Beyond Stonewall: Canada's Path to Decriminalization
Watch on YouTubeVideo summary
The presentation by Kichelle Feezan at West Vancouver Memorial Library challenges the common reliance on American narratives like Stonewall, arguing instead that Canada's path to decriminalization was defined by local queer history and activist struggles rather than benevolent government gestures. Long before 1969, homosexuality faced severe legal persecution, including death penalties in early centuries, imprisonment for sodomy, whipping under vague laws introduced in the nineteenth century, and immigration bans targeting homosexuals as a prohibited class until the late 1960s. Although Bill C-150 received royal assent on June 27, 1969—one day before Stonewall—it was an incomplete victory that only decriminalized sodomy between adults over twenty-one in private settings while leaving public acts, threesomes, and the age of consent disparity for gay men untouched. Consequently, police raids and charges often increased after this legislation because broader definitions of "public" allowed authorities to continue targeting queer individuals despite the partial legal change.
True progress was driven by courageous local heroes who organized protests and advocated tirelessly against discriminatory policies before any state recognition occurred. Jim Egan emerged as an early openly gay politician who used magazines like *The True New York Times* and *Maclean's* to humanize queer lives through long-form articles, while Ted North utilized tactics inspired by the Black Civil Rights movement to lead the "Lavender Hill Mob" protests; notably, he was addressed as "Your Majesty" by Prime Minister Trudeau in 1967 after his successful campaign for decriminalization. Douglas Sanders also played a pivotal role as president of ASK, Canada's first homophile organization that included lesbians from its inception, which ran community centers and bottle clubs to avoid raids while legally fighting against measures like the LGBT Purge. The Everett Klippert case further illustrates this struggle, where a mechanic designated a "dangerous sexual offender" in 1964 sparked national debate leading directly to Bill C-150, even though he was not released until 1971 due to lingering restrictions.
Following the initial decriminalization victory, activists continued their fight through campaigns like *We Demand*, sponsored by twelve LGBTQ groups seeking equal ages of consent, an end to dangerous offender designations based on sexuality, and a halt to federal purges. While some reforms were eventually achieved in Quebec and regarding immigration bans, many provisions remained unaddressed until later decades, highlighting that decriminalization was merely the first step rather than a final resolution. The speaker emphasizes that historical evidence shows queer and trans communities have always existed, gathered, loved one another, organized, and persisted regardless of their legal status, noting only that current conditions make coming out easier compared to previous eras. Today, accurate education on this local history is crucial to inspire future activism against ongoing challenges such as violations of trans rights in British Columbia and misinformation surrounding SOGI curriculum resources.
Read the full video transcript
Uh, good evening, everyone. Welcome to
the West Vancouver Memorial Library. My
name is Karen Erhardt. I'm the Arts and
Special Events Programmer here. And
thank you so much for joining us in
person. Great crowd. And for those
joining at home, I know we also have a
great crowd at your home. So, tonight
I'd like to begin by acknowledging that
the West Vancouver Memorial Library
library resides within the traditional
ancestral and unceded territory of the
Squamish Nation, Tsleil-Waututh Nation,
and Musqueam Nation.
We recognize and respect them as nations
in this territory, as well as their
connection to the lands and waters
around us since time immemorial.
Tonight's program is presented in
conjunction with Love in a Dangerous
Time, the Canadian Museum of Human
Rights traveling exhibition currently on
display in our main hall.
Um, the exhibit will be with us until
September 15th, so you all have lots of
time. Uh, we do close at 8:00 tonight.
You're always welcome to view it after
the show.
Um, but feel free to come back anytime
before the 15th.
Uh, Love in a Dangerous Time explores
the history of the campaign in which
thousands of members of the Canadian
Armed Forces, the RCMP, and the federal
public service were investigated,
harassed, and in many cases dismissed
because of their sexual orientation or
gender identity.
And as we gather tonight, I'm reminded
that our history includes times when
people were judged, excluded, and
persecuted simply for who they were and
who they loved. The LGBT Purge reminds
us of the harm caused when fear and
prejudice shape our institutions and
communities.
I believe that uh libraries have an
important role in ensuring these stories
are not forgotten. They are places where
history is preserved, respectful
conversations take place, and everyone
is welcome to learn and share.
Through listening, learning, and sharing
our stories, we can build stronger, more
compassionate communities. So, thank you
for being here tonight.
Now, with that, uh it is my pleasure to
welcome tonight's speaker, Kichelle
Feezan. Not only do I get to work with
Kichelle as part of the comms team,
because she is our communications
coordinator, but she is also, in her
spare time, I don't know when she has
time to do this, pursuing her MA at
Royal Roads University, with a research
focus on the importance of local queer
histories.
Uh a believer in the importance of local
stories, Kichelle works to make queer
history more accessible, and several
years ago she curated the West Coast
stop of 69 Positions, Decriminalization
of the Queer Canadian and Quebec
archive.
