Video summary
Patrick Deneen is presented as a preeminent intellectual leader of the modern conservative movement, serving as an academic at Notre Dame and a key ideological architect for figures like JD Vance. His influence extends across various right-wing factions, including populists, integralists, and Christian conservatives, providing them with a sophisticated framework to critique contemporary society. Unlike earlier critics who relied on emotional or hysterical rhetoric, Deneen approaches these critiques with an academic demeanor, framing his arguments as a serious intellectual proposition rather than mere political agitation. Since the publication of his 2018 book, *Why Liberalism Failed*, he has become the primary voice for the MAGA movement's intellectual underpinnings, helping to shape a coherent ideology that aims to define the future of conservatism beyond Trump's personality-driven politics.
The core of Deneen's argument rests on a specific redefinition of liberty and liberalism, which he claims have failed because they prioritize individual autonomy over communal constraints. He argues that the conventional understanding of freedom—the right to do whatever one wants without external interference—is actually destructive, as it ignores the human capacity for self-destruction through vice, addiction, and moral decay. True liberty, in his view, requires prudence, self-restraint, and adherence to the norms, traditions, and laws established by one's community and ancestors. He posits that humans are inherently flawed social animals who cannot rely on their own reason or emotions to guide them; instead, they need the shaping influence of a stable community to avoid becoming tyrannical or miserable. Consequently, he views individualism not as a virtue but as a form of subjectivism that leads to anarchy and necessitates state intervention, effectively creating the statism it claims to oppose.
Deneen's philosophy is deeply rooted in Catholic natural law and traditionalist collectivism, which he believes offers a superior moral order compared to both secular liberalism and libertarian capitalism. He critiques the concept of progress and innovation, characterizing ambitious disruptors as dangerous "power-lusters" who threaten the stability and psychological well-being of ordinary people. Drawing parallels with Marxist concepts of alienation but applying them to a conservative context, he argues that rapid social change severs individuals from their roots, leading to existential angst, drug abuse, and sexual promiscuity. His solution is a return to a pre-modern way of life where generations maintain continuity, and where the wealthy have a moral obligation to support those left behind, thereby rejecting the idea of individual merit in favor of a vision based on mutual insufficiency and solidarity.
Ultimately, Deneen's work represents a synthesis of traditionalist Catholic thought with modern conservative populism, aiming to rebuild a society centered on the "common good" as defined by the Church. While his arguments are often criticized for their elitist undertones and rejection of individual agency, they resonate deeply with those feeling alienated by modern culture wars and economic instability. By reframing issues like environmentalism and social welfare through the lens of duty to future generations and ancestral contracts, he provides a narrative that validates conservative anxieties about cultural decline. His influence lies in his ability to articulate these fears within an academic framework, offering a blueprint for a "MAGA 2.0" era where ideology replaces personality politics, even as critics point out the logical inconsistencies and potential dangers inherent in his vision of a static, hierarchical society.
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I think we're gonna agree on Patrick
Denine. So, so let's jump in and uh talk
about about Denine. Um
an important figure I think today uh is
one of the intellectual leaders if not
the preeminent intellectual leader of
kind of the new right. Um a real
intellectual. I mean, given credit, I
mean, he's a he's a
PhD, taught at Princeton, taught at
Georgetown, now teaches at uh Notre
Dame, and is a full professor there. Uh
it has written a number of books, writes
a lot of articles, has built a movement,
if you will. Uh we know he is
influential with JD Vance. Jade events
has has spoken about it has uh uh spoken
at conferences that Denine has has
organized uh and Denine has spoken about
his relationship with JD Vance. But also
Denine has a much broader influence on
on the national conservative movement
and the Christian conservative movements
and the integralist movement and the the
kind of common good conservative
movement uh which includes a number of
other academics around the country. So,
>> and if people get confused with all
these titles, by the end of the episode
today, you will not be confused because
we're going to explain to you how they
intersect, what are the similarities,
what are the difference. So, you're
going to get full clarity on that.
