Video summary
Erik Angner, an economist and philosopher at Yale University, argues that economics should be viewed as a broad toolkit for understanding human well-being rather than merely the study of stock markets or inflation rates. He contends that every decision involving limited resources requires trade-offs between competing values, which is the core economic lesson often misunderstood by the public. Angner illustrates this with extreme examples, such as his critique of colleagues who suggested mass suicide as a solution to Japan's aging population; he asserts that economists do not dictate ultimate values but rather analyze the costs and benefits of different paths so voters can make informed choices based on their own priorities. He emphasizes that while economics cannot provide specific moral answers regarding what is "good," it excels at clarifying the sacrifices necessary to achieve any given goal, thereby preventing a life of misery born from ignoring opportunity costs. A significant portion of the discussion focuses on distinguishing between happiness and well-being, noting that they are not always aligned. Angner points out that while having children often reduces immediate happiness due to financial strain and sleep deprivation—costs estimated at over $300,000 before college—it can significantly increase life's meaning and sense of purpose. This tension highlights a cultural shift toward prioritizing immediate comfort and "hyper-convenient" gratification over long-term meaning-making activities like parenting or climbing mountains. The conversation also addresses the psychological phenomenon of hyperbolic discounting, where people undervalue remote benefits in favor of immediate pleasures. Angner suggests that while lowering expectations can boost happiness scores, it should not come at the expense of aspiration; instead, individuals should learn to compartmentalize their lives by setting high standards only in domains they value most, such as academic work or art, while accepting mediocrity elsewhere to avoid unnecessary suffering from unmet trivial goals. The dialogue further explores how inequality and social comparison impact happiness through the mechanism of "keeping up with the Joneses." Angner explains that while some inequality is necessary for individuals to pursue different preferences, excessive focus on relative status drives harmful arms races where people spend money on capital goods they do not need just to match their neighbors. He advocates for opting out of these comparisons and favoring experiences over material possessions, noting that many people suffer from hoarding or psychological distress due to accumulated stuff. Additionally, the transcript examines factors like religiosity, unemployment, and health as predictors of happiness. Angner notes that while religion correlates with higher happiness levels likely due to community connection rather than theology itself, it can also serve a soothing function akin to opium for those in difficult circumstances. Unemployment is identified as particularly damaging because it strips individuals of social contact and utility beyond just income loss, whereas people often adapt well to health issues like poor eyesight or wheelchairs unless the condition involves chronic pain or incontinence that constantly interrupts daily life. Ultimately, Angner concludes that a good life requires balancing immediate happiness with long-term meaning, acknowledging that some sacrifices are essential for flourishing even if they temporarily lower one's mood score. He critiques the modern tendency to optimize every moment for instant gratification, arguing that this approach is unconducive to finding deeper purpose in activities like raising children or pursuing difficult hobbies. By understanding the economic and philosophical underpinnings of these choices—such as recognizing that sleeplessness from parenting harms immune systems but builds generational continuity—individuals can make better decisions about their lives. The interview ends with a recommendation for Angner's book, *How Economics Can Save the World*, which aims to translate abstract academic concepts into practical wisdom for navigating life's inevitable trade-offs and avoiding misery through a clearer understanding of values, costs, and benefits.
Read the full video transcript
Why is economics not any sexier than it
is?
I think economics has the um
disadvantage of being associated with
lots of like very uncool people. You
know, numbers, data, models.
I- I- in the formal sense, you know,
these are not things that attract our
attention. But it's a shame because
economics is actually pretty cool. Now,
I may not be the best person to pitch
that
idea, but it is. And um I wish more
people saw that.
What is it that people misunderstand
about what economics contains then?
So, one thing that people might not get
is just how broad it is, right? So, so
many people think of economics in terms
of like stock markets, housing markets,
inflation rates, and things. And that is
part of economics. That is one of the
things that were some of the things that
economists study, but economics is so
much broader than that. It's about
anything and everything connected to
human well-being. Any choice that you
make that has any implications for the
way you live your life and the way
things turn out. So, that means you can
do economics and study crime, uh child
rearing, uh climate change, uh
family formation, whatever you like,
there's likely to be an economic angle
to it. And in fact, if you think about
like the big problems, like whichever
problem you're thinking about, I bet
there's an economic angle to that as
well, right? There's going to be some
economic implications or some economic
perspec- perspective, and in many cases
some economic tool that you can use to
address it. What do you mean when you
say an economic angle? Like, what are
you referring to? What is the toolkit or
the worldview or the paradigm through
which economics looks at these sorts of
things? What I'm thinking about
primarily is a way of looking at human
decisions. And basically everything is a
result of human decisions, right?
Everything's social. And even if it
isn't, the solution to whatever problem
you're thinking about is going to
involve human behavior.
And when economists think about that,
what they think about is the various
values that are at stake. Often times,
we have to make choices, right? Cuz
there's a limited amount of whatever we
care about. And what that means that we
have to strike a balance between the
different things. We have to give up a
little bit of this in order to get a
little bit of that. Now, some people out
there want everything always at once,
right? That's childish. Once you see
that the world isn't designed like that,
you got to think about the ways in which
things come at a cost. And that's the
core of what economics has to offer. A
way of looking at decisions that brings
to the fore the values that are at
stake, the costs involved, but also the
benefits that you can get from making
the best available decision.
Speaking of making economics a little
bit sexier,
a Yale economics professor has some
ideas for how to deal with the burdens
of Japan's rapidly aging society. The
only solution, he said, is mass suicide
of the elderly, including ritual
disembowelment. I noticed that you
shared this article with a massive face
palm about what your uh Japanese
colleagues are doing. In in interviews
and public appearances, Yusuke Narita,
an assistant professor of economics at
Yale, has taken on the question of how
to deal with the burdens of Japan's
rapidly aging society. I feel like the
only solution is pretty clear, he said
during the online news program in late
2021. In the end, isn't it mass suicide
and mass seppuku of the elderly? Seppuku
is an act of ritual disembowelment that
was a code among dishonored samurai in
the 19th century.
Um
mass seppuku or throwing yourself off a
cliff like in Midsommar, he suggested a
little bit later. With with all respect
to my colleagues at Yale, I think that's
a fundamentally uneconomic way of
looking at the world, right? Anytime
somebody says, "This is the only way.
This is the only solution." That means
that they're not recognizing the
tradeoffs involved. I think if we're
going to think about aging populations
and the sort of burdens that that's
going to come with and the benefits as
well, we've got to look at the full
range of of costs and benefits. At the
end of the day, the economist is not
going to be best situated to say, "Well,
this is the right option." Right? Given
all the costs and benefits, cuz that's a
question about values at the end of the
day. And that's not really what we do.
What we do as economists is to think
about, "Well, if we want to attain this
goal, like what do we have to sacrifice
in order to get there?" And if we want
to avoid mass suicide, right? Which we
do, then we we as economists can say
things like, "Well, here are the
options, right? We can go down this
path. We can go down that path. And now,
you people decide." You people meaning
voters and, you know, fellow citizens
out there.
