Community Conversation | Seeing and Doing Conservation Through Cultural Lenses
Watch on YouTubeVideo summary
Dr. Richard Peterson, an environmental anthropologist from the University of New England, argues that effective conservation must move beyond a single Western perspective focused on protection and wilderness to embrace pluralistic cultural lenses shaped by diverse researchers. He emphasizes that conflicts often arise from differing values between scientific models prioritizing empirical data and local communities centered on sustenance and identity, necessitating an investigation into spiritual and metaphysical beliefs alongside traditional metrics. Peterson illustrates this with examples such as the shift in the Okapi Wildlife Reserve toward community-based agroforestry and health services, and the integration of Maasai wisdom in Kenya to manage wildlife conflicts, demonstrating that successful outcomes require listening to local voices rather than letting them disappear behind theoretical abstractions.
However, current conservation practices face significant challenges, including a backlash against participatory models where communities are unfairly blamed for failures rooted in complex historical factors like colonialism, and the rise of large-scale "eco-regional" models that create distance between decision-makers and local people. Peterson identifies power imbalances within international organizations that often neglect grassroots capacity building while spending lavishly on travel and publications, alongside poor quality social research driven by urgency. To address these issues, he proposes a more just model that defines conservation socially to include human interests, channels funds directly to grassroots networks, analyzes local systems within broader power dynamics, and expands success metrics to include social well-being rather than just ecological outcomes.
Building on these principles, the discussion highlights that while hypothetical scenarios suggest indigenous institutions might have secured protection in the past without external intervention, the consensus remains that building robust local institutions is critical for long-term resilience. Organizations like First Light Conservation Trust are praised for their slow, careful approach to co-management and co-ownership with Wabanaki peoples, proving that trust-building processes such as relearning, recentering, and returning land are essential. Furthermore, the conversation extends beyond indigenous status to include non-indigenous local residents, asserting that all long-term community members possess valuable local ecological knowledge that must be recognized and "braided" with scientific data to address shared threats to livelihoods and ecosystems.
Ultimately, Peterson concludes that biological and cultural diversity are interdependent, urging civil dialogue and collaboration across differences to counteract global homogenization driven by wealthy external entities and systemic pressures. He warns that projects fail when outsiders lack genuine commitment to collaboration and when participation rates are low due to a lack of shared power and trust, noting that these factors vary greatly depending on the depth of relationships established with communities. The central takeaway is that conservation cannot succeed by excluding local people or romanticizing their knowledge; instead, it must authentically collaborate between Western science and local wisdom while embedding land history in planning and questioning crisis narratives that stereotype locals.
Read the full video transcript
And I'm super excited to have um Dr.
Richard Peterson here with us today to
talk about um conservation through a
cultural lens. I I do recognize some of
the names here. So I'm glad to see you
all here today. Um
Dr. Peterson is a professor of
environmental studies at the University
of New England. He holds an
interdisciplinary doctorate in
environmental studies centered in
environmental anthropology and
environmental ethics and is author of
the book con conversations in the
rainforest culture values in the
environment in central Africa. So I'm
really excited to hand this over to Rick
and um please keep your questions um in
the chat and we will try to address them
at the end and Ashley will read them in
order. If you have any other questions,
just throw them in the chat. But, um, if
you're ready, I'll hand it over to you.
>> I am ready. Thank you very much, Jane.
Thank you, Ashley. Thank you, Maine, uh,
Sierra Club, for inviting me to have
this community conversation with people
that are interested and involved in
conservation. It's great. Uh, my talk
stems from a symposium that was held at
Antioch University. The symposium was
entitled conservation without borders,
the impact of conservation on human
communities and papers from the
symposium later came out in a special
feature of the journal environmental
management. And there it was under the
heading conservation without borders
building communication and action across
disciplinary boundaries for effective
conservation.
The symposium brought together
conservation researchers and
practitioners who utilized diverse
disciplinary lenses to together consider
how they might more effectively
collaborate for a more integrated
approach to tackling conservation
challenges. The symposium focused on
four types of lenses: ecological,
anthropological, economic, and
political.
And my task at the symposium was to
summarize what conservation looks like
when viewed through a cultural lens and
to provide an introduction as to how my
field approaches conservation. So
drawing on that symposium talk today I
want to offer a few some perspectives on
conservation from my field of
anthropology. But first a couple caveats
and first there is no one cultural lens.
There are of course many fields that
approach conservation through cultural
lenses though perhaps the field of
anthropology comes to mind. But even
within anthropology there are many
different cultural lenses. Their shape
and hue is influenced by theoretical
preferences by the multiplicity of
methods that are utilized in doing
cultural research by the idiosyncrasies
of individual cultural researchers.
Thus my pluralistic title cultural
lenses
and that also means secondly that this
overview will not be definitive cannot
speak for all of anthropology. It is
instead uh much more humble in scope.
It's it's one cultural researcher's
insights on what employing a cultural
lens has meant for his work and most of
my work has taken place in central and
east Africa. And secondly, maybe a bit
more ambitious is some general concerns
that many anthropologists hold with
respect to conservation.
Not just critiques, but also
contributions that the discipline of
anthropology might be able to make to
the task of conservation. I'll conclude
with several concrete examples of
conservation projects that are
integrating multiple disciplinary lenses
in their work um to foster a more just
and and lasting conservation.