>> Absolutely. And and and he's also come
out for kind of populism. He calls it
kind of aristo
>> aristo populism. Um, so he's kind of a a
Trump supporter, uh, but very much
somebody who I think has framed
the critique of modern society, has
frame the critique of liberalism on the
right, and as a good intellectual, which
you know is an influential intellectual,
put it that way. Uh, he is then
cited over and over and over again. and
his material is used by many people on
the right to criticize the world in
which we live in even if they don't
attribute it to Denine. So he's had a
massive influence it's since certainly
since uh his publication of um uh of his
the failure of liberalism um in
>> 2018. So he was the first serious
intellectual who gave a voice to the
MAGA movement. Before that you would say
the MAGA movement was figures like you
know Breitbart was already dead but his
publication Bannon was not he didn't
ever write a manifesto and then you had
culture warriors the type of Milo
Yanopoulos and things like that. So
there in 2018 comes Patrick Denin with
why liberalism failed and provides the
MAGA movement with an intellectual
suggestion an intellectual proposition.
He wasn't a regime intellectual at that
point. But from then till now this
proposition this this this these ideas
have been taken on board by people like
Jay Devans who will be the tomorrow the
next day of the Republican party after
Trump because while Trump was on board
what dominated was Trump's personality
Trump's erratic instinctive politics but
now we see a whole ideology a whole set
of ideas being formed for the day after
tomorrow for the day after Trump for
MAGA 2.0
>> and and yes and I think Denine is very
much
going to be an architect of whatever is
being formed. You know it might not
agree with every point and every every
element of it but he is he is kind of
the intellectual behind the scenes um
that is influencing all the all the
other intellectuals. And an interesting
exercise for our audience, those of you
who watched two weeks ago when we did
the deep breakdown, the deep dive on JD
Devans, notice how many of the things
that you heard two weeks, today they're
going to sound familiar. But if we did
it in like temporal timeline form, Denin
would come first. Jay Devan's idea would
come second.
>> Definitely. And and there were
criticisms of modernity before and there
was there were obviously intellectuals
that supported Trump like the people at
Claremont institute um and and other
people on the right but they have a more
shrill hysterical panicked voice to
them. Denine comes across as a Catholic
arisatilian scholar trying to really
much more analyze this and give it and
really flesh it out and and and really
you know criticize it not emotionally
but criticize it you know academically.
>> Yes. So shall we begin why
>> so let's jump in with this with what
it's all about. What maybe we should
start with, you know, what does he even
mean by liberalism?
>> Good. That should be indeed the starting
point because what he means by
liberalism is not only different from
what the average American would
understand by liberalism they would
understand
Roosevelt Obama or something like that.
It's also different from what you and me
would understand as liberalism. So for
the need there are two types of liberty
and liberalism is the political regime
that would promote these two ideas of
liberty. The first which he considers
the wrong idea of liberty is the liberty
for people to do whatever they want
without external constraints.
Some would define it non-coercion
principle. Someone else would define it
the right to use on your mind and act
accordingly. But more or less we
understand liberty means I can go on in
my life if I don't hurt other people, if
I don't physically qu them without
anyone intervening with my life. He says
this is the conventional but the wrong
type of liberty. Why? Because this is
not a true liberty. Because this liberty
does not protect you from your
disastrous basket case that is your
inner self. Left alone to your own
devices, you might fall victim to
everything from drugs, pornography,
wrong decisions,
abandoning the norms and the and the
traditions that build this beautiful
civilization that is the western
civilization. So liberty in terms of you
do what you want has a negative
connotation for Denin. And this is the
type of liberty that failed. This is the
type of liberalism that has failed. Now
there's a second type of liberty and for
the it's the proper type of liberty
which is to do what you have to do with
prudence and with respect to the norms
of your society of your elders. respect
to those who came before you and those
who will come after you. So for the nin
true liberty requires self constraint
and the best provider of self of sad
self- constraint is not just the law.