What are some of the potential
advantages of an aging population?
This isn't really my area, so I hesitate
to sort of speak out of line, but um
there are benefits with older
populations, clearly. You could see it
in the workplace, right? We have We have
what as Speaking as one of the older
people, um we have experience and
knowledge and things that uh it's got to
be possible to take advantage of.
Yeah, it's an interesting one. I think
the difference between an an aging
population and an elderly population is
is probably pretty important because
what we're talking about is a uh larger
cohort of people that can contribute in
terms of innovation, in terms of being
part of the workforce, driving GDP,
etc., etc. Um but
as is told, demography is destiny, which
means that that
aged workforce population will
eventually end up becoming the elderly
population. You can end up with an
inverted pyramid, which is not
necessarily fun. So,
what I think is interesting about your
perspective is that you've got the
economics wing, and you've got the
philosophy wing, as well.
You're also a philosopher by training,
but
philosophers also not exactly renowned
for being well-liked and well-respected.
They're often disliked and disrespected.
And and now you're telling me? Look, I I
I'm not saying that it's you, Eric,
that's causing this to happen, but what
is it, do you think, about philosophy,
as well? It seems like there need
There's a branding problem. There's like
a a PR nightmare that's occurred with
both economics and with philosophy.
What's your postmortem on the uh brand
positioning of philosophy and
philosophers? I worry what it might say
about me, the fact that I sit at the
common denominator
You're the common denominator here,
Eric.
such a bad reputation. Um I don't know.
I think we are um for one thing,
terrible at explaining to people what we
do. So, philosophy and economics are
both sort of abstruse. They're abstract.
They're done in a language that's
inaccessible. We use mathematics in
philosophy, as well as in economics,
right? And this means that the average
Joe can't pick up one of our journals
and get something out of it. But that
doesn't mean that the stuff we're doing
isn't relevant to the people on the
street. In fact, it's immediately and
directly relevant to many of the the
things that we're thinking about, the
ways in which we live our lives, and
whatever. We just don't translate it
into a language that's comprehensible to
people. And much of that is a function,
I think, of of professional norms. So,
we care about each other's approval,
right? We talk to each other. We care
about what other people care about think
about us. We don't pay enough attention
to the the out there and the various
ways in which they might want to engage
in conversation. Because the fact is, it
wouldn't just be good for them, it would
be good for us as well. When we talk
about big decisions, for example, we
need stakeholder involvement, right?
Economics can't provide the values. We
need people out there telling us what
matters to them, what they think of as
the big problems, and what sort of
constraints apply to the solutions that
that we develop. So, I think there's a
lot of there would be a lot of benefits
to be had from actually talking to each
other, which, you know, we don't do in
part because of this terrible reputation
that you that you identified. Okay, so
you did a fantastic lecture that I
really enjoyed to do with happiness and
and how it's worked into a whole host of
different factors. Just taking a broad
view
as someone at the intersection of
philosophy and economics, what do you
think common misunderstandings about
happiness miss?
What is it that people don't fully
conceptualize when they're just
considering happiness overall?
So, the central thing that I like to
underscore is the difference between
happiness and well-being. So,
well-being, as I think of it, as
philosophers think of it, is what we
have when our lives are going well, when
our things are in place, when we're
flourishing, and so on. Happiness is
what we have when we're in the certain
mental state, a mental state that feels
good, that that that sometimes
psychologists refer to as as positive
affect. And it's true that historically
people have thought of these two things
as very tightly sort of intertwined, but
I think it makes a lot of sense to think
of them as slightly separate. Sure, a
good life is a life that includes a
great deal of happiness. It would be
weird to think of your life going well
if you're miserably unhappy, but there
are situations when these things come
apart. So, there are values in life,
there are goals in life that are
important to us, even if they don't come
with an additional dose of happiness and
even if they come at the cost of
happiness. I like to think about
children actually falling in this
category. There is a lot of evidence
from the science of happiness suggesting
that having children makes you less
happy than not having children and that
if you're a parent when you're spending
time with your kids, you're less happy
than when you're doing many other things
like hanging out with your friends or
chilling in front of the television or
or something. But never mind, having a
child can still be a good thing for you,
right? Even if it comes at a cost. So
that's that that's got your philosophy
angle, right? But it's got your
economics angle as well. And this is a a
really important thing to appreciate.
Some things are good for us even if they
don't make us happier.
What is the way that having children
does contribute to the
uh improvement of our lives, whether
that be through well-being or meaning or
or whatever?
There is a fair amount of evidence
suggesting that people with kids have
more meaning in their lives. They feel
part of a bigger whole. They feel like
they're part of the shifts of the
generations. They give satisfaction to
their parents and and so on. Non- sat
non-financial satisfaction as people say
increases when you become a parent. The
problem is that other kinds of
satisfaction go down. Um
notably financial satisfaction. So
having a child costs a ton of money.
Right now, the estimates suggest it
costs like $300,000
before college, right? Up to the age 18
or something. And then you stack college
costs on on top of that. It's a lot of
money. And what that means is that when
you have a child, unless you suddenly
become, you know, $300,000 richer,
you're going to have have make
sacrifices. And those sacrifices are
going to cost you in terms of, you know,
happiness among other things.
I've had a lot of conversations on the
podcast about declining birth rates,
crises of fertility, and then crises of
mating overall. People just getting into
relationships and and not saying that
they are going their own way or
retreating into
much more siloed atomized lifestyle. And
one of the things I've considered, which
you've touched on there, which is pretty
interesting,
is
an over-
prioritization
of the immediate.
And because we live in a world which is
hyper-convenient,
the immediacy I I said to you before I
got started, it's 39° here in Austin,
Texas, but I'm cool. I'm cool because
I've got air conditioning. I don't have
to wait for the air conditioning to come
on because it's on a timer. Uh so,
the immediacy of our comfort and the
immediacy of any discomfort has never
been more acutely felt. And I
get the sense that with declining
religiosity, which is sort of a lack of
awe and dread, a lack of sort of
connection to the grander plan, the more
meaning-making, also the more
community-based activities that we would
have done previously,
what people see when they look at
childhood
having children and and the sort of
ensuing $300,000
prison sentence
is that
it's an awful lot of
non-immediate happiness.
Look at all of the things that I'm going
to have to pay a price for up front.