So let me begin with some vantage points
from my own experience and my experience
goes back a long ways now. Um boy it's
hard to remember these times. I was I
really started out in conservation by
studying the okapi which is a rainforest
giraffe that's only found in the forest
of the Democratic Republic of Congo. And
so I was doing okapi research with the
New York Zoological Society but having
been uh with a background of
anthropology I kept being drawn to the
human issues that were affecting the
Turi forest and that big one was human
immigration into the forest. So I I did
a study on human immigration
um and that became my masters at the
University of Wisconsin. Um but as I
began as I worked more and more with
these issues on the ground, it it was
very clear to me that there was a lot of
tension between conservationists and
local people. Uh not just tension but
conflicts. And so I was really spurred
to to try to understand what was at the
root of those conflicts. and that became
my my PhD work. Um, so here are some
some vantage points if you will that
that comes out of that experience. And
the first is that
conservation conflicts are deeply rooted
in culture. They're deeply rooted in the
fundamentally different ways that
different actors in the conservation
drama perceive,
value, and use the natural world.
conservationists mission tends to be
driven by values and perceptions that
are inherent in in western conservation
science and culture. We conserve to
protect a scientific laboratory to to
stem global warming uh to preserve
wilderness to save species. Local
inhabitants of conservation areas may
conserve driven by a very different
worldview. They may see the environment
as a source of their life.
um the source of their life materially
but also culturally a source of
sustenance but also a source of their
cultural identity. So to res to resolve
conflicts we need to identify and and
negotiate these valuebased assumptions
that underly perceptions and uses of
nature for all the different actors in
the conservation drama.
And that leads to a second vantage
point. To to do this type of of value
identification, we we need to go beyond
empirical research to include
investigation into culturally defined
religious, spiritual, metaphysical
realms that shape the relationship
between humans and land. We need to take
very seriously people's beliefs about
the environment or about spiritual
forces that affect their relationship to
the environment. And and this will
require a shift in methodology. One one
that entails respect for respect and and
greater understanding of the
non-verifiable, the the subjective, even
we might say the numinous
in addition to the more traditional
realms of empirical data.
A third vantage point that builds on
this is is looking what is there
locally. What resources for conservation
can be found within the local culture.
We need to look beyond the lens of the
models that that were that we're
familiar with to see what can be learned
from local people from their ancestral
traditions from what is called
indigenous ecological knowledge. Not to
romanticize these sources but neither to
neglect or dismiss them. Instead, I like
to think of approaching them in the
spirit of what the Akan people of Ghana
call sanka,
which is drawing on the past to prepare
for the future. We need to grapple with
the question of where do western and
indigenous approaches to conservation,
where do they complement each other?
Where does each need to be corrected?
And and how do conservationists and
local people negotiate the power to
decide this?
And that means we need to listen to
local people. We need to hear local
voices speak. Too often in the
conservation research that I've seen a
lot of in in the writing and practice,
the real men and women with whom we
conduct fieldwork completely disappear
beneath theoretical discourses and
abstractions. And yet, when it comes to
conservation, getting at local people's
perceptions of their environmental
situation holds the most promise for
understanding people's actions toward
the natural world and perhaps for
encouraging changes in those actions.
And and this demands that we include
their voices
as well as our own. That we put their
words into our publications as well as
our own. That we honor knowledge from
their texts as well as from ours. So
those are four uh lessons that I've sort
of learned from my experience. But let
me go a little bit more broadly now and
share some concerns and some
contributions
from a wider uh community of cultural
researchers. A lot of this work draws uh
a lot of this comes from work that was
done by the conservation and community
working group within the anthropology
and environment section of the American
anthropological association and that
group was convened by my co-authors of
the environmental management paper Dr.
Peter Peter Brochious at the University
of Georgia who sadly just passed away.
It was a huge blow, a real champion and
leading figure in the field of
environmental anthropology. He died
about a month ago. Um, another co-author
is Paige West at Barnard College
and and Diane Russell um who until
recently was a consultant with USAD.
members of this working group really
well represented a wealth of knowledge
and experience in environmental
anthropology. Um and so this uh comes
from a lot a wide array of people doing
work all over different parts of the
world. But here are first some some
general some concerns four four general
concerns and then 10 contributions that
the field of of environmental
anthropology might be able to offer
conservation. First concern has to do
with noticing uh a certain backlash
against participatory conservation. Now
successfully balancing human needs with
conservation needs is really hard.
Really hard.
Participatory conservation models that
have been used have often been discarded
after a while because of the perceived
failure that they don't aren't
adequately conserving biodiversity.
Such perceived failure can sometimes
reinvigorate earlier, more authoritarian
conservation models that are based more
on co coercion and expropriation than on
collaboration.
Often the blame for this failure, this
perceived failure is often laid on the
communities themselves.
Whereas it's very if we look at more
deeply it's whether community- based
conservation fails or succeeds depends
on a complex interplay of a of a host of
variables including things like colonial
the colonial histories and communities
historical encounters with conservation
communities historically governed
degrees of sovereignty and political
clout. the nature of the roles that have
been played by indigenous NOS's and
other civil society actors and and and
further certainly failure or success of
community-based approaches to
conservation is due to far more complex
causes than simply local inadequacy or a
local lack of conservation values.
cultural lens approaches can help
provide more of the desperately needed
in-depth understanding of these really
complex interlink causes. And and
finally, just because something is
difficult and complex does not mean it
should be abandoned.