It's not just telling you don't get
drunk and start beating people but the
best constraint is the norms and the
traditions of your community. So it is
your community who makes you who you are
according to the nin. So to put it in a
simple sentence, why did liberalism
fail? Again, that's the whole title of
his book,
>> liberalism fails because it did away
with such constraints. Constraints such
as family tradition and this led to an
anarchy without norms that leads to
selfdestructive and even worse to
community distracting behavior. and a
community distracting behavior. You be
for example you your own left the
country of your parents and you flew to
a different country to pursue your own
dreams for Denim. This is a community at
least maybe not destructive but
community upsetting behavior
and this even worse makes you feel that
you are at the center of the universe
and this creates in you what he calls
the soul of a tyrant or what he calls a
gluttony for power that I can do
everything. It's like almost as if you
watch a movie a super villain like h you
know they have the evil laughter I have
the freedom which means I can do
everything and this is the beginning of
everything wrong. This is why liberalism
failed as is the title of his book. So I
mean what he's really suggesting is that
there's that the the individualistic
view that you know man has the capacity
and the ability to take care of himself
to to pursue his own values that he has
the capacity to reason
basically is false. that human beings as
individuals do not have that capacity
and therefore we we are a um a political
animal. I mean, I'm sure he'd quote
Aristotle here and and a social animal.
And as such, what you know that we need
communities to be able to help guide us
and we need tradition and we need rules
in order to guide us because individuals
themselves
cannot use their mind to pursue their
own values because the mind ultimately
is impotent and our emotions override
our reason. Um and and so we're flawed
beings kind of there's a real Catholic
uh original sin here, right? The
original sin is that uh
you know that that our our emotions, our
desires are in conflict with our region.
>> Now he is our original sin in in many
respects. He does not openly make this
epistemological point but he he makes
this point by
by
he indirectly. So he says what makes us
who we are
is not we're not beings of self-made
soul as anyone will put it. We are
beings of communal soul. It's the
community who makes us who we are.
Therefore without a community to proper
form us to proper gives us shape. We are
lost. This is why in his latest book
which is an analysis of the Odyssey he
says that all the monsters if you think
about it they live without a community.
Kirki or however they call it in English
Cersi or whatever anyway Greek Kirki
lives alone in an island. Cyclopes live
alone in an island. They live without
the police. And his analysis that this
is a metaphor for what individualism
does to you. It makes you sad,
miserable, but also a monster. So, you
are a danger to yourself and you're also
a danger to those to those around you.
And uh look, a sympathetic reading would
be that what Joo Willing says,
discipline equals freedom. That to live
a good life, you have to be disciplined
and to do the right things and not do
whatever you want. But we already have a
term for this thing, which is
discipline. So it's not clear to me why
Denin has to give this very distorted or
weird definition of liberty in order
then to attack liberty. So this is what
he does. He defines liberty in a way
that then it becomes obvious that we can
attack it. That obviously we don't want
anarchy. We don't want drugged dazed
porn addicts. Therefore liberalism has
been tried and failed. Therefore,
capitalism and less effort society has
been tried and failed. This is the
scheme, the very convenient scheme he
erects in order then to demolish it.
>> Yeah. I mean, I think I think it's his
underlying premise is a hatred of of
individual of the individual and
individualism and then he's trying to
build a
a a foundation to attack individualism
uh and to present his particular form of
collectivism, a a a traditionalist
collectivism, a collectivism of the
village, but
you know, and of the past and of
tradition. But he wants to do it in an
academic,
you know, form, you know, and he and and
he doesn't get into the epistemology,
but the epistemology is crucial here,
right? It there is a there's a a
I mean there's a clear elitism in what
he's actually doing and saying, right?
He is he he's the platonic he's he's
very much a platonic uh you know,
philosopher king. So reason the knowing
what is good for the common good for the
people right he's very concerned about
the common person right he says at some
point yeah maybe these professors know
what they want and know how to get it
but common people you that's what we
need to care about they don't know so
you know he's so he's trying to form a
liberty that allows him to
dictate to the common people what's good
for them and how they should live.
>> He's though again he's doing this in a
way that you cannot pinpoint exactly
what he's trying to do. So for example
you would say I'm not for statism. I
don't want so don't consider me a
statist. Of course every single argument
that he makes as we'll see goes towards
>> but here's the mental acrobatics he
does. He says look it's actually
individualism
that leads to statism.