There was a a famous TikTok that a girl
released called The Girl With a List,
and she printed off 300 something
reasons why not to have a kid, and they
included things like I can't go to
brunch with the girls, no longer able to
wear cute heels. So, you know, people
really are It's kind of tongue in cheek,
but also people really optimizing for
this stuff on the front end. What you're
saying is that
overall, the meaning-making machine that
children are is perhaps a net positive,
but it does require you to pay a cost up
front with regards to freedom and
in-the-moment happiness continuously as
well. If it's 3:00 a.m. in the morning
and this is the second time that your
baby has uh
pooed in its diaper, it is not going to
be an enjoyable, happy experience. You
know, you will accrue meaning across the
period of your life, but
current culture
pedestalizes
happiness in the moment and
uh absolutely hates any detraction away
from that so much that I think we have a
a culture which is essentially
unconducive to meaning-making and given
that children are mostly meaning-making
machines, I think that that explains at
least part of of what's going on. What
do you think about my bro science
hypothesis
Yeah. Yeah, no, absolutely. So, one off
like first off, recognizing that having
children is awfully hard is really
important, right? You have these nights
when you cannot sleep at all cuz they're
screaming, cuz they're sick or whatever.
Um sleeplessness is terrible. It's
terrible for your thinking, for your
affect, for your irritability, right?
It's terrible for your immune system.
And there's just so much evidence
suggesting that that's bad for for a
person and and hard. It's also true that
we tend to focus on short-term gains to
a very great extent. There's a ton of
evidence on hyperbolic discounting as as
they call it, right? If you're standing,
if you have the choice between a a
remote uh benefit, a remote good like,
you know, adoring children or something,
or going to brunch with your friends,
going to brunch is going to seem like
such a good idea when it's right in
front of you, even if when you reflect
on it, you recognize that adoring
children is a much bigger value to to
you. So so that's really important. And
And I think in certain ways parenting
has gotten harder, right? We There In
other ways it's gotten better, but we
live
um we're lonelier now in a sense. We
live, especially in America, very far
from our families. We can live thousands
of miles, obviously, from our our
families. In um other times and in other
places, you would live closer to your
family. You would have parents,
um cousins, nieces, nephews, aunts, and
uncles, some of whom wouldn't have their
own children, who might really benefit
from hanging out with yours. And then
raising a child is a more communal
endeavor, uh which which is really
really important. Now, we live alone, uh
very far from family. We're expected to
do all this on our own at the same time
as we're working maybe 60 hours a week,
right? 80, in the worst case. If If
you're a young person, you're trying to
build a career, you need an apartment,
you have payments on your car, right?
You can't just stay home with a kid if
you also have to uh make ends meet. And
so, we're putting an awful lot of uh
awful awfully heavy burden on the
shoulders of young people who might
otherwise want to have kids. Now, it's
true that not everybody does, right?
Probably not everyone ought to have
kids, but many people do. And the
obstacles are are very
tall.
Yeah, it seems that the biggest
disparity between
uh desired and realized fertility. So,
um the people who wanted uh the number
of kids that they have compared to the
number of kids that they wanted is the
biggest uh
educated women. And the more educated
and the more smart you are,
the bigger that disparity. And I don't
know whether there is a correlation
between desire to have children and uh
IQ or whatever in women,
but I can imagine that if you are
somebody who is uh quite smart and quite
well-educated, the bottom line is you've
just spent lots of time in school.
That's lots of time being poor and
relying on student loans, and probably
living away from your parents and all of
the support structures, and not having
kids yet. So, you know, even aside from
the motivations, you just don't have the
time as much. I will say that
constraints differ across countries. So,
this is one thing that pops up in the
happiness data. If you look at like
Gallup data, for example, which comes
out of basically every country across
the world, the effects of having a child
varies by location. There are a couple
of things going on there, I think. So,
some of it might have to do with
culture, right? In some cultures, you're
more family-oriented, you can depend on
your relatives to much greater extent
than you can in in others.
Um development matters. If there's more
money to go around in a country, that
makes it easier to be a parent there
than if you're in a place with very
little resources. But, also, some places
offer public policies that make life
easier for parents. So, things like
parental leave, right? Allowing you to
spend a year maybe with your kid uh with
a salary, and then being able to return
to the workplace, right? That cushions
you against some of the financial strain
that you might feel otherwise. Um
healthcare, right? So, having a child
isn't just expensive, it's also
unpredictable. Like, some people have
kids who are always healthy and happy.
They you know what they cost is not too
bad, but other kid kids have very large
needs and need a lot of additional
resources. If you can depend on support
for those sorts of of needs, well, then
that's going to make your life a lot
easier. So, there are things that some
places do for people that make it easier
to have kids, and that make happiness um
if not go up, at least not go down by as
much as it does in the US. Continental
Europe looks better from this
perspective than the US and the UK, for
example. And the suggestion is that it
has to do with the public policy and the
conditions that new parents in
particular are facing. America is
ruthless. You get 3 and 1/2 days off and
you're expected to be back in the office
answering emails
while they're still cutting the
umbilical cord. Right. And healthcare is
tied to your employer to a very great
extent, right? So, if you want to be
home, you risk getting fired. You would
also lose your health insurance, right?
That's a very good
during during a period of time where
you're physically more vulnerable
perhaps than you would have been
previously. Exactly. And every new
parent worries about their kids, right?
Even if they're perfectly healthy, there
are so many things you're going to worry
about. And having access to medical care
is obviously critical for
thought about that. I I never I never
thought about the essential ransom that
new parents are held to in America by
the
the fact that their medical cover is
covered by their employer. Yeah, that's
very interesting. Going back going going
back to the
the money and happiness relationship,
what is the answer to whether or not
money can buy happiness in your opinion?
It can.
It can. So, this is slightly bizarre
conversation going on, but people have
been doing happiness research for
literally 100 years and there's never
been any doubt about the fact that more
money makes at least some people
happier. So, if you look at poor people,
people at the bottom end of the income
scale, everyone has found that giving
them more money on the average will make
them happier. The conversation, the
scholarly conversation that's been going
on for some time has to do with what
happens on the other side of the income
distribution. So, if you look at the
very rich, does the curve become flat,
meaning there's no additional benefit
from making more money after a certain
point, or does it continue to rise? And
right now, it seems like a consensus is
emerging which says that happiness
increases at every level of income, but
it increases less and less the more
money you make. So, economists talk
about diminishing marginal returns,
right? And that's what we seem to find
in the happiness data. Now, it matters
what you have to give up in order to get
that additional chunk of cash. It's not
always going to be the case that you
should try to make more money if you
want to be happier, because you might
have to sacrifice
leisure, right? Golfing, time with
friends, time with family, time with
your kids, things like things like that.
So, you shouldn't sort of infer that you
should always try to maximize your your
income. There's a point at which you
would be better off not. But, all things
equal, getting more money seems to be
making you happier, no matter where you
are in the distribution.
What is the relationship between money
and life satisfaction, well-being,
meaning, happiness? Where do Where are
we accruing the biggest gains? Where are
we paying the biggest prices?
Well, so those things are all
correlated, right? Meaning, happiness,
satisfaction, money, they're they're
correlated at the national level and at
the individual individual level. They do
seem to come apart in certain places.