Maybe the advice that the only remedy
for love is to love more applies here.
The only solution to successful
participatory conservation is to
participate more fully and complexely in
the process of building more
appropriate, stronger, and more reliable
local institutions in support of
conservation. But but this is a
conservation whose meaning has been
carefully negotiated among local and
non-local actors who agree to share
power.
A second concern has to do with the the
poor quality of social research.
Conservation organizations seeking to
employ participatory models often find
the mandate for greater community
participation rubbing really hard
against their API sense of urgency which
tends to encourage the use of pretty
fast-paced formalistic social research
protocols that that focus more on
identifying threats or getting data
about local communities rather than
develop veloping rapport with them. And
participatory research when it does
occur often falls into what has been
called the stakeholder syndrome where
local communities needs, concerns and
sentiment sentiments get get reduced to
interests to be bargained and balanced
at the table.
we need to incorporate a more holistic
and and a longer term social research
methods and and do so more upfront more
from the beginning rather than waiting
until things go ary. And one way to do
this rather than depend on various expat
professionals to carry out some of these
rapid appraisal techniques perhaps we
can do longer term research by involving
local students and local NOS's such as
those shown here on the right. These are
university students. Um, it's a lot more
cost-effective for conservation and it
and it helps to build local capacity.
A third concern that many
anthropologists share has to do with the
emergence of what are called eco-reional
conservation models. It's also known by
various rubrics. Eco regional planning,
landscape level conservation,
transboundary protected areas.
Expanding the scale of conservation
conservation has both enabled and also
been enabled by the rapid growth of
geospatial data gathering technologies
such as rapid ecological assessment, gap
analysis, geographic information systems
and more recently geo AI and Google
Earth Engine. And now there are a lot of
good reasons to expand conservation
planning and action beyond the park or
the reserve to the ecosystem scale. But
this increase in scale and the increased
dependence on on computerized
technologies can also encourage uh more
of a top-down conservation approach and
privilege large transnational
conservation organizations over
grassroots conservation initiatives.
increases this this expansion of scale
increases distance between those who
hold power in conservation decision-m
and those who are living in and with the
ecosystem that are earmarked for
conservation. It it increases distance
in two distinct ways. This increased
dependence on technology as an
intermediary can lead conservationists
to spend a lot more time working with
with maps, with computer programs, with
concept maps, with large abstracted data
sets than working with local people. The
larger scale also precludes the amount
of attention that can be afforded to
particular places and communities. and
it it distances conservation planners
from seeing being able to see the
effects of their decisions and
interventions.
Related to this is a fourth concern and
that has to do with power and decision-
making especially within large
international conservation
organizations.
And and this
this concern prompts anthropologists to
to encourage research that gets into
this question of who really holds the
power. We need to pay more attention to
how big conservation does business and
do we need to find ways to challenge the
power imbalances and the inequities that
can lead sometimes to investments that
favor the privileged over the poor and
the marginalized.
We also need to we also anthropologists
are often often concerned by the lack of
reflexivity that they can see within
large conservation organizations. For
instance, investment in local capacity
building is often considered to be
really expensive. But rarely do budgets
for travel, for conferences, for glossy
publications, for even for Land Rovers
where rarely do those get questioned.
All right. Anthropologists have a
reputation and insified
for being quick to point out what is
wrong and slow to offer concrete advice
on what could be better. Now I think
this is changing as anthropologists are
increasingly getting involved in policym
and developing also developing stronger
programs for training anthropologists in
applied research and practice including
the practice of conservation. One
example of this is the center for
integrated conservation research at the
University of Georgia that was founded
by my colleague Dr. Peter Brushes. It's
its PhD program in integrative
conservation. Um that's the degree title
and this is taken from their website. It
rests on quote the intentional training
in the founding principles of pluralism,
reflexivity,
complexity, and context in order to
empower students to see beyond their own
perspectives and work more justly and
inclusively on conservation and
sustainability challenges. And a key
part of the program is for students to
actually work directly with conservation
practitioners as partners whether
through internships or through
collaborative research projects. So in
keeping with this shift towards
anthropological engagement, I want to
give 10 10 policy features of a
conservation model. All of those
features build on the contributions that
cultural lens perspectives have to
offer.
So first of all, such a model
would be characterized by a
welldeveloped
social definition of conservation. And
this would be a definition that
complements the ecological or biological
definitions of conservation by
articulating the roles that individuals
and social groups play, the roles that
they play in conservation practice in
addition to the roles of of ecological
phenomenon. Such a definition would also
enlarge the circle of of what needs to
be conserved and what gets defined as a
conservation issue. For instance, it
could link conservation to other
socioecological issues such as soil and
water degradation or the loss of
traditional food crops.
This entails validating and encouraging
local small-cale conservation efforts to
achieve a better balance of power
between among conservation actors
through integrating human interests and
social justice concerns with
conservation. A second feature of this
model would be a greater channeling of
money to the to the grassroots of
resources inter international
conservation.
And don't get me wrong, I'm a firm
believer in international conservation,
but you need to make sure that these
efforts don't that they support rather
than user local institutions and
organizations.