>> Y
>> first of all he considered that the
number one characteristic of the left is
the left is for individualism and for
progress which to me it sounds as if
it's opposites day for the the left. So
but in his mind for example the trans
movement means this idea that I can do
whatever I want. I'm not bound by
anything including reality. So to him,
individualism
is subjectivism. To him, individualism
is doing whatever the hell you feel like
doing. And again, this is the when you
when you uh detach individualism from
reason, right? And individualism is, and
this is why it's so dangerous to define
liberty as ability to do whatever the
hell you want, you know, and we don't
define it that way, right? It it's
defined very much in the context of
pursuing rational values. That's what
liberty is for. It's for the pursuit of
rational values of it's for the the the
person who uses reason. Um but but to
him it's do whatever the hell you want.
Individuals individualism is
subjectivism. It's do whatever you want
to you want to be a man today, you want
to be a woman tomorrow, you want to be a
dog, you know, doesn't m anything goes.
So to him the left is the epitome of
individualism because they are
completely subjectivist.
So to him individualism is in social
sphere the left and in economic sphere
the kind of right right and and he
actually he talks about libertarians
because libertarians kind of capture
this libertarians have the subjectivist
mentality
um and they justify they justify both so
he he attacks libertarians
um in and he and he's right in that
sense that there's something wrong with
you know anything goes in terms of
personal morality at least even if we
would say politically sure let them let
them take the drugs and destroy their
lives but but you don't want to create a
culture in which everybody's destroying
their lives
>> and now we're opening a parenthesis but
this is also why our and our I don't
mean objectives I mean the liberty
movement the way we defend and we
promote liberty is absolutely pathetic
because it's so non-inspiring no one is
going to inspire it by saying I want to
have the right to destroy my life with
cocaine or whatever. I mean, yes,
politically you do have that right, but
it's not it's not a good vision. But
anyway, let's not move too much away
from Denine. So, let's give a concrete
example what he means individualism
leads to statism. So, he would say back
in the day when a young woman and a
young boy would go to the university,
they were bound by two institutions in
terms of their sexual behavior. The one
was the church that said you don't have
sex before marriage. By the way, I don't
know how many young people actually
abided by that, but anyway. And the
second was that the institution of the
university had this local oparent that
now that you are under my my
roof, I will have a say. I will have an
authority on how you will engage in
behavior. Without these two authorities
these days, young men and young women
get drunk. They have a promiscuous sex.
Then next day they
regret it and now the state has to
intervene and the state has to also give
power to new institutions for example
the HR department me too and all that
stuff. So this what looks like statism
is the result of this un an un unhinged
individualism in the mind of Denin.
>> So so it's the response to subjectivism
and there's a certain truth to that
right there's a certain truth to if you
build a culture on drug addicts and and
you know people just emoting then some
dumb thing's going to break. So so much
rests so much of his argument and I
think of the of the of the right
argument rests on this idea that
individualism equals
you know subjectivism and and and
complete relativism. Do whatever the
hell you want. So no standards uh are
the only standards can come from the
church. Right? That's what's implicit
here. and also a guide for people who
will dive into Denin. When he uses the
term natural law, natural rights,
it is not the classical liberal natural
rights, it is what it is the supposedly
objective morality that comes from the
church. So whenever he talks about
natural law, he's actually talking about
the Catholic teachings. So again, don't
be confused because even when I first
started say natural law, what does he
mean? Oh natural the natural order for
him is the order for the church. Not to
cut him too much slack though even you
who you are not a subjectivist even the
pursuit of your self-interest for him
would be bad and actually he calls in
his book why liber fails he calls
self-interest a disease
>> why disease because it upsets it upsets
the norms it accepts the traditions and
it breaks this link that should
your contract with those who came before
you and your contract with those who
will come after you. So the
environmentalist thinks we have a duty
to future generations and to future
polar bears. The NI thinks we have a
obligation to the future I don't know
Americans
residents of Indiana. It depends what
level of connection you will take. But
you have an unchosen duty to those who
came before and to those who came after.
whether you like it or not. Which by the
way, the interesting question is does
this also apply for example to the
mountains in Afghanistan.
Does a religious fundamentalist or
tribal Afghan does he have a duty to
continue living like that or is this not
part of the natural law? And how do we
know? So you see it's it's very
difficult to universalize his teachings
because then the question will be why is
this a good thing? Why is living by the
decrease of your ancestors good?