So, thank you so much for being here. I
can't wait to hear what you have in
store.
>> You're welcome.
Oh, excellent. Thank you so much.
Uh thank you everyone for being here
tonight. It's nice to see such a full
room, and hi everybody at home. I hope
you can hear me well.
Um I'm here to talk about history today,
but I'm not a historian. As Terrence
said, I'm a communications professional.
So, what I'm really interested in is how
information gets shared, where we're
learning history, and more importantly,
where we aren't learning history, and
what that means for us. My research
focuses on the importance of access to
local queer history, and I've also done
several archival projects where I have
gone through the BC Gay and Lesbian
Archives, amongst others, to find ways
to bring queer history to the public,
because archives are not always the most
accessible way to learn history.
I also said I'm a professional queer, uh
not just professional uh
Monday through Friday, but uh that I
used to work for the Vancouver Pride
Society while I was on the board of the
Vancouver Dyke March while serving as
the queer students liaison for my
university while I was doing research
for 69 Positions, a queer archival
project. And working with all these
queer organizations at the same time
meant that I often was hearing lots of
discourse and discussion from the
community. And something I found really
interesting was that people would be
arguing on all different sides of an
argument, uh most notably the decision
on whether or not to remove police and
pride. And people on different sides of
the argument would say, "Remember
Stonewall. Remember Stonewall."
And I was thinking how interesting it
was that so many people were referencing
an American
uh story when talking about change
happening in Canada.
And so I started asking people around
me, "What do you know about Canadian
queer history?" And often the answer was
absolutely nothing.
So, while I was doing this research, I
was working with Ron Dutton, an
inspiration of mine who is the founder
of the BC Gay and Lesbian Archives.
And I asked him why he thought it was
important for queer people to be telling
queer histories. And he said, "Well, we
know when we have left it to straight
institutions and to straight academics,
this has not been benign. So, that's
something I've kept in mind through this
project."
So,
uh can folks raise your hand if you're
familiar with Stonewall?
And keep it up if you're familiar with
the Brunswick Four.
Okay, so far less.
>> [laughter]
>> Uh so, this is what I'm interested in is
making Canadian and local queer history
more accessible. So today I'm going to
give a little bit of a run of what
happened pre-decriminalization in
Canada, talk about a couple of the key
players and events, and then talk about
what came next.
So if you'll travel with me to 2019,
folks were celebrating across North
America the 50th anniversary of the
Stonewall riots, an event most of you
are familiar with. So on June 28th,
1969,
police came in to raid the Stonewall Inn
in Greenwich Village in New York City.
Police raids were very common against
gay bars at the time, and often when
people were arrested, their names would
be published in the papers, and so they
would be estranged from their families,
they might lose their jobs. Being outed
like that was uh
quite a double time for folks. And so
people would run and scatter when the
police came, and this night at
Stonewall, people decided enough is
enough, something's going to change,
people fought back, and that turned into
five days of riots against police
violence.
The next year in San Francisco, in New
York, in Chicago, and Los Angeles,
people had a commemorative march, and
those birthed the modern-day pride
parades, and the Stonewall uh riots
became a huge catalyst for change in the
gay rights movement.
Also in 2019, the federal liberal
liberal government uh was celebrating 50
years of the anniversary of
decriminalization.
You'll note that decriminalization
happened on June 27th, 1969, one day
prior to Stonewall riots, when Bill
C-150 received royal assent.
The federal government, led by Justin
Trudeau at the time celebrated what they
called the decriminalization of
homosexuality. They did so by putting
over two million dollars into
educational projects which included
films and the Canadian Mint created a
one and ten dollar coin. So a lot of
funding was put behind this.
That year I was hired to curate 69
positions, the West Coast Stop, an
exhibition revisiting the partial
decriminalization
of sodomy.
When we look at the realities and myths
surrounding decrim, for example, you'll
note that this exhibition title
references decriminalization only being
partial and about sodomy, not
homosexuality.
You've got to wonder why the language
changed. Why does it matter? While
curating this and watching various
decrim anniversary events being planned
across the country, I often thought back
to what Ron Dutton had said about it not
being benign to let others tell our
stories.
A conference popped up that year,
Anti-69,
that sprung up against the mythologies
of the 1969 Criminal Code Reform,
challenging the idea that
decriminalization was bestowed by
benevolent government onto queers,
rather than something hard-fought and
hard-won by activists over time.
While I believe decrim was a very
significant and pivotal moment in our
queer history that was achieved through
many brave moments by gay activists,
it fell short in many ways of delivering
real change.
So let's talk about that
and talk about crimes of the worst kind,
a euphemism that was used for homosexual
acts.
Time traveling back to 1648,
when it was not only illegal, but
punishable by death to engage in sodomy,
a military drummer was convicted and
sentenced to death.