Instead of introducing new conservation
initiatives from the outside, we need to
first learn about and build on and
replicate the networks of
conservationoriented
community organizations that already
exist on the ground. And these can be
based within universities, local
universities, within local technical
schools, sometimes within religious
organizations, certainly within civil
society. And our job in this model would
be to then really focus on how do we
link these grassroots efforts together
from from these different sectors. How
do we link them with each other and how
do we link them with conservation
initiatives that are at a broader scale.
A third feature of this model would be
to incorporating an analysis that
weaves
the understanding of local systems with
a larger scale question of power
dynamics.
This type of analytical framework can
help conservationists really get at what
are the root causes of conservation
challenges
um such as shown here uh the the cause
of encroachment into protected areas.
How how do we get at the root causes?
How do we situate equity and power
concerns within larger political and
historical contexts? And this can
provide a means to sort out what is the
distribution of present and future
benefits and costs of conservation
initiatives such as is being done in
this paper on a case in Tanzania in the
eastern arc mountains of Tanzania.
A fourth feature of this model is a
really strong collaboration authentic
collaboration between science and local
ecological knowledge.
We need to recognize and respect local
science. Acknowledge western science is
not the only valid source of information
about ecological systems.
Conversely, scientific methods can be
incorporated into the practice of local
knowledge systems to create a
relationship that is one of mutual
enrichment, a two-way exchange of
learning that enhances conservation
effectiveness. One encouraging sign of
that is this just very new creation at
the University of Massachusetts in
Amherst. The NSF National Science
Foundation has created the Center for
Braiding Indigenous Knowledge and
Science. Um I think they've been reading
Robin Wall Kimber uh who is one of the
most outstanding I think um
scientists indigenous people who is
showing how this can actually be done.
Her book braiding sweetg grass is full
of insights um and wisdom on how do we
put science and indigenous ecological
knowledge together.
A fifth feature of this model is that it
would it would recognize and try to
rectify what are sometimes pretty naive
assumptions about this tricky word
community. We need a more complex
understanding of what the community what
it entails. Recognizing that communities
are not homogeneous. They're not
monolithic. They're not even chummy.
power relations, greed, factionalism,
they're found at all levels of social
organization in all cultures. And yet,
this refusal to romanticize the
community should not lead us to forsake
the need to center conservation
initiatives around those whose
livelihoods depend on the ecosystems
that we're seeking to conserve. As
complex as local communities are, we
still need to take time. Take time to
build authentic rapport and relationship
that leads to a greater awareness of
local conservation practices and beliefs
which is the foundation of any
initiative.
A sixth feature is this model would
embed land history within conservation
planning. We need it would be built on
trying to deepen our understanding of
the anthropogenic nature of so-called
pristine areas recognizing that humans
have been living with and in these
so-called wildernesses for generations.
As you see on the picture on the right,
which is the Tur primary primary Tur
rainforest um in in the foreground is a
banana plant a banana garden.
The fact that such seemingly pristine
yet long inhabited areas remain
significantly intact opens questions,
really important questions as to how
human societies have played and still
play positive ecological roles in the
functioning of ecosystems.
Conversely, land histories can help us
understand how various social ills such
as war, subjugation, poverty, illness,
how these have worked to desoil
landscapes. And this is a means of
clarifying the socopolitical causes of
degradation that go beyond simplistic
attributions of degradation to humans as
a species.
As I've talked about the seven uh
seventh feature would be a this model
would employ ethnography and case study
analysis up upfront would do it early in
the process. Yet we need to be wary of
simply transcribing methods used in the
natural sciences onto the investigation
of social phenomenon.
For example, sole dependence on
quantitative surveys may may yield
skewed results and rarely can those
types of surveys capture the nuanced
complexity of social issues that impact
conservation.
An eighth feature would be of this model
would be to question how images of local
communities get woven into what are
sometimes called crisis narratives.
This model would would examine and and
cross-check both the positive and and
the negative characterizations of local
people whether as poachers, as threats,
as naive, as wise, as ecologically
minded.
We need to check these against the
reality of people's lives. We need to
listen for and hear how
>> listen
>> define and describe themselves. How
their
>> conform to or contradict such
descriptions and how they define
threats.
>> How rather rather than just us define
threats, how do they define threats,
environmental or otherwise?
A ninth feature would be to try to
articulate and promote a more expanded
definition of what constitutes
conservation success. Now, accurate
measures of conservation success,
whether in regard to biodiversity
conserved or the level of
socioecological well-being,
accurate measures are impossible without
the contributions from the people who
are living with and using those rivers,
um those forests, those seas.
It's important to recognize that
conservation success will have different
meanings even within one culture or one
population.
So we need to ask this model would ask
what are the social and cultural
parameters in addition to the ecological
ones that might indicate success and how
might how might we measure them
effectively and institutionalize them as
parts of conservation assessment.
We we need to make the social and
cultural success as constitutive as any
other measures of conservation success.
And the 10th and final feature of this
model would be that it really strives to
maintain a distinction between local
views and our own views on conservation.
We we must not try to speak for local
people or conflate our views with
theirs. We need to recognize and respect
local disagreement with our own
conclusions and points of view. We need
to create space for and refrain from
facilitating over difference, discord,
even antagonism, and instead see these
very normal and true-to-life realities
within any community as sources for
further understanding, further learning.