So, if you look at the very rich,
there's evidence that satisfaction keeps
rising faster than happiness, meaning
sort of the way you feel, positive
affect. So, if you ask somebody like how
satisfied they feel with their lives,
like that the response to that keeps
increasing even if like your happiness
tapers off.
Why do you think that's the case?
That I I
I don't know. Um, a judgement it tends
to respond to slightly different sort of
factors in your life than than your
affect. Our feelings
are a little weird sometimes, right?
They respond to things that might
rationally not make such such a big
difference. So, one thing about um
happiness is that it seems to respond
quite strongly to expectations and
whatever you're used to or whatever.
It's possible that um happiness is more
responsive to things like expectations
and aspirations and and things than
judgements of satisfaction. But here I'm
just guessing on the basis of the data
that I've seen. Yeah, talk about the
role of aspiration. What's that What's
the name of that guy? The dude
who um tried to beat the railway
machine.
John Henry. Thank you. What's the story
of him? So, African-American folk hero,
right? Tragic hero. He was a railroad
man. Um, he built railroads at a time
when people started producing machines
to compete with humans. He he John Henry
uh thought he was going to be better
than the machine. He went um into a
competition with a machine and he's a
tragic hero because he won. He was
right, but he died in in victory. This
is interesting to to me and to some
other people because you can think of a
personality characteristic along these
lines. Some people are just more like
John Henry than others, right? Some have
ambition, goals in life, you know, they
set um they have aspirations, they don't
give up easily and so on. Other people
are more like couch potatoes. They don't
really have goals and and so on. They
don't have very high expectations or
aspirations. And there's a certain
amount of evidence suggesting that how
happy you are is a function both of what
you attain and how much you aspired for,
what you were hoping for. in such a way
that the more you get, the happier you
are. But the more you aspire, the less
the more you aspire to, the less happy
you are. And I've worked a little bit on
this and and what you expect to find in
the data is exactly what you find.
People with very high goals in life may
attain a little more than others, but
they look less happy than other people.
I feel like I see this in class, right?
I teach college. Um some students come
in, they got a B on the exam, they hate
it. They're so upset cuz they expected
an A, right? Other people come in, they
got a D, they're going to go partying,
they're so pleased cuz they were sure
they were going to fail.
And so, how happy you are with your
performance is going to reflect not just
the score you get on the exam or
whatever, but your expectation, right?
And a slightly sort of scary thing about
this is that what this might suggest is
that in order to be happy, you should
just like lower your standards, right?
Lower your goals. Never try to pursue
anything, never go for anything, always
give up if you run into trouble or
whatever. But but that would be the
wrong conclusion to draw, right?
Precisely because happiness and
well-being don't always go together,
right? There are things that you can do
that will leave you better off even
though you're less happy. Having kids
would count for me, at least.
But also accomplishing things like
running a marathon or climbing a
mountain, things like that, you know,
might make you feel miserable. Sailing
might make you feel awful. But
nonetheless, if you set yourself a goal,
you attain it, right? You're a reason to
be proud of yourself. You're living a
good life for you in spite of the fact
that you're miserable because you're
cold and whatever. Yes, no one's ever
been happy whilst running a marathon,
but afterwards many people that complete
it will probably say, "Yeah, that was
very meaningful." or whatever my sense
of well-being. Have you ever seen any
interventions that are
able to decrease expectations whilst not
decreasing aspiration?
I am not sure about that. I can't think
of any intervention that I'm aware of
that
That would be the magic pill. Yeah,
maybe you should work on one. Yeah, I
don't know. The It's interesting the
standard thing, right? And language is
so messy here because what people are
talking about they're often conflating
lots of different things together. You
know,
falling short of what it is that you
wanted to do makes you feel bad, but we
also know that there is a degree of good
that comes along with the achievement
overall. So, we're talking about
expectation and well-being and happiness
and aspiration. It all kind of gets
bundled up together. It's a nice
conception to think about the fact that
you know,
in the ideal scenario
you would regularly beat your
expectations.
I suppose the problem is
that your expectations and your
aspirations are going to be quite
tightly tied together, which suggests
that the more you expect
of yourself, the more you aspire to, the
higher your goals, the closer you get to
achieving some things. You know, the the
people that consistently overachieve,
like ridiculously overachieve over and
over and over again, that doesn't happen
by accident. They're not just doing this
like, oh, there we go again, king of the
world for the third time in a row or
whatever. Like it's just it doesn't
happen. It's people purposefully,
neurotically going out of their way to
very carefully design a system that
creates this outcome or one that's very
similar to it. I think
Well, actually, how how have you given
this sort of knowledge that you have
around where satisfaction comes from,
happiness, aspiration, expectation, how
have you adjusted your own approach to
your life to try and integrate this to
maximize your sense of well-being and
happiness?
Now, I don't want to hold up myself as a
model in this regard at all, but I did
read up on a literature on goal
regulation. There's a whole psychology
of goal regulation, which is precisely
about this. Like, how do you select
goals in life to motivate you to
accomplish things, you know, to live the
best life that you can without tripping
yourself up, right? So, we agree that
you need some goals to to perform,
right? We ought to have goals. They make
life worth living. They structure our
existence and so on. But, at the same
time, there are limits to the the goals
that you should set for your for
yourself.
And I'll say that one of the things that
I've done quite successfully is to be
satisfied with being mediocre in almost
everything. If it comes to like sports,
uh
all sorts of activities, music, I
sometimes enjoy engaging in these
activities, but I'm perfectly happy
being mediocre. Then, there are a couple
of things that I do in my work. I want
to do
the best possible work. Like, the best
work I can do, the best work that that
anyone can do. I fail, right? In all
sorts of ways, but that's my goal. But,
in this very narrow little domain, in my
sub sub sub discipline of the academic
world or or whatever. But, being happy
with mediocrity, I think is is really
great. And it's something that more
people should try.
That's very interesting because there
would be an argument to be made that how
you do anything is how you do
everything.
That setting yourself high standards is
advantageous and it will begin to bleed
across you know, if you make your bed
and your pajamas are always folded and
the kitchen counter is always cleaned
and so on and so forth, that this is
just going to seep into all of the other
areas of your life and the reverse as
well. That if you don't do those things,
you're just going to become a lazy piece
of [ __ ] in your academic career.
Now, I don't disagree with you. I mean,
maybe that works for somebody else,
right? But what worked for me is just
settling in like almost every domain
except the ones that I really care about
and that I focus on on this.
Yeah. So, I have
Economists talk about comparative
advantage, right? Is focusing where you
do best relative to what others are up
to. And this is an application of that
idea. Yeah, I would not be the best at
house cleaning or whatever, which is why
we've got a maid. We have a maid that
comes around and she does the house, so
I've sacrificed some of those things
that I am good at, which is making
money, for something that she's good at,
which is cleaning the house. Um
one of my friends has a uh coach of some
kind and he told me a few months ago
that this coach has got him
he made him take up a hobby
and he had to not care about how good he
was at the hobby. And I think the hobby
that he took up was something to do with
art. It was some kind of watercolor
painting or drawing or some sort of
something.