And Jesuits intervened on his behalf,
and he was spared the death penalty, but
he was forced to become an executioner
himself for engaging in the act of
sodomy.
Fast forward a bit to 1869, the
government decided that sodomy was no
longer punishable by death.
We actually don't know if anyone was
actually sentenced to death in Canada
for engaging in sodomy. There's no
record of it. We do know that people
were whipped and imprisoned, but it was
very hard to convict because it required
an eyewitness, and if you were an
eyewitness, maybe you were engaged in
weren't telling the government about it.
This brings us up to 1890,
when the House of Commons introduced a
new offense called gross indecency,
which became part of Canada's first
criminal code in 1892.
Gross indecency was never defined and
remained very vague.
They knew it covered more than sodomy,
and it was generally understood to
indicate any interaction that indicated
attraction between men.
Women weren't included in this, and the
language made it very easy to
criminalize and convict people because
it wasn't very specific.
Fast forward again to 1953, and women
got the inclusion they never asked for
with the word
added to gross indecency laws. And
around the time that women were being
included in gross indecency, immigrants
were being excluded from the country
when a immigration act was passed to uh
homosexuals to prohibited class of
immigrants due to their probable
inability to become readily assimilated.
Throughout this time, there were various
vagrancy laws that prohibited wearing
clothing of the wrong gender, and people
wearing clothing of the wrong gender
were arrested and charged with vagrancy.
This brings us to June 27th, 1969,
when Bill C-150 decriminalized gross
indecency between adults over 21 in
private.
So, what set the stage for decrim? I
want to talk to you about a few
influencers, not the kind we find on
Instagram.
And while there were many people who
contributed to helping decriminalization
pass, I'm going to be talking about a
few local and semi-local heroes, Jim
Egan, Ted North, and Douglas Sanders.
>> [snorts]
>> First up is Jim Egan, a man some of you
might recognize as being one of the very
first openly gay politicians in Canada,
or for his 19
uh '95 challenge uh
against the household allowance benefits
under the old age security act, which he
did win
uh with in Egan versus Canada.
Now, Jim was really interested in
biology and had experience in farming,
which helped him get employment in
biology labs, and so he actually helped
with uh typhus, polio, and cancer
research. And this enabled him, after
the war, to open up his own biology
um
materials supply business. And having
his own business enabled him to take
some risks.
These risks were immense at the time. He
wrote hundreds of letters, articles, and
op-ed pieces to magazines and newspapers
starting in 1949
saying that he was gay, standing up for
gay rights 20 years before
decriminalization passed when it was
very much illegal to be
gay.
He started This is him and his husband
um by writing letters to local
newspapers
and
talking about homosexuality being a
natural orientation. This was a very
radical idea at the time. He tried to
write into mass-market magazines in
America, but wasn't able to get
published.
He wrote later in a book about his life,
"There was never any articles published
from the gay point of view, which in my
mind equaled a conspiracy of silences on
the true nature of homosexuality."
Here we have a couple tabloid uh paper
headlines. "Queers flushed from love
nest." "10,000 homos in Toronto."
Um homosexuality started coming under
the spotlight, but it was often
described as a sickness or very
sensationalized.
In 1951, Jim was able to get a
seven-part series uh Aspects of
Homosexuality published in one of these
tablets, The True New York Times.
And it was the first published long
articles from a gay point of view in
Canada.
This was followed up with two different
series in Justice Weekly, and he used
these to publish overviews of same-sex
desire throughout history, legal and
scientific aspects of homosexuality, and
the need for more societal tolerance.
He also pushed back against lies in the
press and discussed current events
impacting gays, and these articles were
reprinted and were considered integral
to a lot of gay communities across
Canada.
Then in 1963,
Jim
broke through and got into Maclean's
magazine
uh with journalist Sidney Katz. Katz was
a controversial journalist who had taken
on many
uh controversial at the time topics,
including taking LSD under supervision
under the name of journalism.
When he was assigned the article by
Maclean's, he uh Katz didn't really know
anything about homosexuals, but reached
out to Jim due to his letter writing.
The gay community told Jim not to speak
to him, really worried that such um
a big magazine with so much press would
expose the gay community and make their
secrecy harder,
um and that their lives might come under
scrutiny. But Egan said that educating
the public would help in the long run,
and he felt it was really important to
get more of a spotlight.
So he went out with Katz, he took him on
a bar crawl,
and uh Katz was like, "Wow, a lot of
these people are people that I would
hang out with. They're not anything like
I've been reading in the papers."
And uh Egan also pointed out the male
sex workers that were near the bars, and
observed that if they were arrested,
they would be sent to jail for 2 years,
but women would uh largely get off with
a fine. And so gay male sex workers were
being criminalized uh far more
punitively than women.
Katz wrote the article,
two of them. These were the very first
positive full-scale articles in a
mainstream Canadian magazine,
which was a pivotal moment in queer
Canadian journalism.