So those are 10 features. Now our paper
in environmental management came out
some time ago and while the themes we we
touched on remain I think relevant very
relevant today there's also been many
positive changes in both the way
conservation is being done and in the
transdisciplinary collaboration for
conservation. And let me conclude here
with a few snapshots of conservation
projects and initiatives that embody
these positive sorts of change. And the
first is back in my area of research in
the DRC um the reser deon aokapi or
okapi wildlife reserve in the forest. Um
you can see in the map there I hope that
it's in the northeast corner. Um the the
reserve was established in 1992 and it
operated for quite some time under a
pretty top-down authoritarian model of
conservation. But in the years following
the DRC's calamitous wars in the late
90s and early 2000s, the conservation
model at in the began to change to adopt
more of a community-based conservation
approach. the Okapi Conservation
Project, the Wildlife Conservation
Society, who are working in partnership
with the Congolese Institute for the
Conservation of Nature, they've all
continued to build a form of
conservation in the Aturi that that
really does appear to include sincere
efforts to to listen to, to to
collaborate with, and to even to provide
benefits for the communities that
surround the reserve. Such efforts
include assistance with farming
techniques with crop varieties,
provision of seeds and tools,
creation of demonstration agroforestry
gardens to disseminate knowledge and
practice of agroforestry as a means to
slow the c the the um deforestation in
the area.
the construction of clean water sources
in various villages around the reserve.
Um, and working with the with already
established women's associations that
are already there on the ground, working
with them to to build microenterprises
such as tailoring that allows them some
to gain some income and again not to
have to put so much economic pressure on
the forest.
They are they are involved in
constructing health clinics and programs
to support health care. And most
recently they've taken an really active
role in the efforts to stem the spread
of Ebola which is happening right in
that very area
including educating about the virus and
provision of life-saving preventive
measures such as there shown in the
lower left corner.
Now these community-based efforts, it
may still be quite distant from the
ideal of community- based conservation
in which power and ownership of
conservation goals, means, and
decision-m lies primarily in the hands
of those for whom the forest is home.
However, these conservationbased
community efforts do represent a real
sea change from the style of
conservation these organizations
employed during the early years of the
reserve. And there are the these methods
are still being employed despite the
really excruciating challenges facing
the region. Not just Ebola, but a lot of
um a lot of violence, a lot of militia
operating in the area, a lot of gold
mining, poaching, really incredibly hard
work, and yet they've maintained this
community-based approach. A second
example comes from Kenya and that is uh
the South Rift Association of Land
Owners or Soralo.
Soral was founded in 2004. It's a it's
quite unique. It's an organization
that's rooted in the Masai communities
of Kenya's South Rift. Their vision is
to achieve and maintain a healthy and
connected South Rift landscape in which
communities and wildlife thrive. And
their mission is to enable communities
to support and be supported by that
coexistence.
And they they do this by by
deliberatively melding long-held Messiah
cultural wisdom, values, and ecological
knowledge with modern conservation
science.
It's a very community-driven
organization. It's it seeks to conserve
this semi-nomeadic pastoral lifestyle of
the Masai while at the same time
preserving ecological health and
preserving wildlife. And this is on one
of the very last areas of intact
communal lands in southern Kenya. And
and their work allows the preservation
of of an ecological corridor, an
ecological connectivity to the the
neighboring areas as you see on the map.
To the east is the ambuselli and Tsavo
ecosystems and to the west is the
Masamara. So their work is connecting
this corridor between this whole
southern near the whole southern border
of Kenya.
um they are really putting take what
they call a community first approach and
and this goes as far as saying, you
know, we're willing to help communities
champion their own causes on their own
terms. Um even if those don't directly
or immediately align with Soral's
conservation goals. Now, that's pretty
radical.
But they do this because they they of
they have seen how the Messiah
living in this area and being completely
dependent on its on the on the
ecosystems health to sustain their way
of life that member communities of Soral
are already deeply appreciate the values
of maintaining a healthy and integral
landscape. So
they trust those re those those
communities and try to aid them to
achieve their goals. And they they they
using Messiah ecological knowledge with
conservation science has meant taking on
projects that one might not immediately
associate with conservation such as
working with again women led grassland
seed banks as you see in the lower left
picture to restore degraded rangeands
and also provide income for for women
from the seed sales to help their
families build economic resilience.
managing human wildlife conflicts
through the use of indigenous wildlife
tracking of the Messiah.
But they combine that with with AI tools
with camera traps or with radio
telemetries to advise MSAI herders where
to move their cattle to avoid predation,
integrating both indigenous ecological
knowledge and science and conservation
science in a really really creative way.
and they're they're this organization is
constantly invol evolving. It's a very
exciting organization. I've been
fortunate to be part of and to help
create opportunities for my students to
be able to to be part of their work. Um
we used to go to the Masai Mara at the
end of a course that I taught in Kenya,
but then switched to Soralo and it was a
sea change in the students ability to be
able to really see how community based
conservation operates.
A third example is not so much a project
as a gathering and that is was the 12th
World Wilderness Congress that took
place in August of 2024
in the Black Hills of South Dakota.