Maybe it was even in a class, still life
class or something. And there is a part
of him, he's quite a hard-charging type
A type guy, and there was a bit of him
that just wanted to, right, I'm going to
go home and I'm going to watch all of
the YouTube videos about how to become
better at my art style and I'm going to
get all of the best pencils and I'm
going to do extra work outside. And his
coach said, "You are forgetting the
purpose of the exercise. The purpose of
the exercise is to do a thing simply for
doing a thing. Do you enjoy it when you
go and you try this thing?" He's like,
"Yeah, I'd enjoy it more if I was
better." And she's like, "That's not the
point. The point is for you to be able
to let go of the desire to be better at
this thing."
It's a very, very interesting
it like intersection or vector that
we're talking about, which is in a world
where everybody applauds
growth and development, and I do too.
It's one of the things that I've taken
an unbelievable amount of joy from in my
life.
How do you draw Is it possible to draw
boundaries around that beyond which you
can let go, which actually teaches you
lessons of where to which hills to stand
on with a flag and then start swinging a
sword, and which hills to say, "Looks
like the cleaner is going to get this
one." Or looks like I'm going to be [ __ ]
as an artist. Or do you know what I
mean? Because I do think I do think that
there's a
an associated psychological suffering
that comes with holding yourself to an
incredibly high standard across the
board. And And this is the I suppose the
behavioral
uh economics
element of this or the behaviorist
element of this.
It's unrealistic. Like you know You know
that
if expectations, as soon as you posit an
expectation for yourself and you fall
short of it, that's going to create a
degree of suffering.
The fewer expectations that you have,
especially the ones that you do not need
to have, does it matter about how
straight the bed is? Does it really
matter? Or would it be better? Let's
imagine a world in which you could silo
off uh compartmentalize the different
elements of things that you have to be
good at in your life. Okay, well, if I
could
be great at academia
and not give a [ __ ] about how the bed's
made,
I would no longer need to make the bed.
So, it's almost like our expectation of
this global how you do anything how you
do is how you do everything movement
is become self-fulfilling in a way and
and inescapable and and maybe not
actually that advantageous.
This isn't exactly an answer to your
question, but so often it seems to me
that we should focus more on consistent
practice than on outcomes. If I wanted
to become a marathon runner and I
measured my performance by reference to
the best marathon runner out there, I
would fall short every day, right? I
would feel awful about myself every time
I went out there. So, the key to
becoming a runner is to commit to a
certain training schedule. You go out
there, you train every day or whatever,
and if you keep it up, even if the only
thing you care about is the outcome,
you're better off focusing on consistent
practice than constantly trying to
measure up your performance against some
effectively unattainable yardstick. And
I think that it
applies in lots of domains. I had a
phase in college when I wrote poetry. I
sat down, I wrote a poem, I compared it
to like the best poem of whoever I was
reading at the time, Leonard Cohen, and
then I said, "Look, this is not as good
as his." And I tossed it, and I stopped,
right? That's a sure path to failure. If
I really wanted to become a poet, I
would have had stick with it
independently of how good it was, right?
And so to some extent, we need to select
like which hill we're going to climb,
right? To stick with your metaphor, and
then just do it, right? Now, which climb
which climb should you attempt? Well,
that's going to depend on your values.
It might depend on like what you have a
natural talent for and so on, for sure.
It might depend on things like what your
friends are up to. Sometimes it's more
fun to climb in the presence of of your
friends. But at the end of the day,
that's going to be a matter of of
values. But once you've committed, the
best way forward is probably to commit
to a plan, not to like constantly assess
your performance. Yes. So, it's got me
thinking about um something I used to do
in my old business. I ran nightclubs for
a long time, and when you do that, you
get a guest list of people that are sent
through. And this was a period where we
were the biggest events company in the
city by an absolute mile. And this
Saturday party that we had was a a
monster. Thousands and thousands of kids
would turn up every week. So, we would
just have hundreds and hundreds of
groups of people, and it would be
submitted as uh first name, second name,
plus group size, right? So, it'd be John
Smith plus five, Chris Williamson plus
three, whatever.
I remember that there was a
a long period of probably 6 months to a
year
where I went through and meticulously
moved the plus number
into a separate column so that all of
the numbers were completely aligned
straight up and down. Let's not forget
that this was a night a club night that
was making like thousands and thousands
of pounds of profit a week.
And I was spending my time in the
build-up to the event
moving individual numbers that had been
texted in by 18-year-olds that were
pre-gaming battered
most of them wouldn't even show up,
right? You know, 50% or more of the
guest list wasn't even going to show.
But I had convinced myself that this was
one of the important things that needed
to be done. And this is why I think a
degree of
uh reflexive reflective practice. Okay,
what are the things that I'm doing? Does
this contribute to the particular hill
that I'm supposed to go up? No, it
doesn't. You're spending
90 minutes a week [ __ ] about with an
Excel spreadsheet. Perhaps you could
spend that doing anything even if it was
just watching TV or chilling out or or
exercising.
I guess many very successful people have
this insane attention to detail, right?
In architecture, design, or movie
making, or whatever, you find that. But
in order to be great at something, you
have to pay attention to the right
details, right? And if the orientation
of the pluses or whatever really has no
effect on the outcome of the event, then
you know, the opportunity cost is
overwhelming.
What role does inequality have in
happiness? So, we've spoken about the
fact that
um there is a relationship, although it
does taper off to do with money and
happiness. It continues to go up, so
there's number beyond which $70,000 a
year happiness doesn't increase. I'd
already heard that that was mostly
bollocks. Diminishing returns seems to
make sense. But I would imagine that the
curve is different if you are living on
a street filled with millionaires. So
there has to be
inequality and the keeping up with the
Joneses comparison that we have in our
brains must mediate our happiness with
regards to wealth.
Yeah, I mean there's a lot to be said
about happiness and and inequality.
First off, there are ways in which at
least some inequality is good for total
happiness. So
um some inequalities reflect
preferences. For example, maybe I just
want to lay in bed, read a book. Maybe
you want a ton of money in order to
travel the world and play golf or
something, right? Um then a maximally
happy society where both of us get to do
what we want to do requires a certain
degree or entails a certain degree of of
inequality. So some inequality is
probably good for for happiness. There
are other effects as well. But then
there are various ways in which an
inequality or inequality can harm total
happiness. So for example, if you're
desperately poor and I'm super rich and
an additional dollar would make a much
bigger difference for you than for me.
Like you can imagine scenarios where
some degree of distribution
redistribution would make a difference.
And then the keeping up with the Joneses
is is really important, I think. When we
assess how well we're doing in life,
very often we don't look at some
objective yardstick cuz those things
really don't exist. What we do is we
compare ourselves to somebody around us.