But isn't isn't that
where what he's trying to avoid really
talking about? I isn't that true of all
religion? And fundamentally his whole
his whole perspective is a religious
one. that is there is
a truth natural law that was that is
provided by by the Catholic religion not
even Protestantism it it's provided by
the church or capital um and
the Afghan
is going to stay in his barbaric state
until he discovers
you know Jesus Christ and is is saved by
him. Um,
so the the church ultimately has to I
don't think he's I don't think I mean
it's interesting to it would be
interesting to ask him is he defending
all traditions or is he defending the
tradition of the west which he views as
Catholicism as Christianity which which
I think is what he's actually doing.
Well, his interpreters I think would
defend any tradition because remember
Jay Devans was saying in that debate, I
don't remember who was in Rogan or the
the other the entrepreneur one, he was
saying well Iran is a you know is a
great civilization
and therefore it's you know there are
these misunderstandings. The message is
>> they have their views we have our views
and sometimes this creates
misunderstandings.
I think the question is that is that a
position on foreign policy or is that
you know a pos if you asked him is
western civilization better than Iranian
civilization I think you would say yes
it's better
I I I think these people are non
multiculturalist in the sense of
egalitarian civilizations they think the
west is better and if you dug as to why
it would be because of the church so
Iran will become better Afghanistan
would become better if it adopted the
church.
>> Okay, that makes that makes that makes
sense. Because yes, empirically they are
not multiculturalist.
>> Yeah.
>> Okay. The fact though that we have this
obligation to past and future also means
that this will have an effect on what we
are allowed allowed emphasis allowed to
produce what we will be allowed to
create. Therefore, he has a particular
view of progress and a particular view
of the innovator. The innovator in the
view of Denin is not just a disruptor.
He's a powerlaster. He's someone who is
dangerous. And we have collected some uh
quotes from his work if you want to to
present them to people. Well, he makes
this claim that we need to be protected
from
to use an example familiar to us, Howard
Ror, a fictional example, the innovator,
the guy who has these views that no one
else has. He's a danger. He's someone
who needs to be put in his place. But
also we need to be protected from our
betters
because the fact that they are our
betters means that they will push
forward in a pace that we will not be
able to catch up and this would create
disruption.
>> So what's the paragraph again?
>> How does the paragraph start with a
quote from him on this? Do you remember?
>> You have you got it? Oh wait. Yeah, I
have it. I have it. I have it here.
Wait.
>> Yes. It's the I send it to you. Ambition
as a threat or you can you can put Yeah,
it's the paragraph that starts ongoing
cultural practices.
>> Okay, here we go. All right, I'm going
to share my screen, guys, so you can
read along. Uh but I I'll read it to you
as well.
>> And sorry, the reason why we have
collected these quotes is so that people
don't think we mischaracterized him
because some of the things he says are
actually even worse from our commentary
on it. So we want the viewers to we want
you to see it with your own eyes.
>> So these are quotes out of the book.
This particular quote is out of his
latest book I think.
>> Regime change. Yes.
>> Yeah. This is out of regime change. Not
his latest but is his one before last.
Okay. See here it is. Ongoing cultural
practices exist not merely to prevent
the liberty of self-inventions.
In other words prevent the liberty of
self-inventions create self-creation you
know creating yourself. but to protect
ordinary people. He's very concerned
about ordinary people from the potential
repriciousness of the ambitious.
Viewed in such a light, these informal
but pervasive cultural forms not only
prevent efforts of a revolutionary
character from reordering society around
the imperative of individual liberty.
Here, by the way, he's implicitly
criticizing the founding fathers.
This is exactly the founding fathers
that he's talking about, right? They the
they you think about a a revolutionary
character from reordering society around
the imperative of individual liberty.
That's the founding. But they protect
the stability and order that most
benefits ordinary people. It's all about
ordinary people. people who are not well
served by instability,
generational discontinuity,
institutionalized
disorder. In short, what Mil called
progress. So, who does progress hurt?
It's it's and it's not hurt materially.
I don't think he he he deny that they're
better off materially, but
psychologically
they are. And I I think we'll talk about
this.
Progress cause is in ordinary people.
Think about the looking down on ordinary
people. Um progress causes an ordinary
people alienation.
It causes ordinary people to be
alienated from the world around them.