Uh this is the most recent world
wilderness conquer congress that has
been organized princely prince all of
them have been organized by what the
wild foundation but this one brought
together delegates from more than 50
indigenous nations and from 36 countries
to try to re reimagine what wilderness
might look like through the lens of
traditional cultural knowledge and to
explore relationships. real focus on
relationships that bind people, place,
culture, and the living world.
The Congress proceedings were recently
published. They're available online.
There are 24 peer-reviewed papers. Um in
they deal with four thematic areas.
Indigenous perspectives and global
stewardship,
reing, values, meanings, and relevance
of wilderness. the methods and
approaches for managing social and
ecological systems. And finally,
collaboration, partnership, and
community conservation. This was one of
the largest international conservation
symposia that has been ever been hosted
by indigenous peoples. And what makes
this congress unique was placing
indigenous knowledge and leadership and
perspectives at the very center of the
gathering rather than at the margins,
rather than simply a panel.
It it really invited participants to
seek to understand wilderness in new
ways. Not simply as a place or an
ecological system but as a web a web of
relationships, responsibilities
and ways of knowing.
Final example comes right comes from
Maine and that is two organizations
first light and the Wabanaki Commission
on Land and Stewardship.
First Light is a collective of
non-native land trusts and conservation
organizations. They've been working
since 2017 with the Wabanaki Commission
on Land and Stewardship to try to create
a means by which Wabanaki people can
expand their access, their ownership,
and their management of important
conservation land across the Wabanaki
homeland that has become the state of
Maine. They like to talk about their
work as operating at the speed of trust.
And together, these two organizations
are in the process right now of
returning 50,000 acres to Wabanaki
communities, comprising 11 distinct
projects that are collectively known as
the tributary tributary land returns.
Their process is shaped by really really
slow and really careful building of
relation relationships of trust between
non-native land trusts and conservation
organizations and the people of the dawn
land. They recognize that colonization
is a structure not an event and
therefore that the repairing and of the
ongoing harms of centuries of
dispossession and extraction require
structural solutions. Push Light's
programs are centered on a three-step
process of relearning, reentering, and
returning. Re relearning involves
organizations in actually taking courses
to relearn the history of the land that
they care for and to rethink how they
can change their systems to support
Wabanaki land access, stewardship, and
return. Recentering involves first
recognizing how Babanaki have been
removed and excluded from shared
landscapes and then to bring their
voices, their knowledge, their history
back to the center of land relationships
and returning involves centering the
Wabanaki Commission on Land and
Stewardship and directing the process
really taking control of the process of
returning land or land access to
Wabanaki peoples and communities.
There's also involves a a distribution
redistribution of wealth
encouraging land land trusts and
conservation organizations to contribute
to what translates as the quote let us
take good care of what is returned fund.
That fund provides grants that are
administered by the commission to
Wabanaki people and institutions to help
them fulfill their caretaking
responsibilities for the lands and
waters of Maine. So these are just four
examples. I'm sure there are many I know
there are many other exciting things
that are happening in the world of
conservation to make it a more just
ecological concept and practice. And I'm
sure many of you probably know of other
similar initiatives that are taking
place.
In closing, it's really important to
recognize that that visa be the forces
that are driving the loss of both
biological and cultural diversity under
economic globalization and
neoliberalism, the advocates for
conservation and the advocates for the
rights of local or indigenous
communities were pretty weak.
And therefore, it's so important that
our voices for conservation, whether
coming from scientists or from
indigenous people, not be diminished by
a reluctance to work with and through
our differences. That reluctance can
only heighten our comparative weakness.
There is a vital place for difference,
for disagreement,
for distinction between various lenses.
But more than ever, we need civil and
constructive dialogue. We need
collaboration and open-mindedness.
We need humility and a willingness to
appreciate and employ the gifts that
each lens can offer our collective
struggle. Let me close with this quote
that was issued jointly by my friend
Kent Redford, a leading conservation
biologist, and my colleague Peter
Brochious, a leading environmental
anthropologist. They write, "Such
conflicts pitting weak defenders of
cultural diversity against weak
defenders of biological diversity
do not provide the sort of model needed
to slow the advance of homogenization.
In the face of the broadscale
homogenization of the world, individual
dimensions of diversity most treasured
by a given group are being saved with
often little attention to the broader
context within which homogenization is
advancing.
If we are to hold the homogousene at
bay, a starting point must be to
recognize that it is not simply discrete
distinct dimensions of diversity that
are at risk, but rather the fabric that
binds these dimensions into the
intricate pattern of life's rich
tapestry.
What is needed is an appreciation for
diversity as composed not of single
discrete entities but as an intertwined
complexity of natural and cultural
dimensions with both pattern and
process.
Biological and cultural diversity rely
on one another and losing one or the
other can create conditions for the
erosion of both.
Thank you very much. I really enjoyed
having this conversation with you. I'm
happy to take any questions that might
uh might be there.
>> Thank you so much, Rick. That was really
informative and inspiring and I
personally really loved the
solutionoriented
presentation.
Um I really appreciate that. Um, for
questions, Molly had a question about
applications in Maine, but she notes
that you did answer that at the end. Um,
there are no other questions in the
chat, so I'm going to use my power to
ask my own. Um, it's a three-parter, but
what is the average rate of
participation in communities and how
does that change over time? And then on
top of that, are there any specific
patterns or markers that predict
retention rate of community
participation in conservation projects?