Like what's a nice car? What
what do I know, right? I'll look at the
other people in my office and see what
they're driving. What's a nice watch?
What's uh you know, reasonable salary or
whatever. And to the extent that we
spend a lot of time comparing ourselves
to others, we might get involved in
these like very harmful arms races where
I try to make a little more to have a
shinier car or whatever than you and you
respond by working a little more to have
a shinier car than me. At the end of the
day, we're the same, right? But both of
us work a lot more, and we're applying
money into like, you know,
capital goods that neither one of us
really wanted. And so, I think one key
to happiness is sort of opting out on
this of this process when it makes
sense. All right, I want the shiniest
new iPhone. Many of my friends get the
latest iPhone,
and I feel the urge to buy one, too. But
I succeed in talking myself out of that,
and I save a lot of money that way that
I can spend on things that give me more
happiness. Yeah, I I've I've thought
about this an awful lot. I don't have
much materialism. Like, I'm not a very
keeping up with the Joneses person with
regards to what I own or what I wear or
Good. anything.
I feel quite fortunate. Like, I don't
know everything's heritable, right? You
know, whatever everything that you are
psychologically is on average 50%
heritable. So, I guess I have my parents
to to thank for it. But I would love to
know
what that is, a materialism set point or
something or a comparative set point,
what
psychological dimension that sits upon,
and what interventions we could use to
nudge people away from that. Because I
do think that it's a very low-cost way
to improve people's quality of life.
Like, you get more bang for your buck
because you are not spending your bucks
on things that you don't need to spend
them on. Right. I mean, we're living in
a world where one of the fastest-growing
sectors of the economy is like storage,
right? People have so many things so
many things that they become a problem
for them, a psychological problem.
People seek therapy to deal with the
quantities of stuff that they've
accumulated. So, I think there's a lot
of evidence both from the science and
from everyday experience to suggest that
we tend to favor material belongings to
a greater extent than we probably should
if we wanted to be happy. Like so many
people love going camping, right? Their
best moments is when they're in a tent
somewhere in front of a campfire and
they've got a guitar and a couple of
beers.
Uh right? That's the That's the spirit.
Like some of us really want quite simple
things. And if we can see that and and
favor those sorts of things, we can make
ourselves happier. Now, of course,
camping is can be super expensive,
right? Depending on where you go and
what sort of gear you bring. So, this is
not like a solution that's going to work
for everyone. But I think the general
insight is true, right? As a result of
external pressure or, you know,
upbringing or whatever,
uh we tend to give too much weight to
material belongings when there are other
things that are cheaper and better for
us.
One of the things I was considering to
do with the level of inequality that you
could have within a a society or within
a country,
you could have a correlation between
high GDP
and high happiness,
but that could be skewed
with high earners. Because high GDP is
contributed to overall by everyone. And
let's say that you have a country which
has captured some non-insignificant
percentage of the world's billionaires.
Okay, the the GDP is increasing and
there would be a way that that could uh
skew the relationship between GDP and
happiness. Have you ever looked at this?
Have you looked at happiness versus
inequality and GDP and how all of that
folds in? Y- Yeah, so I haven't looked
at it myself, but I think the general
point is true in the sense that like GDP
is an average, right? It takes like all
the stuff that gets produced in a
country and you divide it by the number
of people. GDP doesn't say anything at
all about how it's distributed. And the
happiness data seems to respond to the
ways in which various resources are
distributed. Is there one guy who owns
everything or things are distributed
in a in a different way? People who need
things, do they get things and and so
on. So, you can you can modify as it
were the relationship between happiness
and GDP by distributing it in in various
ways and it's worthwhile thinking about
that, I think.
Is there a sex difference in happiness?
Um I don't think there are any major sex
differences to my knowledge. Um it's not
a major factor anyway in the literature
that to my to my knowledge.
Yeah, because we have um increasing
rates of depression and anxiety in young
girls. I think that uh females overall
uh got a a higher risk for uh depression
and anxiety, but I think uh white men
between the ages of 40 and 45 are at the
highest risk for suicide at the moment.
So, there's you know, there's kind of a
a U-shaped curve to life satisfaction,
which I'm sure that you'll have seen and
it seems to bottom out at around about
like 44 or something like that.
Yeah, these sorts of things that you're
talking about ought to be visible, it
seems to me in the happiness data. I
just haven't looked at it. Like there is
evidence as as you said that happiness
over the course of the life cycle is
like U-shaped. You're pretty happy when
you're young, you're pretty happy when
you're old, you're miserable in the
middle. But then it turns out like where
I am, right? I'd be at the trough there.
But then it matters what you control
for. So, you know, do you control for
whether you have kids or not? Well, many
people have like teenage kids in in in
middle age and having teenage kids is
awful, right? They're super expensive.
They stab you in the back like every
day.
Um so much disappointment.
Treacherous. And whatever.
Treacherous bastards that they are.
Right. And so, the phenomenon like what
it looks like is going to depend on to a
great extent like what you control for.
And then these are averages, right? It
doesn't apply to each and every
individual. What Yeah, this is one of
the things I was having a conversation
about, um,
What was I talking about?
I was talking about the differences in
the pains that people feel within the
dating market, that, uh, the problems
that women have and the problems that
men have, and like, um, how many men
that can't grow any taller is worth a
woman that can't afford a boob job.
Basically, if we were to talk about, uh,
trying to create an equivalency between
the challenges that presenting, uh, both
men and women have for increasing their
visual mate value. Uh, and it's not it's
it's you can't compare these two things.
There is no currency uh, exchange
between these two things. And I think
that
the conversation here as well about, you
know, are men or women happier on
average? Well, women have got a
predisposition towards depression and
anxiety, and young girls, whatever, 60%
of them say they've got persistent
feelings of hopelessness or listlessness
or something. But men in the 40-45 range
that are killing themselves at
unprecedented rates.
These aren't the same things. And I
think that trying to fold them into
happiness, this is one of the reasons
why, um, I appreciate
guys like you breaking down
happiness, uh,
well-being, uh, into component parts.
Because I do think that there is a lot
that can't be captured when we just use
happiness to talk about how's life going
overall. It's just not sufficiently
precise.
Yeah, no, I think I think that's a very
important point. So, you mentioned
depression, right? And of course there's
a correlation between, uh, depression
and the opposite of happiness, but
they're not as correlated as you might
think. And some people report laughing a
lot, and, uh, they also score high on on
depression. These things can come apart.
So, so I guess, uh, mental health or
well-being is a multi-dimensional
thing. And if you want to grasp what's
really going on in your life or in
society, you have to pay attention to
these these various things. When it
comes to unhappy people on on the dating
market. I I I I wouldn't know myself,
but to some extent this has got to
involve aspirations, right? If you're
alone at home in your bedroom and you're
thinking, "Oh, the woman or the man of
my dreams is going to look like this, is
going to have this profession, is going
to make this much money, whatever."