Before this point, homosexuality was
only discussed in association with
crime.
This was the very first time people were
depicted as having a regular lives and
being regular people. And these articles
helped begin to change the discourse
around homosexuals in Canada.
Next up is Ted North, a local hero. We
now have a street named after here in
Vancouver.
Uh
Ted North was a drag queen, a civil
rights activist, and empress of Canada.
Ted was one of the very first openly gay
man in Vancouver in the '50s, again
before decriminalization happened. And
he was incredibly inspired by the black
civil rights movement that was happening
in America and borrowed tactics.
He also brought the Imperial Court
System to Canada and established the
first chapter here in Vancouver in 1971
and was crowned Empress of Canada. The
Imperial Court System is a series of
organizations throughout North America
that work on building equality and they
raise money through annual gala
coronation balls.
On August 18th, 1958, Ted hosted the
very first protest on the steps of the
Vancouver Courthouse with four others.
If you've ever been to a protest at the
Art Gallery with thousands of people,
you can imagine the difference standing
there with just four others.
They were referred to as the Lavender
Hill Mob in the Vancouver Sun, a name
which I think sounds very cool, but I
think was meant to be quite derogatory.
And they were chased away by police.
As you recall us talking about earlier,
there were vagrancy laws. It was illegal
to be in drag. And so, to get around
this, drag queens would wear three
articles of the correct gender. So, Ted
did this by stuffing his bra with each
cup with a pair of men's socks and
wearing men's underwear in order to not
be charged with vagrancy.
Um
>> [clears throat]
>> This is a reenactment of the protest and
anniversary. Ted held up a sign saying,
"I am a human being."
At this first protest in Vancouver.
Ted then began an 11-year letter writing
campaign.
No emails to do this with.
To all government officials at all
levels of government in Canada. And he
caught the attention of the then Justice
Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau and NDP
leader Tommy Douglas. And he used this
attention to start advocating for the
decriminalization of homosexuality.
Once decrim passed, Prime Minister
Trudeau called Ted and addressed him as
your majesty, acknowledging both his
contributions to decriminalization and
his drag queen title.
Next up is Douglas Sanders, both a human
rights lawyer and president of ASK. And
Douglas um
used his profession to advocate for the
advancement of gay rights. Some of the
uh things that he did in 1966, he worked
alongside another lawyer to help relax
laws concerning homosexual acts between
consenting adults.
Uh this unfortunately failed in 1966.
In 1968, he made a submission to the
Royal Commission on security arguing
against denying homosexuals government
employment and security clearance during
the LGBT purge.
And in 1968, he forwarded a resolution
from the North American Conference of
homophile organizations to Prime
Minister Trudeau criticizing the age of
consent limitations proposed in Bill
C-150.
As I said, Douglas was the president of
the Association for Social Knowledge or
ASK, which was the very first homophile
or gay rights organization in Canada.
They circulated the very second queer
periodical in Canada and ran the first
gay community center in Canada.
Um, significantly and quite unusual for
the time, the organization included
lesbians right from day one rather than
having them join later on.
ASK would hold discussion groups and
they would invite in speakers to talk
about various issues impacting gay
people and I was reading an article
about how they were so desperate just to
hear anything because there was such a
lack of information that they actually
would sometimes have doctors come in and
have the doctors tell them that they
were sick and wrong, but at least it was
information and they were getting it.
So, the speaker series wasn't
necessarily all positive, but it was
what was available at the time.
They also started a group called Gab and
Java where people would get together
over coffee and brandy so that they
could discuss the gay politic and maybe
find someone to hook up with.
A fun little story about ASK is that um,
and Douglas is that at the time uh, gays
often met at bottle clubs rather than
bars and you could pay a membership fee
and bring your own bottle and have the
bartender serve your own liquor back to
you. And this was a way to circumvent
liquor laws and avoid police raids. And
Douglas came up with a plan that if they
were raided,
um, that he was going to they were going
to offer up a lesbian member of the
collective to be arrested. And then as a
lawyer, he would defend her in court.
And he went to the morality squad of the
police and told them that if they were
raided them that he was going to make a
human rights case. They avoided being
raided, but he had a plan on what he was
going to do.
The ASK newsletter started with a
circulation of 75
using a mimeograph and a lesbian
couple's brand new electric typewriter,
quite exciting for the time, to
distribute their newspaper. They ended
up having a circulation of 150.
And ASK called on the community to write
their MPs over the legislation of
homosexuality. So ASK was another player
in convincing people to reach out and
make some noise about decrim.
Now we're going to travel over to Great
Britain with the Wolfenden report.
By the end of 1954, there was over 1,069
men in prison for homosexual acts.
And then, terribly awkward for all the
proper folks in Great Britain, several
well-known and wealthy and respected men
were recently convicted of homosexual
activities. And this created a lot of
problems because you couldn't have
wealthy, respected men in jail for being
gay.