>> Uh I am not able to give you figures on
average rate of participation. Uh I
think it varies tremendously. It it
depends um I think a lot on the degree
of trust that communities feel with
external conservation actors. Uh the
amount of time that external
conservation actors have taken in
developing rapport and relationships.
Um I think the the pattern might be that
the more effort and expertise that is
given to those cultivation of
relationships of trust the um the more
you're going to see participate uh
community buy in and community
participation not just as as people who
you know whose interests are being
respected but as as really fellow actors
in the process where power is shared
with them and they take um a leading
role in in sort of helping conservation
become a more just process. Um so it's
really as I said it's really hard work.
There's no way around it. Um but but I'm
I'm encouraged as I tried to indicate
just by seeing the change in the project
that I'm most familiar with which is in
the Aturi forest in Congo and and um and
how that's changed over time. So and and
and organizations like Soralo, I mean
just it's just such a radical different
approach than what is sometimes called
fortress conservation where conservation
is sort of instituted from from without
um to really be built on on local
foundations. Um, so I think the patterns
and markers are are really have to do
with how much time and effort is given
to establishing relationships of trust
because people will tell if you're if
you're
people local people will be able to tell
if you're full of BS.
Um, they'll tell that they'll know that
right away. Um, and they'll know right
away, you know, are these is this real?
are they do they really want to
collaborate with us on this project? Do
they really want to share power? Um and
when when that is not there then often
times conservation projects go ary.
They don't work or or or you get this
backlash where oh participatory
conservation didn't work. We're going to
come in with a much more authoritarian
model.
Um I think that's happening less and
less. Um I think that conservation based
community based conservation is getting
more and more sophisticated
um more and more robust more and more
more and more respected.
Um I really encouraged by organizations
such as one at the University of Georgia
that is really training anthropologists
to um to get involved in in making and
working with rather than just
critiquing. We're working with
conservation, with biologists, with
ecologists to to say how can we do this
together in a way that that respects
uh these as a as this as the last quote
I read from Brochious and Redford um
that sees sees this as an intertwined
complex cultural and biological.
Um,
there's a whole field now that wasn't
here 20, 30 years ago called bioultural
diversity that sees that biological and
cultural diversity are are completely
interdependent on each other. Um, and
that's a that's a growing field that it
wasn't around
20 30 years ago.
I don't know if that answers your
question, Ashley, but some some thoughts
on some really good questions that I
don't have a definitive answer to.
>> Thank you. It did. Um Ken has his hand
up, so go ahead.
>> Sorry, this was too much to write in the
chat. Thanks. I appreciate your
presentation. This is some work that
I've done um as part of IUCN's World
Commission on Protected Areas. one of
those large groups that you know could
have been on your list though I think
they're trying to do some of the same
things you are and I appreciate like the
nuance in terms of talking about
communities and thinking about what that
really means. I guess my question is one
where I struggle with the the
attractiveness of the theory and
thinking about the practicalities of
application.
And one of the things I sometimes do
with my students is create a scenario
for them that looks at a place that has
a lot of ecological features, has you
know tremendous, you know, both
biodiversity perhaps tourism values and
things like that. and a local populace
that's very skeptical of conservation
and sort of play that out with a lot of
facts and you the students I think are
more attuned to some of the ideas that
you're talked about and which is sort of
fun and exciting
but then I you know sort of at the end
sort of unveil that the facts that I've
given them are you know 1913
Mount Dert Island and the question of
pounding of Acadia
and say to them, you know, had it been
left to the local community, there would
be no national park here. There would be
no protected land here. There would be a
lot of really fancy houses everywhere on
the island. And the local community
wouldn't be there either. And we have a
different local community here now. And
some of those original people who were
here have persisted and benefited and
some have not. And it's so part of my
question is do you think this model
can withstand the external pressures
because it's not just conservation that
comes from the outside there's you know
I think what you described as the um oh
shoot I'm the homogenization
all those economic forces
>> and I wonder if the how the model sort
of keeps those at bay and Then secondly,
just your own thoughts about how well it
applies in a place like Maine if we're
doing some of this work.
Sorry, that's a lot, but this is
something obviously I've thought about a
lot and your talk is great. I would
actually love to play, you know, repeat
it for my students, but
>> yeah, those are those are those are
tough those are really important and
really hard questions. And I think
you're you're you're absolutely right
that both local people and conservation
organizations,
they are up against much larger
systemic structural forces and and and
and yet both can unite because there's a
common common threat and that's
McMansions or or land selling off land
for large um external
quite wealthy land owners
and um
I I think that we are probably I mean
against that power of especially when
you're talking about Jeff Bezos and
other huge huge forces. um we we're the
reality is we're we're going to be weak
and I think that all the power that big
conservation has to muster should be
used against those even more powerful
forces and as much as possible in that
process see how local people can be
allies in that process
not to exclude them but to say hey this
is also threatening your way of life
um but but I think It's the power of
external homogenization is is so
powerful that I think big conservation
needs to utilize big power as much power
as it's got. But that doesn't
necessarily mean it has to exclude local
people. Um because again we can showing
ways in which their their their
interests and conservation interests
align in this situation
um
can can make them allies in this
struggle against these forces of
homogenization
from the side. Um
yeah. Uh I I wonder to what degree
if organizations like First Light and
the Wabanaki Commission on Land and
Stewardship, if they had been around in
1913,
to what degree
>> Mount Desert Island would also still be
protected would even without a national
park model. Um but they weren't. Um, and
you're right that probably if things had
not stepped in to create a national
park, there would be a lot less
conservation land in MDI today. Um, but
that's why that's why it's so important
to build these local institutions
um for conservation and that and that is
continuing to happen. And I think first
light is a great example of just trying
to do exactly that.
