Video summary
The video features an American journalist reflecting on his recent visit to Iran during the week-long funeral of the Supreme Leader, offering a stark contrast between Western perceptions and the reality on the ground. Despite being a foreigner in a sea of grieving Iranians, he was welcomed without security details and engaged in intense, emotionally charged conversations with millions of people across Tehran and Mashhad. He emphasizes that the resilience displayed by the Iranian people is not merely a reaction to current events but stems from a civilization with thousands of years of history and a unique social cohesion. The funeral itself was a massive display of unity, with nearly half the population participating in mourning rituals that were not just about looking back but about rising forward as a sovereign, anti-colonial force.
A central theme of the journalist's account is the profound misunderstanding Americans hold regarding Iran's political and religious institutions. He argues that the West views the Iranian system through a cynical lens, assuming it to be a dictatorship simply because leaders wear turbans or have beards, whereas in reality, these are signs of decades of rigorous academic study in Islamic jurisprudence. The journalist explains that becoming a high-ranking religious figure like an Ayatollah requires forming a "Marja," a process where scholars must develop their own theories on how faith applies to life and convince the public to follow them. This system is inherently bottom-up; if the people do not support a leader, they cannot hold power, making it far more democratic in practice than many Western nations where money often dictates political influence rather than merit or conviction.
The transcript also addresses the justification for American hostility toward Iran, noting that the U.S. government has dismantled liberal opposition within Iran while simultaneously portraying its leaders as terror masterminds without evidence. The journalist points out that slogans like "Death to America" are directed at the regime and its policies, not the American people, a sentiment he personally experienced when interacting with thousands of mourners who showed him no aggression. He criticizes the dehumanizing propaganda in the West that reduces complex historical and ethical struggles into caricatures, suggesting that Americans need to recognize the depth of Iranian faith and their collective ability to mobilize for justice. Ultimately, he concludes that the U.S. has grossly underestimated Iran's sophisticated civil society, its checks and balances, and its capacity for rigorous political debate, urging Americans to learn from this nation's example of citizenship and belief in their own institutions.
Read the full video transcript
So you've just come back from Iran to
cover the funeral of the Ayatollah. Tell
us something about what you learned
about the resilience of the Iranian
people in this relentless attack now.
And do the Americans understand that? Do
they have that message? Do they know
what they're up against here?
>> I can't speak for all Americans. I can
speak for this American.
>> Yeah.
>> Um and being a I would say
sticking out like a sore thumb in a sea
of angry Iranians, but I was there with
them on the streets of Tehran and in
Mashhad uh in the millions. Um I didn't
have any security guards protecting me
or anything like that. I was received
with
great welcome, a lot of curiosity. Um
A lot of people wanted to know what I
was doing there. They wanted to know
what I thought about X, Y, and Z and um
and it was at times there were some
challenging conversations when you're
dealing with the general public. You
don't know who's coming at you and it's
a very emotionally charged situation
like uh the the the funeral of the of
the supreme leader. Um it's a really
intense. Uh that's the best way I can
describe it. An intense emotional thing
and you know, I can say a lot about I
mean, what Scott said about the
religious component is absolutely
essential to everything. And I really
felt I can only give you my superficial
interpretation in my limited time I
spent. Although I can tell you I've been
to the biggest anti-war protests in the
world. I've been to Pope state visits. I
have been to the biggest some of the
biggest demonstrations in the world
including some of the biggest ones in
Iran previously, okay? So I I have a
good um
uh I would say reference for the scale.
Nothing compared to what I had witnessed
or experienced. The intensity, the the
sheer uh it's like mourning and the
passion, but and it and then you also
have to pay attention to the symbolism.
There were signs I started noticing uh
everywhere and in Arabic, Farsi, and in
in uh in English. And it said and it had
a uh iconic picture of the leader's hand
through the rubble. Uh this is according
to his son Mojtaba
Khamenei, his successor as a leader,
that this was the image when they were
pulling the the deceased leader out of
the his his fist was clenched with his
ring, iconic ring, and his tattered
robe. And the slogan that was the theme
of this week-long funeral was we must
rise. And so and it was in English, too.