So, led by Sir John Wolfenden, a
committee was put together to interview
men on their experiences. But it turned
out to be very hard to find gay men who
were willing to admit to this and be
interviewed. They ended up finding three
men, one who who previously already been
convicted, uh who were able to give
their testimony.
>> [clears throat]
>> The report of the Departmental Committee
on Homosexual Offences and Prostitution,
bit wordy, otherwise known as the
Wolfenden report,
um recommended that homosexual behavior
between consenting adults in private
should no longer be a criminal offense.
This led to decriminalization in Great
Britain.
Unfortunately, the report also discussed
the role of boys in sex work, which it
described as weakening the family and
can causing community instability,
leading to a violent police crackdown on
street-level sex work.
The Wolfenden report um did influence
discussion over in Canada, but it did
not immediately lead to the
decriminalization of homosexuality over
here.
Now, prior to 1961
in Canada, you could be designated a
dangerous sexual offender and subjected
to preventative detention,
otherwise known as a life sentence in
jail, if you were considered to be
likely to cause injury, pain, or other
evil to another person
through a failure to control your sexual
impulses.
Uh
then Prime Minister John Diefenbaker
toughened these laws, adding or if
you're likely to commit a further sexual
offense.
Now, they talked about causing injury,
pain, and evil,
but what they meant was that a gay man
who is considered likely to continue
being gay could be sentenced to a life
in prison due to being gay
and being likely to continue to be gay
in future.
Enter Everett Klippert.
Dangerous sexual offender, incurably
homosexual.
Clippert was a mechanic who in 1960 was
charged with over 18 counts of gross
indecency and sentenced to 4 years in
prison.
Uh here you can see a picture of
Clippert being released from prison in
1964.
He moved to the mining community of Pine
Point in the Northwest Territories and
worked there as a mechanic's helper.
But in 1965 an arson happened and he was
a newcomer in town with a previous
criminal record.
He was brought in by police and
questioned about the fire and they
determined that he had absolutely
nothing to do with it.
However, during the questioning he
admitted to having sex with four men and
pled pled guilty to four additional
counts of gross indecency and was
sentenced to another 3 years in prison.
Since these were repeat offenses and
these laws had recently been changed,
the Crown attorney concluded that
Clippert would likely continue to have
sex with men in the future and applied
to have him designated as a dangerous
sexual offender and subject to
indefinite preventative detention.
Life in prison.
Clippert's sister uh brought this uh
case to the Supreme Court of Canada, but
it was upheld three to two that Clippert
would stay in jail for the rest of his
life.
This case sparked a national discussion
uh falling on the ears of politicians
who had been primed over the past decade
by a letter-writing campaigns um by the
letters of activists, by folks like Ted
North, by associations like ASK. And uh
they'd already really kind of had these
seeds planted. So, this case sparked
this national discussion and Bud Orange
Klippert, MP, objected to his treatment
in the House of Commons.
Now, at the time,
even though people were against someone
being put in jail for life for being
gay, it's not because they thought it
was okay to be gay. As Bud Orange said,
it was ridiculous that any man would be
put into jail because they are affected
by a social disease.
Um so, it was cruel to put someone who
was mentally unwell into jail.
In 1967, as Justice Minister, Pierre
Elliott Trudeau introduced Omnibus Bill
C-150.
And a different version of the bill
became law in 1969 when he became Prime
Minister.
Uh a lot of us might be familiar with
this quote.
>> To
contemporary society, I think, take this
thing on
on
homosexuality. I think the
the view we take here is that
there's no place for the state in the
bedrooms of the nation. And I think that
you know, what's done in private between
adults doesn't concern the criminal
code.
>> [clears throat]
>> A fun fact is that this was actually
originally said by journalist Martin
O'Malley in the Globe and Mail, but it's
been attributed to Pierre Elliott
Trudeau.
So, the bill passed.
But, what did this bill actually do?
Bill C-150 is often referred to as the
decriminalization
of homosexuality.
Yet, it actually only enabled exceptions
for buggery or sodomy and gross
indecency in a very narrow set of
circumstances.
It said that
it this couldn't happen in public, and
the word public was left broad and
ill-defined, and included anything more
than two people. So, threesomes were
out.
And as we recall from earlier, gross
indecency wasn't necessarily sex. It was
interactions that indicated attraction
between men.
And so, any interaction between two men
that indicated they might be attracted
to each other that happened in front of
another person was criminalized still.
Also problematic was that the age of the
consent widely differed from
heterosexual sex. The age of consent at
the time was considered 14 or 16 for
heterosexual sex and 21 for gay men.
The higher age of consent for two men
was based on the idea that young men
needed special protections from scary
homosexual advances.
The Anti-69 Conference pointed out that
being gay itself was never criminalized,
but that various provisions in the
criminal code were used to criminalize
queer sex acts pre- and post-1969
decrim.