But it's hard work. It's really hard
work. Theory is one thing, but the the
practice I I like the way that they're
taking a very slow and careful approach
to it. Sometimes people get frustrated
because it's not happening fast enough.
But I think that they're really being
thoughtful about how they're going about
collaborating with Wabanaki peoples to
create co-management of these areas or
co-ownership.
>> Yeah.
Thank you. And yeah, I knew there wasn't
a simple answer to that, but I I do
appreciate your thoughtful approach to
it.
>> It's a great questions.
>> It's a great question.
Pam, you're up.
>> Hi. I know we're getting close to the
end here, but I just wanted to as you
both were talking, you know, I was
thinking about local people and Rick,
you're highlighting indigenous people,
but I'd love to hear your thoughts on
local people who aren't necessarily
indigenous and the value of
conservationists, you know, really
working with local people who may not be
indigenous people because unfortunately
ely in many parts of Maine, especially
down here in southern Maine, there's not
a strong indigenous community. So, as
you were talking, I was also thinking
about local land trusts and thinking how
for students, I think that's a an a
place that they can learn about, you
know, how do you really do conservation
at the local level and and trying to
engage with local communities, but I
don't know if you've thought about that
at all.
Yeah, I I um I I I didn't I think I I
was uh I think
I have more experience with indigenous
people, but local people is really the
critical variable here. And whether
they're indigenous or not, it's still
some of the same um ideas apply.
Recognizing that local communities are
um are complex, that they're they're not
homogeneous, they're not monolithic,
they don't all want the same things.
There are factions within local
communities. We sometimes um romanticize
the community, whereas it's communities
can be really problematic or complex,
let's put it that way. So, how how do
how do you work
with that? And I think I think in the
same way you work with indigenous
populations, you work by trying to build
trust with those local people who
whoever they might be. Many of those
local I speak for the again for the UI,
but let me just get play with this for a
minute. I mean the UI is home to
indigenous people, the hunter gatherers
who have lived there longer than any
other humans. But there are also many
non-indigenous or farmer farming
peoples, local people, but they're non
not it's hard to qual when you get to
Africa, it's the definition of
indigenous gets really really complex,
but they they don't consider themselves
um hunter gatherers for sure, but those
local people
really had a great deal of ecological
knowledge.
Um, and I think local communities who've
lived in Maine with the ecosystems of
Maine, who have used those ecosystems in
Maine, have a lot of local ecological
knowledge.
Local ec indigenous ecolog. There's it's
still there. There's still a lot of
knowledge there because they too in many
places have been dependent on the health
of that ecosystem to maintain their
livelihood.
So, how do we how do we tap into that
local ecological knowledge?
How do we um create some type of a of a
braiding like is starting like the
center at UMass Amhurst of
ecological knowledge with science. Um,
I don't know, Tammy, you've worked much
more with local mayors than I have, but
um, I'm wondering if you might I I'm
throwing this out that they that I
because I I really do believe that there
is a lot of local eolog, but you could
give some concrete examples of ways in
which you've seen in your work with
wetlands, local people who shared with
you knowledge of places that
goes beyond maybe what's in the science
textbook. book. Um, so how do you how do
we tap into that knowledge of local
people for conservation?
>> Yeah. No, I I think that's a great
question and something I think about a
lot, not necessarily have an answer for.
And so that's why I was just curious to
know what you thought about that. But
yeah, because you know, as you just said
in Maine there, I think there is a lot
of local knowledge and just what you
said, I think it applies exactly to any
communities where people have lived for
a long time and
um there is local knowledge and it's
important to really spend the time
listening and talking with people and
getting to know people. I mean that the
whole thing about trust, it applies
everywhere. So even in in Maine,
wherever you are, and I I just think
what you talked about, even though your
experience is mostly in different parts
of Africa, I still think it it applies
directly here and just made me really
think about that. So thanks.
>> Yeah. No, I totally agree with you. I
think it does apply. Yeah.
>> All right. There's no more questions. I
think I'll turn it over to Jane to send
us off for the night. Thank you.
>> Thank you so much, Rick. That was really
really um inspiring and informative. And
my my bachelor's degree is in
anthropology from many years ago at the
University of Maine. And so it was just
really cool to see sort of like my old
world and my newer world blended
together in such an inspiring um
>> they're good partners. They're good
dance partners. They're good.
>> Yeah, they are. They are. That was
really great. Um thank you so much.
Thanks to everybody who who came um and
asked really wonderful questions and
just listened. Um this was this was
really great. I hope we all have some
thoughtful um reflection on this this
evening and we'll hope to see you again
at another community conversation
sometime soon. Um this will this was
recorded so we'll make access to the
link available to everybody here um
tomorrow.
>> All right, thank you all so much. Have a
good night.
>> Bye everybody.
>> Thank you.