And uh this is what he wants to save
them from. He wants to save them from
this sense of alienation, this
existential angst, this psychological
horror that that progress. But not just
progress, revolution. The American
Revolution did that to Americans.
Americans were quite comfortable living
ordinary Americans, not the
intellectuals, not the founders.
Ordinary Americans were quite
comfortable living, you know, in in um
under the British. Everything was was
set. There was a king. You knew exactly
your place. And suddenly these founding
fathers said no you have individual
rights. You can kind of live your own
life. It it shook them and according to
according to Denine they they have never
recovered from it. Um
>> you know I I thought for a second I had
an actual desav. But then I realized
it's it's a it's not a des because we
had exactly the same discussion with the
Frankfurt school. The Frankfurt school
scholars made these claims against
alienation. Patrick Denin rehabilitates
the neo-Marxist critique of the
Frankfurt school and serves it in a way
which is more digestible to
conservatives. Yeah. And and if we think
about the opponents to capitalism, if we
go back to 19th century and and I'm
going to go back to reading this, go
back to 19th century, the biggest in
addition to monarchs, the the other big
uh uh element that resented capitalism
were the conservatives who yes, you
know, people were leaving their little
villages. They were leaving their
communities. Communities were being
broken apart. They were leaving their
churches and their families. They were
traveling away. They were immigrating to
America. They were going to the city.
They were working in factories. They
were losing touch with the with the with
the, you know, with the land with with
working with their hands. And again,
we'll see the need venerates this idea
of working with your hands and and and
physical labor uh above above all else.
So, this is there's a long tradition of
conservatives
uh you know, agreeing with Markx on this
point even if using different language.
The difference is Denine actually uses
Marx's language. He uses alienation. He
talks about a alienation. What does
alienation means? It means that you
don't you don't know where you are. You
don't understand your relationship with
the existence around you. Like you know
for for Markx, you're alienated from the
product you're making because you only
make a little piece of it and you're not
responsible for it from beginning to
end. like a craftsman who who makes
something from beginning to end is
connected to it or when you grow
vegetables you're responsible for the
whole process here you're only
responsible for a little bit of it and
and that alienation of the product
wellina is saying the whole
and by the way this is exactly what the
woman that I critiqued
on Friday it's exactly the same thing
she said about capitalism and she's a
leftist Marxist she said the problem is
that investments and progress
progress the the ordinary person has no
stake in it. They didn't create the
progress. They didn't invest in the
progress. They didn't decide to invest.
This is why she wants democracy. So we
can vote on it and that'll give us
that'll give us a connection to it. But
we don't have any connection to this
progress. So we're alienated from it and
therefore we don't belong in this world
and that creates all the existential
angst that leads in Benin's world to
drug addiction and to sexual promiscuity
and to you know all the all the evils
that he sees exist out there.
I I'll just finish this p this section
customs uh etc. restraining the
tyrannical impulses. Notice tyrannical
impulses of the powerful to be free of
the moderating and sustaining scriptures
of custom tradition and culture. Our
impulses are tyrannical.
Um if
>> you want see see again this formula. If
you try to be free, you are a tyrant in
the making because you're going to upset
people's lives.
>> Yep. He's the type of guy who would read
Atlas Shrugged and if you ask him who
are the villains in the book, he would
say the number one villain is Hanken.
Yep. And by the way, he read Atlas
Shrugged. So this is a tidbit we picked
up online. He read he read Ein Rand as a
high school student. He read all the
novels and and he you know supposedly he
he liked them. He he got he was
enthusiastic
and because he read Iron Rand that led
him to go read Aristotle and Plato who
convinced him supposedly that Ein Rand
was wrong and uh and now he calls a a a
a Nietian you know and and dismisses her
completely. But like Vance like so many
people in our culture so many people
including the real bad guys uh he went
through an Iron Man phase. So I mean it
was a short phase and he you know
there's no evidence that he studied her
seriously but
you know enough to to mentioned her in a
biographical interview he did in 2023.
Um he he says if expertise is especially
prized in societies that seek and
promote progress, change, transformation
and growth, the role of common sense is
especially valued and necessary in
societies that societies that are stable
and in which continuity between
generations is prevalent.