For instance, the crimes which Everett
Klippert were charged with, gross
indecency and buggery, weren't repealed
until 1988 and 2019.
Of note, buggery was renamed anal
intercourse in 1988 and was only
repealed in 2019 along with vagrancy.
That's pretty recent.
Other provisions that have been used to
criminalize queerness, like indecent
acts and obscenity, remain on the books
today.
So, here we have a chart of bathhouse
raids in Canada post 1968
showing that charges for crimes actually
escalated post 1969
with 61 charges for gross indecency and
53 charges for indecent acts in
bathhouse raids alone.
In Vancouver, the language around in
private led to an increased surveillance
and brutality from police.
In Vancouver, clean up the street
campaigns targeted gay men, trans women,
and sex workers. Entrapment cases soared
in the '70s and '80s.
Police would solicit attention from gay
men, and when the men responded, they
would be arrested and often beaten.
Vigilantes, wanting to help the police,
would roam in gay areas beating up gays
in order to help the police clean up the
streets.
Some [clears throat] types of same-sex
sex had been decriminalized, but did
gays actually achieve more rights
through decrim?
Karen, help me.
>> I can't.
>> Oh, here we go.
It wasn't clicking. Oh, now it's
clicking everything. Oh, [laughter] no.
Okay.
It was slow.
Um
>> [clears throat]
>> In response to the failures of decrim,
12 LGBTQ groups across Canada sponsored
We Demand with a list of 10 points.
They were looking for the
drop of gross indecency and indecent
acts from the criminal code,
the removal of gross indecency and
buggery as grounds to be labeled a
dangerous sexual offender,
a uniform age of consent
for homosexual and heterosexual acts,
amendments to the Immigration Act that
barred homosexuals from entering Canada,
a right to equal employment and
promotion at all government levels,
amendments to the Divorce Act which
placed sodomy and homosexuality in the
same categories as physical and mental
cruelty, bestiality and rape as grounds
for divorce.
They wanted the deciding of child
custody on the merits of the parents
irrespective of their sexuality as
courts often denied gays and lesbians
custody of their own children for their
sexual orientation.
To know if it was the RCMP practice to
spy on and identify gays and lesbians in
the federal workforce and to purge them.
And if so, to end this practice. It was
the case and you can learn more about
the purge in our exhibit upstairs.
That gays, lesbians and bisexuals had
the right to serve in the armed forces
and amendments to human rights laws so
that they enter extended the same
privileges and freedoms to gays,
lesbians and bisexuals.
Notably absent from We Demand is
anything about gender identity and the
rights of the trans community.
Progress on We Demand was very slow.
Everett Klippert, the case that sparked
the national debate and led to decrim,
wasn't released from prison until 1971
despite being the test case that pushed
for decrim.
The only national victory in the 1970s
from We Demand and the passage of the
Immigration Act which ended the
prohibition against homosexual was the
end of the Immigration Act
which ended the prohibition against
homosexual immigrants.
There were some city-wide bans put in
place against discrimination on the
basis of sexual orientation
followed by the province of Quebec in
1977.
Then on February 5th, 1981,
Toronto police conducted violent
bathhouse raids and arrested hundreds of
people.
This led to large and angry protests in
Toronto, which attracted national
attention and sympathy leading to
further protests.
These protests united a large section of
the LGBT community that had previously
not worked together there in Canada in
such large numbers that it inspired a
new era of activism that led to the
repeal of all the laws and policies that
were targeted by We Demand in the 1980s.
Looking back at Decrim, we can see it's
not as simple as the 50-year
celebrations made it out to be.
Was Decrim momentous? Yes, it was a
pivotal moment in queer Canadian history
that was not handed down by a benevolent
benevolent federal or royal government,
but achieved through the tireless work
of activists, and the work of these
activists should be remembered and
celebrated.
At the same time, Decrim didn't actually
decriminalize homosexuality
and fell short in many ways, including
in how it completely omitted two-spirit
people, transgender people, and
lesbians.
Not only did it fall short, but
decriminalization led to the increased
surveillance and violence policing of
queer lives, more charges, and vigilante
violence.
But despite this, the failures of Decrim
spurred increased activism, which
eventually led to large-scale wins on a
national level and led to the civil
rights that we are afforded today.
So,
moving forward,
something that comes up a lot in my
research is the absence of knowledge of
queer Canadian history.
And a lot of young people feel that they
don't have a blueprint to know how to
make change in Canada when the only
stories we have are imported from the
states.
So, I think it's really important that
we are able to share these stories
and also that they're shared accurately.
Um that they're not whitewashed
uh
or
changed by institutions or things like
celebrating 50 years of
decriminalization without telling the
whole story. So, I really appreciate you
coming out today to learn a piece of our
story and I would love to take any
questions.
Thank you.