You're bound to be disappointed, right?
It would make so much sense to go for
somebody who's kind and generous and
caring and you know, shows up when you
need them to and whatnot,
um than uh the one with a certain height
or a certain, you know, bra size or what
have you.
Uh right? Aspirations matter in in all
domains, probably.
What about race differences in
happiness? Have you ever detected any of
those? I have not looked at that. Um
uh I haven't. Uh so, I hesitate to um
So, the the reason I think it's
interesting is uh you know, well
religion religiosity seems to be pretty
strongly correlated with uh levels of
happiness. Um
That seems to make sense to me.
Community,
um
ritual,
uh degree of connection to something
beyond just you, you know, we talked
about sort of meaning and this sense of
awe and dread, which I do think is is
really really important. Um but you will
have racial disparities in religiosity.
So, I
totally spitball this and maybe get it
wrong.
Mexicans on average may be more
religious than whites in America, let's
say, right? So, if you have people from
Mexico and that would show a race
difference to Central Americans in terms
of happiness, but where's it actually
coming from? Maybe it's actually coming
from something else that's hiding within
that. So, the three or the four big
things that seem to be um
indicative of happiness, poverty,
unemployment, poor health, and
religiosity. Those seem to be the big
four. Is that right?
You're quite right about religiosity.
So, that's something that people have
studied extensively, and people who are
religious seem to be on the average
significantly happier than atheists.
This is kind of interesting. It's not
quite clear to me where that comes from.
So, people who go to church regularly,
for example, have more companionship,
right? They see people.
They have
They're in touch with people. They
belong to a community. And those things
are also known to be conducive to to
happiness. So, that might be that might
be part of it. Now, an interesting or
sort of curious thing about this result
is that conservatives have argued for a
while that this proves that we were
right all along, right? That
being religious, living a religious
life, going to church or temple or
whatnot is is good for a person.
And they might be right about that.
There might be sort of causal connection
between these two things. But somebody
else who might have been right was Marx.
So, when Marx talked about religion
being opium for the people, what he
meant was not that, you know, religion
allows you to go out and get high or or
whatever. What he meant was that it has
a soothing effect, much like opium or,
you know, anesthesia might. So, it makes
you feel less bad if you live under
awful conditions. And that might be
true, too, right? So, there's a sense in
which both the conservatives and
Marxists were right about religion.
Wow, the horseshoe theory comes back to
bite everybody in the ass again. It's
that sort of thing, yeah. What about
unemployment distinct from its effect on
wealth and poverty?
Yeah, so unemployment is a huge
predictor of unhappiness.
Obviously, part of getting unemployed is
that you lose the source of income. And
so, people who are unemployed should,
you know, have make less money than
people who are employed, and that
matters. But, unemployment seems to
matter beyond the loss in income. And
the obvious suggestion there is that
when you lose a job, it has effects like
it makes you feel redundant, it makes
you feel unappreciated, it makes you
feel useless.
Um you lose contact with maybe your
friends. Yeah, many people socialize
more with their friends or with
colleagues at work than with anybody
else in their their lives, right? You
lose contact with with that. And so,
having a decent job to go to seems to be
really important for human happiness,
even beyond
the consequences for your income. So,
that thing about companionship again,
right? That's one of the things that
people talk about in this literature.
Seems to be really important, and it
might be involved both in like the
unemployment effect and in the
religiosity effect. Mhm.
Have you ever looked at relative
happiness between only children and
children with siblings?
I haven't. Do you have siblings? No, I'm
an only child, which is why I'm
miserable. No.
It's I It makes me think
we I know this
from
a million conversations on the show to
do with the importance of having
community, the importance of having
friends.
But, if that's true,
having Not everybody gets on with their
brothers and sisters, but you have a
degree of connectedness and community.
And we've already said that you know,
kids tend to move away from their
parents more quickly. 18 years old, 19
years old, I'm off to university. That's
maybe the last time that you you're
going to live with your parents. That
was how it worked for me. 18 years old,
that was it. And I never once thought,
"Oh, wow, like this is That's it now."
Probably 90
7% of the time that I'm going to spend
with my parents during my entire life is
now over.
Holy [ __ ] But
That's not It's it's wild. When you
think about that, when you think about
the fact that at 18 years old, you've
hit some unbelievable proportion of the
amount of time that you're going to
spend with your parents. It's it's kind
of sad in a way, and you
Parents talk about wanting to make the
most of the time with their children,
but children never think about having to
take make the most of the time with
their parents. And yet, it's something
that all children should be taught. And
yet, they don't have any perspective at
all because
you're 15, so what do you care? Like,
you just don't want to be grounded, or
you want to go out and play with your
friends. So,
I wonder what sort of impact it does
have on happiness, you know, whether or
not
someone who Because if you're going to
move away, and
you go to Manchester University, and
your brother or sister goes to Newcastle
University, you're not together anymore
in any case, right? So,
is there a Is there a sense Is there a
way in which just knowing that there is
someone out there that is a sibling that
kind of has your back, so to speak? Does
that act as a uh a salve or an an
anesthetic somehow to life's
vicissitudes as it as it sort of wobbles
around?
I wonder. That'd be That'd be an
interesting one to look at. Yeah, I
don't know. I mean, it's true that
people's relationships with their
siblings vary a lot, right? Some are
really, really functional, and some
really aren't. And then, there is in
fact where if you're a single child
living with your parents, you might have
more adult contact, right? If you have
seven siblings, your parents are going
to have less time for you than if you're
an only child. And so, you had the
benefit of getting your parents'
attention to a much greater extent than
you would have if there were six other
Chrises around,
Yeah, very good point. That depends on
how likable you are as a child, though.
As a a chronically unlikable child, so
I uh
I wonder whether that offset it a little
bit. And then the final one, the fourth
sort of horseman of this happiness
apocalypse is poor health.
Yeah. So, so health, right? Now, there's
one thing about health, which is that we
have a certain degree a certain ability
to adapt to it. So, getting um symptoms
is terrible, like getting a diagnosis is
terrible, adapting to a new uh condition
is terrible. But, when it comes to so
many conditions, we have an ability to
live a pretty good life um nonetheless.
This is often surprising to people, but
somebody who would not have been
surprised is Adam Smith. So, Adam Smith
talked about a man who gets a wooden
leg. He loses a leg in an accident. He
cries like a baby. He thinks his life is
over. He's never going to have any fun
again. And then as time passes, the man
realizes that he can enjoy what Adam
Smith called the pleasures of uh
of solitude and uh society. You can
still play chess. You can still talk.
You can still go drinking with your
friends. You know, you might could be
able to go horseback riding, right? Um
and as you realize that things aren't so
bad, your happiness might return, not
quite to baseline maybe, but it's going
to get it's going to get better.