They had it in English as well as Farsi
and Arabic. That's very powerful if you
think about it. So it wasn't just about
looking past and mourning. It was about
looking forward. So I started asking a
lot of people. I said, "What do you mean
we must rise? Who is we? And you know,
what what must rise?" And and I got many
different answers from that, which is
interesting and this is so typical of of
this this nation of poets, artists, and
literary scholars. This I could say the
same with Iraq and many other
Middle Eastern countries as well, Asian
countries. But they said that, you know,
Iran as a nation must rise as an
anti-colonial
kind of post-colonial force, as a
sovereign nation. Islam must rise. Shia
Islam the message of Scott said the
nation of Imam Hussein, the martyr Imam
Hussein. That is a central theme that
you cannot tease away from any of this.
The religion, the politics, the history,
the civilizational state, the
[clears throat] morals, the ethics, all
of that. It's one package.
We've become so cynical in the West
because we have separation of church and
state and we just can't believe that
anybody would write into their
constitution that any government in 2026
would write into their constitution that
we're going to defend
uh liberate oppressed people wherever
they are in the world. I mean, no matter
what religion they are. It We would just
We look on that with such cynicism,
uh especially as Europeans and
Americans. We just think, "Oh, they they
can't be serious. They don't really care
about the Palestinian people. They're
just anti-Semitic." You know, this this
is the way we rationalize this. And the
fact of the matter is they do believe in
that. And it's like a hive mind there. I
I cannot describe I've never seen
anything like it. It's like everyone is
immediately connected on these issues.
And Iranians specifically, and I've been
all around the the West Asia. This is
different there.
Um and they they don't need to get like
orders from central office. They know
when it's time to step up. This is the
difference between Iranians and everyone
else in the region. Is it um as a nation
I'm not talking about everyone in the
region, but as a nation
um there is a level of cohesion and
solidarity that has really been
amplified because of the US war. So, and
another thing I realized after a couple
of weeks there in this very intense time
was that the Trump administration should
take credit. They should pat themselves
on the back. They did accomplish
something. They thoroughly dismantled
any opposition or Western-leaning
liberal opposition in in Iran themselves
through their actions. I mean, so
thoroughly. In fact, if they're going to
give a trophy out for that, I think
Trump needs to get the FIFA director
should give him a medal or give him some
special award for eliminating the
Iranian opposition.
Uh him and Netanyahu have just done that
uh incredibly. The resilience is real.
It's a resilient society
and it's a resilient civilization. And
you know, the penny has to drop for
Americans at some point. Well, how can
this be a resilient civilization?
3,000 years? For I was reprimanded cuz I
said 3,000 years and some Iranian said,
"No, no, five. Five."
See? But they must have some qualities
and they qualities that have allowed
them to be a resilient civilization. I
mean, do we does that even come into our
calculus in the West?
I mean, they have they actually have
inherent qualities as people, as a as a
civilization, and then we need to
understand what those are and and we
have to respect those because those
have, you know, thousands of years
behind them. There is a collective sort
of
cohesion, a mindset and in the Islamic
or the Shiite Islamic era,
a certain some of these aspects and
characteristics have been refined and
into this kind of ethical and moral
doctrine that you're seeing through the
the revolutionary government post-1979.
This is the government that the people
had a referendum and chose for a
specific reason. You you need to see
that. But what we've been given in the
West is the diametric opposite of
propaganda and this is the most
dehumanized, thoroughly mischaracterized
population and country,
one of the most anyway. I don't want to
say the most cuz there's so many, but by
the West and the US specifically,
everything we've been told, especially
their leader. I mean, we
the Americans
way he's portrayed by Fox
and [clears throat] Jesse Waters of the
world and all these sort of very crass
US pundits is that because he has a
turban and a beard, he must be a terror
mastermind. Ergo, it's okay that we
assassinate him and his family
and it nothing could be further from the
truth. He was a He was a scholar in
Western literature as well as Persian
literature, as well as everything else.
I saw his book collection.
I was in his home in Mashhad, very
austere.
It's like something where Gandhi would
have lived, you know, the basics. But
his some of his books were still there.
And it's Victor Hugo. It's, you know,
all of the sort of Western classics that
we would have to to read to get a degree
in English literature. He's fluent in
all of this.