>> Okay, especially me who knows all those
best things. So, thank you so much for
taking the time for your gorgeous
presentation. Thank you. Uh any
questions for Shaw? We don't have any
yet at home, but please uh type them in.
Yes.
>> So, you get data on the number of
arrests and prosecutions.
How does that compare to the number of
raids and the number of violent smacks
from police on people's heads?
>> Is the question how many raids were
there?
>> And how many individuals were hit by
police for their sexuality?
>> I don't have numbers specifically about
um how many police raids happened, but
if you go back through um the archives,
there are so many different um
pieces of information from people
organizing against police violence,
protests against police violence,
um
putting together walking groups so that
people feel safe when they're leaving
their homes.
And folks organizing against that.
I don't know if there are formal records
on
how many experiences people had with
police. And I would imagine that it
wasn't reported.
>> The word homophile shows up a few times
in your talk.
>> Yeah, so homophile
organizations were the first gay rights
organizations. And that was um
kind of an earlier word that happened
kind of pre-1969
when
activists moved to having a gay rights
or a gay liberation perspective,
homophile organizations were often um
had different tactics. They did letter
writing.
If they did protest, they might dress in
a respectable way, in a way that they
were trying to humanize themselves. And
then that pivoted post-Stonewall
to folks taking different tactics
saying, you know, we're here. You need
to respect us. So it was a different
form of gay rights organizing.
>> Michelle, someone from home, Leah,
thanks very much for the fascinating
presentation.
Do you know when there was a shift from
the word homosexual to gay?
>> I don't actually.
>> [laughter]
>> Well, we'll find out, won't we? We'll do
a deep dive.
>> Um
in your research what's been the up
evolution or the similarities of
organizing for queer rights? Um I mean
letter writing is still a big
>> [laughter]
>> part contacting government but you know
what are some of the changes or
that you see?
>> So the thing that I've been really
fascinated by in my research has been
reading things that come from the 60s
and 70s and doing a double check on the
date and seeing if it was actually
written today because it feels like the
community is having the same arguments,
the same discussions, the same problems
that we've been having for several
decades. So I found that really
interesting. Um definitely there
was a
switch from more letter writing
campaigns and social discussion groups
to things like protests and rallies.
However, the Canadian tradition of
change has always included um at least
in queer organizing a lot of things like
letter writing, um speaking to
politicians and doing things maybe in a
less flashy way that doesn't get
blockbuster movies but has been a way of
enacting change here.
>> I have someone Knox from home. Any res-
resources for further research on
Canadian queer history? Books, archives,
etc. Uh brackets curious for the fight
around vagrancy repeal but I will take
everything I can get.
>> Ah. I have so many and I'm currently
putting together a big reading list. So
I'd be happy to give it to Taran to send
out to everybody with a list of so many
resources.
>> I'd be happy to do that. So Knox, check
your inbox in the coming days.
>> I'm curious what you see as like the
most important issues that we should be
working on now as the queer community.
>> Maybe [laughter]
>> Do you have a question? Yeah.
>> Where do I start? Yeah.
>> Um
I think what we're seeing right now in
the United States, but uh being
exported everywhere including in
Vancouver is um
horrible harm against transgender
communities. Um
It's absolutely
a canary in the coal mine for
everybody's rights. Um
But we are seeing laws being passed um
in the United States, in the UK, in
neighboring provinces, um here in
British Columbia.
Um a law was passed that prevents
certain people um from having their
names changed, uh which is a human
rights violation that's taking place
here in BC.
Um
I think that has to be probably the most
pressing issue right now.
Mhm.
>> At what point do you think that the
actual joining of like lesbians
specifically joined the movement when
you said that for a long time they were
left out of both movement by all queer
people and like from like the legal
frame?
Like at what point would they At what
point were they recognized as part of
the gay community from like a legal
standpoint as being prosecuted and at
what point would the gay community
consider them as like part of the fight?
>> I think that's a complicated question
with a few different answers. Um like I
said in the 1950s
um is when lesbians were added to gross
indecency laws. And so um that's kind of
legally uh when they started to be
considered. It's really going to depend
on the community and where you are.
If you do some reading from
lesbians in the 60s and 70s, they often
didn't necessarily want to consider
themselves part of the gay community and
felt that they had more in common with
their heterosexual
um, women fighting for women's rights
than they necessarily did with gay men.
Um, but then ask the organization had
lesbians in from the beginning who
considered it an important to be there
fighting alongside
um,
gay men.
Um,
the
protests in the 1980s uh, really started
bringing together different facets of
the community that hadn't worked
together and also the AIDS crisis
um, in which
um, many gay men were dying and a lot of
lesbians stepped in
in order to be caretakers taking care of
gay men who were dying when um, their
families or health care workers wouldn't
help them.
But every community is going to be a
little different. I don't know that I
would put a definitive date on that.
Yes.
>> I'm curious about the education in
school with LGBT.
