and income inequality
crazy. You thought it was bad already.
That's the central estimate. You know,
the worst case it's going to be the
matrix or Terminator, too. You know,
middle case, yeah, you know, we'll we'll
kind of have inequality
repeat what we've seen over the last 25
years. And that gave us Trump and Farage
and the AFD. So, God knows where we'll
be by uh 2050.
>> We could go we could just keep going for
existential risks, but we probably
should wrap up.
>> We're vibing here, Michael. We're
vibing.
Uh Aaron, thank you so much for joining
me this evening.
>> My pleasure, Michael.
>> Uh thank you for watching tonight. Uh
you can come back tomorrow from 6 p.m.
For now, you've been watching Nvar
Media. Good night.