You read his writings on his website.
He's This is a very sensitive,
thoughtful
philosopher, religious leader. And he
was the godfather of the country for two
generations. And so, this is a great
loss. And what is the justification for
us killing him and his family? There's
no There's not even an attempt at some
kind of a rationale other than this was
the head of the snake. And he is the
terror mastermind. He's He's
micromanaging Iran's proxies, terror
proxies.
This Disney-level
caricaturing of the leader of the
country um nothing positive can come
from this. But this is like 24/7
anything related to Iran. I could say
the same. We could do an analysis about
Russia. Same thing. Um we can talk about
how Hezbollah or the Palestinian
resistance organizations. I mean, it's a
whole 'nother conversation. But it's
along the same lines. It's just you When
you go on and you witness this
you know, 40 million people took part in
this funeral over a week. That's like
almost half the population. In one way
or another took part in this this thing.
And it's unheard of. It's unheard of.
You can't even get a million people out
on the street for a state funeral in the
West in any major country. It's just
impossible. They came out 15 million in
Tehran according to the Financial Times.
Okay.
>> [snorts]
>> Um and I was I was amongst the middle of
it. And I'm going to tell you there were
a lot of red flags for vengeance. And
And there's old ladies waving those
flags as well as young people. And a lot
of former liberals waving those flags.
Okay? So, and the Americans will look at
that, Joe, and say, "Oh, look at they're
saying death to America. Oh my gosh, why
do they mean us harm?" Well, what what
did you expect?
>> Children were killed in that airstrike.
What did they do to the US? What did the
supreme leader ever do to the US? What
did Iran ever do to the US? Well,
there's a
it's a pretty extensive record of what
the US has done to Iran, not vice versa.
>> You killed their pope.
And for what? And for who?
And and you're shocked that people want
to avenge the death of their leader? I
mean, Americans are just living in such
a incredible imaginary virtual space in
their minds that they just can't bring
them The government has never said death
to America, by the way, the Iranian
government. This is what you hear at
mosques, some rallies, and so forth.
Okay? And you see it on the streets. But
do you blame them? Honestly, when they
say death to America, do they do they
mean the American regime? Okay? Clearly,
they're not wanting to kill all
Americans because
nobody showed any aggression towards me
at all, and I I I was literally
interfacing with thousands of people
myself, physically. I was alone
some at some points
with people mourning the death of their
leader killed by my government.
Okay?
And I did not feel threatened at all
at any time.
Um but I was very aware that this is a
very emotionally sensitive moment.
But uh
I I'm telling you
we have underestimated these people,
this country, this government, their
political system.
They have checks and balances. They have
a sophisticated civil society. They have
institutions.
We have
grossly underestimated every single
aspect of Iran. That's the best thing I
can say.
I hope it doesn't fall on deaf ears of
Americans.
>> That was excellent. Thank you, Patrick.
Yes.
>> I just threw that First of all, thank
you, Patrick. I mean,
if you see green envy on my face, it's
because
I'm envious of the fact that you got to
be in Iran and see that
and I just I wish more Americans could
go to Iran and and see what you what you
witnessed. Um
You know, one one of the things, too,
you know, we In the here in the United
States, we call ourselves a
constitutional republic.
But we've abandoned the institution
of constitutionality. We function as a
cult of personality, as a dictatorship,
anything other than a constitutional
republic. Iran is a constitutional
republic. And one of the reasons why,
you know, the the what what Patrick is
talking about, it's it's 5,000 years of
culture
that has been institutionalized in the
form of an Islamic republic. And the
people
are believe The Iranians are better
Iranian citizens than the Americans are
American citizens. The Iranians know
their their republic, they know the
institutions,
and they believe in them, they support
them. And it's not a dictat- It's not an
Islamic dictatorship. I mean, again,
they, you know,
as Patrick said, we look at a turban and
we look at a beard and we go, "Oh my
god, ignorance."
But actually, when I look at a turban
and I look at a beard, I say, "That's
That's 30 or 40 years of uh
of some of the most stringent studying,
academic studying, religious studying."