Um, I have some friends who are very pro
and they think it's great and some
friends who think, well, it's a little
bit too early. Is there an age where
it's too early? And what has history
showed us about education in school and
how that has that evolved?
>> I mean, something uh, that I have found
really interesting.
Um, I started my research in 2020
and then I got sick and couldn't work on
my research until more recently, and
when I started my research, there was no
um
formal queer history lessons in schools,
and now there is. Um so, that's been a
big change in the past several years. Um
there is a grade 12 course on local
queer history that you can take if
you're at the one school that offers
them in the Vancouver school board. Um
some of the younger people that I
interviewed in my research talked about
learning a little bit about queer
history in their social justice 11 and
12 classes. And I also interviewed a
kindergarten teacher who talked about
how they teach the history of Stonewall
in their kindergarten classes. Um
but it's all done at ages that are
appropriate. So, I think, you know,
um
kindergarten students reading a picture
book about the history of Stonewall is
different than grade 12 students that
are learning about civil rights and
activism.
>> [gasps]
>> Um
I think teachers probably do quite a
good job of knowing what's
age-appropriate for the students that
they're teaching.
And I think kids are a lot smarter and
able to
think through things a lot better than
we give them credit for.
>> [clears throat]
>> Uh part B, so you know, uh SOGI has been
a bit contentious in West Vancouver.
People here may be a bit more
conservative. Uh SOGI brought us this
education of this in school, uh
primarily, you know, somewhere in grade
school age. And what I've seen them
frame it as now is rather than this is
education of how people can develop in
different ways, but it's more an
anti-bullying force.
And I don't know if that framing is good
for the cause, bad for the cause, or,
you know, is it getting to the root of
the problem? I am I'm not sure. It's
just that, you know, one is education
and then you frame it as anti-bullying
just so you can get it in there. And I
don't know if that's
the way that the optimal way.
>> I'm not an educator, so I can't I can't
speak to what I think might be the best
way to
include
SOGI in all the curriculum, but I do
know that there's a lot of
misinformation about SOGI. SOGI is
basically a set of resources
that teachers are able to use in their
classrooms, and I think that it's been
kind of picked up a little bit
as indoctrination or a way of teaching
children how to be when they're actually
just optional resources that teachers
have the ability to use in classrooms if
they would like to.
I do think anti-bullying is an important
reason to include things like SOGI in
the curriculum.
I don't know
I don't know that
I know enough about education to have a
definitive opinion on the best way to
have folks include that.
>> You can't mention everybody in the
history.
I came
to Canada in 1987 from the US, and my
first MP was Svend Robinson. And that
was that made a big impression on an old
time American because that would not
have happened in the US. And I'm
interested that you didn't mention that
name because he was right.
>> Yeah.
>> Is there a particular reason for that?
>> Simply
I think time and not being able to
include everyone.
It's often
my desire to uh
teach folks about names that they might
not have heard of before and Sven is
quite the household name.
Um, and I think some of these other
folks are maybe maybe Jim Egan more more
people know, but I think
a lot of time when I'm talking to
younger people they're very unfamiliar
with some of these other folks and so
I'd like to kind of highlight those
stories that are maybe not told as much.
>> Um, how do you see the sex worker
movement as positively and adversely
affecting queer activism?
>> Ooh, that's a challenging one. I think
um
it got tied up a lot. Um, so frequently
when people were talking about
um
the kind of distasteful unmentionables,
they were lumping together. Yeah. Um
often gay men, trans women, and sex
workers were kind of put together in
this category of people that we needed
to protect
cities from. I think also a lot of queer
people have done sex work to survive
and these are often not distinct groups
but overlapping groups and the fight for
rights of one group are often
so tied up in the fight of rights for
another group. And so when you have one
group that is being um
oppressed and discriminated against, uh,
it it's not it's not a nice tidy little
silo. It ends up impacting everybody.
>> Thank you.
>> Um, I wonder if your research has um
if you've been able to ascertain
if
if uh homosexual acts being illegal
meant that people were doing them less,
like do you think that the that it being
technically illegal meant that
fewer people were
looking
at them then
than after?
>> I feel like I can't give you a correct
answer on that.
I don't know if there's any
anything that I could point to that
would give me a clear truthful answer.
But I think the fact that we have so
much in history showing that these
communities existed and that people were
gathering shows that regardless of
legality
queer and trans people have always been
here, have always been gathering, have
always been
loving each other. Um
have always been organizing
and whether or not
um
certainly
it's easier now to come out and to know
yourself and to find your community.
Um
but
I'm not sure that
legality has ever stopped us.
>> [laughter]
>> Well, we're coming to an end of our
program tonight. [snorts] Thank you so
much for the excellent questions. Thank
you for your thoughtful answers. You're
like we're so lucky to have this person
at the library who's just this fountain
of knowledge.
And she works with us.
So thank you again, Michelle. Thank you
all at home and here.
>> Mhm.