I don't I don't even know what that
means. Right? So
you know uh um
In what sense, right, is um is the
continuity between generations
not prevalent in societies that are
progressing? In what sense is there no
continuity among generations in um in
American society since the founding?
Yeah. I mean, a lot of this is is is to
some extent googly. What comes to my
mind is one essay by an Rand or a line
the divine right to stagnation.
>> Yeah.
>> That because I cannot create what others
have created. I cannot write 12 rules
for life and sell millions. Therefore,
Jordan Peterson should not be able to
write 12 rules for life. Or to put on
the spiritual level, I cannot create a
philosophy that will revolutionize the
world. Therefore, in Rand is a
powerluster and should not be left to
upset. We should go from generation to
generation. Same old, same old, same
old. Who are you who come here to upset
and by the way notice how an unamerican
this is unamerican? And that's why he
wrote his latest book on on the odisay
where he tries to say no no no America
is not just change America is also this
yearning of for home and he brings
anyway we we can discuss this later but
he he knows he has the understanding
that this is a hard pill to swallow for
Americans and he's trying to sugar this
pill any way he can.
>> Yeah. Yeah. And I I think what he's
doing is exploiting a moment in time in
American history right now where there
really is existential angst out there. I
mean, there is alienation, right? There
there's the kind of alienation I think
Brandon talks about in in his in his
essay on alienation. But I mean, the
alienation is is Patrick Denin's fault.
It's the fault of leftist intellectuals
and right-wing intellectuals. It's not
the fault of progress. But there is
alienation out there. There's a lot of
angst. Uh you see that in the election
of Donald Trump. So that's true that
people are upset. There is there is way
too many people on drugs. There are way
too many people who are who are unhappy
with their lives. And what he's saying,
what Denine is saying is basically the
same thing what the left is saying.
They're saying all of this is a
consequence of capitalism. All of this
is a consequence of too much freedom
that was unleashed by them by by the
founding of America by by by the the the
the the focus on individualism and
individual rights. And what we need is
to go back to communities. And the left
has a different vision of what
communities look like and collectivism
looks like. But they completely agree on
the diagnosis of what led to this. too
much freedom, too much individual
freedom and too much and and the
manifestation of that is too much
capitalism. It's capitalism that is at
fault. That's capitalism that's created
all the problems and all the angst and
all the the the the um the uh
challenges that exist in the world uh in
which we live and and it's you know JD
Van says it right he says um he says uh
we are going to if the more we push
capitalism the more we're going to get
socialism right because capitalism
causes the angst people's respon
response to the angst right now is
democratic socialism, right? Let's go
with the with the socialist. But it's
the capitalism that is the fundamental
issue and the fundamental problem. And
of course, you scratch under the surface
of
collectivism of of you some people
cannot progress if not everyone
progresses with them. Obviously you find
altruism and he's explicit in his
altruism that the fact that some of us
are different means that those who are
better off have a very specific
obligation
to help and support those who are left
who are left behind. And actually if you
if you look if you look the the second
quote on the paragraph that starts from
post-liberal integration it's worth
reading this again because people will
think we are we are strawmaning it. He
cannot he cannot be it's the left is
against merit. Read this sentence read
this paragraph that s from post liberal
integration would take.
I'm looking forward to one side. I don't
have that. Oh, there it is. Post li so
this it's it postal integration would
take the following form. So this is his
solution, right? This is this is where
he wants us to go. Inequality based upon
differences in talent, interest and
achievement is not a marker of
individual merit, but rather a sign of
our deeper solidarity,
a window into our mutual need and
insufficiency.
>> Sorry. Notice that merit is in quotation
marks.
>> Yes. Well, there is no such thing as
individual merit. The source of this in
a minute.
Inequality is a window into our deeper
equality.
Wow. Demanding not the flattening of our
differences, but recognition of our
mutual obligations.
Obligations.