You know, the these fiqh is is a is a
term, and fiqh is the It's it's it's not
just about religion, it's the human
understanding of faith and how faith
guides life. And you know, these guys,
the the ayatollahs, you know, they study
the Quran, they study the Sunnah, which
are basically the teachings and actions
and approval of the Prophet Muhammad
told through eyewitnesses. It's a called
Ijima and Qiyas. They have to say this
isn't superficial. This isn't like an
American getting a PhD in 5 years.
That's superficial knowledge.
We prove it by every walk around with a
PhD saying I'm a doctorate from whatever
university, I'm an expert. You're not an
expert. You're nothing. You have
superficiality. You cheated. You you you
you you drank your way through college.
Whatever you want to say. These people
study. They have to go to a house of
learning. They have to There's a board
of religious experts who quiz them the
whole time. And then the ultimate test
is I guess you have to form a Marja. You
have to go out there and you have to
write
your theory of religion as it applies to
life. And you have to convince the
people that you're a man
that they can come to for
you for to seek guidance and faith. And
if you can't attract a Marja, you're not
an you're not you're not the big boys.
You don't get to join the big boy club.
The Iran is in many ways far more
democratic through their religious
practices than we are because it truly
is the power of the people that make the
Ayatollahs relevant. If the people don't
support the Ayatollahs, the Ayatollahs
don't get to be Ayatollahs. Because they
don't get to appoint themselves.
I mean, this is the the the the amazing
thing.
And you know, right now I like I said, I
have superficial
you know, book learning from afar.
Man, I want to go to Iran and just
immerse myself in this because it I just
think that if I could go there and I
could see how they have embraced their
their constitution, their republic, that
there's lessons to be learned about
citizenship. We don't need to bring
religion, but you know,
everybody's like, you know, they got the
the Guardian Council and they got the
Assembly of Experts. Religion is a bar.
Money's a bar here in America. You can't
do anything in America politically
without money. So, we have a bar. You
know, we've just decided that money, you
know, oh, shame on the Iranians for
making faith a bar for
for higher office. Shame on them for
putting standards drive not from
superficiality, but a deep understanding
of how religion interacts with humanity
on a national basis. I you know,
Are they perfect? Nobody's perfect.
But, the the reason these this nation of
Iran is standing together stronger today
than they have ever been in the entire
history of the Islamic Republic. If we
thought we were weakening them,
Patrick's is an eyewitness to the fact
that we aren't. They are stronger and
it's because of their faith.
And maybe the American people need to
have faith in our Constitution the way
they have faith in their in their
religion. Uh, you know, we're a nation
250 years old. Uh, yes, we don't have
5,000 years, but, you know, you don't
need 5,000 years, you just need to
believe in who you are.
We don't even know who we are in the
United States. The Iranians know exactly
who they are.
>> Yeah, and and Scott's what's is right.
It's it's more of a bottom-up um
the the supreme leader has a direct
connection with the with the people.
That's part of his
uh, role actually. And this it's a it's
a different system. It's a very unique
system. And uh, it but it it's it kind
of works in a way
and it's in a way it's it's efficient in
a certain way because they have they
have the same consensus building
um
pools of institutions and people and
politics that we have our consensus
building system. Russia has a certain
consensus building system. Russia has a
massive national security um civil
society and uh,
vertical institutions plus all sorts of
other institutions that creates this
giant consensus pool that distills down
uh, complicated ideas and that become
uh,
votes for policy. Iran has this as well.
And it's and but the people are more
engaged in the democratic process in
Iran, I would argue than Americans are
in their own system
um, or the Europeans are. Definitely
definitely more than Europeans
um, and British. Cuz the leadership are
very concerned with the way the people
are feeling and thinking on all of these
main issues and the debate is rigorous
and it's nuanced and it's detail
oriented. The Iranians are tireless
analysts and you know, political
debaters. They they have unlimited
energy.
There's no exhaustion threshold on this
for Iranians. So, that in a certain way
and they do have opposition there and it
things do get heated and that's I would
argue that's a that's a sign those are
signs of a healthy democratic
environment personally. I don't want to
say system, I'll just say environment
ecosystem. Um,
so it you know, we we we think that
there's no consensus building there that
it's top down. It's not. It's absolutely
the other way around.
>> [music]
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