Um, so yeah, I mean this is I mean
really it it's really fascinating that
the language of pretty much everybody on
left and right today we we need to do a
show on this. It it basically is all
dictated by John Walls. John Walls is at
the end of the day the most influential
thinker in terms of influence of the of
the late 20th century. Um and and you've
got libertarian Wians, you've got
leftist Wians, you've got right-wing
Rianians, but they all and and this
whole idea of well, there's no such
thing as individual merit. I mean, you
were born with this talent. You were
born with certain genes. You were born
to certain parents. It's all luck. We we
should do that. We should do Sean Rolls
and bring in Eron Man's article about
him. uh you know to I can't remember
what it's got it's got a funny title um
but uh
>> yeah now I blanked I blank as well funny
story you mentioned the libertarian
rosian the first time in my life I heard
the term rolls was by someone who in my
mind back then was a libertarian and he
said when I asked okay where do I I was
still a Marxist where do I begin he said
rolls you should read you should read
roles and of course as Marxist. I didn't
like him. But this this veil of
ignorance, my communist mother gave me
this thought experiment and is one of my
first actual memories. So my first
connection to ROS without knowing that
it's roles came from my Stalinist
mother. The second came from a guy who
was a self-styled libertarian probably
almost two decades later.
>> Was he was he a professor or
>> Yes, of course, a professor. Yes. Is
this Tomasi?
>> Who?
>> Tomasi.
>> No, no, no. He's He's a Greek and was
working in the in the UK. So, it was
real life. Good guy for the standards of
UK academia. Again, he was closer to a
libertarian, but scratch under the
service. He was a
>> Tomasi who was a well-known libertarian
uh who was a prince who was at Brown
Brown University, he's not there
anymore, actually wrote a book. And in
the introduction to the book, he
basically says, "Look, I I I I I'm I
love libertarian ideas. I I love the
marketplace. I love this stuff. I really
like John Walls. I'm dedicating this
book to my attempt to bring them, you
know, to to to m them." And it,
you know, it's just it's it's a the book
is a disaster as a consequence because
you can't you can't do it. Um but but
that's John Tomasi. is a well-known kind
of libertarian political thinker. Um,
uh, used to be at Brown. Anyway, yes,
>> the second Tomasi who features in Yaron
and Nikico's dialogues after Rolo Tomasi
in the red pill. Anyway, before we get
to what what Denin wants for the future,
let's finish his critique on capitalism.
You mentioned in the introduction that
he's a serious intellectual.
However, he makes some arguments that
make me question if he always is a
serious intellectual and mainly I'm
surprised by his attacks on the effect
that capitalism has had on nature
because he brings arguments that I
wouldn't expect than anyone beyond my
first year sociology students back in
the day for example that with capitalism
capitalism has to lead to perpetual
growth and this will bring
a depletion of resources. How? And he
says this not in 1996. He says this in
2018. How can I take you seriously then?
I mean this is these are arguments that
have been debunked already from the
debate between Paul Eric and who's the
the good guy?
>> Julian they were debunked well before
that but but yes they they were debunked
publicly between the two. But look,
nobody nobody knows that, right? So
these ideas are the are the prevalent
ideas in the culture. Um, everybody I
mean almost everybody holds them. When
you say to somebody there's no limit on
resources, they look at you like you're
from Mars. They look at you know what
are you talking about? Where does this
even come from? So the Julian Simon view
is clearly lost out in the culture. Is
not one in the culture and and it is not
held by many people out there. Um it and
it's so he he I think it fits again you
have to you can't understand the need
without understanding he's a Catholic.
He's a real Catholic and you know man
was put on this earth to take care of
nature and to preserve nature. I read a
I read a really interesting article by
by Vimule vermule is another integralist
Catholic. He's a Harvard University.
He's a law professor and he he advocates
for what's called common good
constitutionalism.
He's very against originalism. He's very
against the original meaning. It's all
about reinterpret constantly
reinterpreting the constitution for the
common good. And the common good just
like with Denin is understood as the
common good as the Catholics understand
it. um you know as as a as a kind of a a
guided by
natural law and guided by uh by Catholic
teaching. So anyway, Vermule had this
article about about environmentalism
where he explained that environmentalism
is actually a conservative cause that
that this is exactly what God put man on
earth to preserve nature to to take care
of nature. That's the whole point of the
Garden of Eden. And you know we if we
abuse it we abuse we abuse our
responsibility and I think Denine very
much has that perspective and he has a I
think he has at the end of the day kind
of a zero sum view of that world. Again
I I think that comes from
from religion.
He doesn't understand how markets work.
And you can see that throughout a lot of
Israeli