So, health matters, um but it depends on
the extent to which it affects your
ability to enjoy the pleasures of uh
solitude and society.
Mm. So,
And that in turn is going to depend on
conditions. So, my vision is terrible,
right? But, the fact that my vision is
terrible has effectively no
consequences for the way I live my life.
I live in
of glasses on, and now everything's
razor sharp again.
technology. I can afford it, right? I
have a profession that allows me to wear
glasses.
Uh some people even think glasses are
kind of stylish, right? So, given these
conditions, having poor eyesight makes
it no difference to my life. In a
different era, even just a couple of
hundred years ago, I would have been
dead, like, you know, four decades ago.
I would have been eaten by a bear or a
lion or or something. And this is
important, I think, because something
similar applies to many other conditions
as well. You're in a wheelchair, well,
depending on what society is set up
like, it might not make that much of a
difference to your quality of life, or
it might have a huge difference, right?
live in mountains of Nepal or somewhere.
If if if you can't get out of your house
because there's snow banks, or, you
know, the doorway is too narrow or
something, of course it's going to have
a massive effect on your quality of
life, but it need not. And so, for many
of these conditions,
you having the condition doesn't like
doom you to low happiness. A lot is
going to depend on the sort of
conditions under which you live, which
is a decision, right? It's a political
decision to build a world that can
accommodate people with poor vision,
wheelchairs, or or whatever.
Is this adaptation, is this what's going
on, where people are becoming
acclimatized to their new level of
health?
I I think I think that that's a serious
hypothesis. We have a huge ability to
adapt, much like we adapt to different
like levels of light in a room, right?
Our eyes adapt, and we feel much the
same independently of what the the level
of lighting is. We have an ability to
adapt to conditions around us to a very
great extent. To some extent, that might
be functional, right? If you end up in
jail, unjustly accused of of some awful
crime, you might adapt to conditions and
end up being okay, even though you're
imprisoned. Uh right? So, there are
conditions when it's it's good, but then
we also have an ability and a tendency
to adapt to things that are quite good.
We all know people who are like
constantly whining, right? Objectively
speaking, if you live in the US or the
UK right now, you're one of the richest
people who've ever walked the face of
the earth, right?
Um unless you're desperately poor right
now. Most of us are hugely affluent by
comparison to almost everybody who's
ever lived, and yet some people do
nothing but complain, right? And the
story has got to be that they've adapted
to the riches. Um they probably have
genuine concerns and genuine things to
be upset about, but some people don't,
right? And um that's certainly
um a sure way to make yourself unhappy
unnecessarily.
Fascinating insight. Yeah, the the whole
thing is is um of particular interest to
me cuz I ruptured my Achilles uh 2 and
1/2 years ago. So, full detachment, uh
which is a serious injury. It's a
12-month rehabilitation process.
Uh it's It's not good. You got to go
through surgery. It's very painful, too,
isn't that right? So, I didn't feel
anything when it apart from I knew that
something had snapped and it sounded a
little bit like a gun went off. Um
wouldn't advise it, but
I I remember I was in the car. It's the
first time I'd started playing cricket
again, and my dad and me would do this
thing It was the sport I played
obsessively throughout my sort of from
10 to 19. It was all that I did. Mom and
Dad would come to the games, especially
Dad, who was a fan of the sport, and
then he used to come. And I thought
toward the back end of COVID while I was
still in the UK,
I might end up going away to America.
This would be an amazing thing for me
and Dad to rebond over.
It would also be cool for me, probably
good to get fresh air. COVID's kept me
in the house for ages. Why don't I go
and play some cricket? First game,
having a great time, playing great, and
uh bing. Yeah, don't take a sport back
up at the age of 32 and think that
you're just going to be able to to to to
do it. The number of people that I've
got friends of that
uh started playing basketball again.
They They were basketball players at the
age of, you know, 14 to 21, and then
they leave university, they don't play,
and they play a game of pick up at 36,
and they rupture a an ACL because their
body is not conditioned to this [ __ ]
men our age tend to not warm up properly
and stuff. We didn't think
we needed to.
it's fine. We were fine last time, so
Hey, yeah, last time I played two
decades ago, I didn't need to warm up.
Um, so anyway, my point being that
at the time
it was quite distressing. I'm very big
into my health and fitness. I wasn't
able to do the things physically that I
wanted to. Um, and it's so immediate
that the inconvenience is so rapid with
its onset. I remember I was laid there
the day
the day it happened, the day it happened
or the day after it happened
and I was just laid up. I can't do
anything until I get the surgery, so I'm
not even on the the road to improvement
at this point. I just have a foot which
is essentially not attached to the rest
of my leg.
Oh, that's awful. And I'm just laid up,
just feeling sorry for myself and
feeling like [ __ ]
And yeah, it it it felt it felt pretty
sort of destitute, and I was kind of
despondent, but I knew that I was
working toward here's the next date and
here's the next date. And this was
probably one of the most interesting
things that I've learned from your work,
which was the difference between
somebody who is dealing with chronic
pain
and somebody who is dealing with
a malady that they are able to adapt to.
Can you explain the difference between
those two? Yeah, so chronic pain is is
awful, right? Chronic pain interferes
with basically everything you try to do
during your day, right? It's constant
reminder that that you're ill, and it's
an obstacle in no matter what you're
trying to do. That means it's very hard
to adapt to something like chronic pain.
You're unlikely to see a scenario where
over time you adapt to to baseline.
Other sorts of conditions might be
easier to adapt to. So, something like
prostate problems, like many men develop
prostate cancer at some point in their
in their lives. Like getting a diagnosis
is is terrible, right? Nobody wants
cancer and so on. But, in so many cases
doctors will suggest, I guess they call
it watchful waiting, where you know,
you're monitoring things and then if
you're lucky the cancer will develop
so slowly that you're going to die from
something else before you get killed by
something else before the cancer gets
And then, you know, you might be able to
live your ordinary life in much the same
way that you did before you got the
cancer. And so, that sort of thing might
be quite easy to to adapt to, relatively
speaking, right? So, different the
conditions aren't the same, is what I'm
saying. Some are easier to adapt to, and
the ones that are easier to adapt to are
not going to harm your happiness quite
as much over time as the others do.
Yeah, it's really interesting to think
What was the other thing? There was
another example, it wasn't just chronic
pain, there was something else you gave
as a an example of a type of So, in one
study that I did, we found that
incontinence was a similar had a similar
effect. So, people who have incontinence
will tell you that it affects every
domain of their life.
It affects their dating life, it affects
like whether they want to hang out with
their friends, it affects their ability
to go to the movies, and and things like
that. It's a problem that makes itself
known
throughout the day, presumably, you
know, when
you wouldn't want it to, right? And that
sort of condition is then going to be
hard to adapt to, and you would expect
to see what we found, which is a lasting
effect on happiness levels.
For all of the people who are not living
with chronic pain or incontinence, I
think we can breathe a sigh of relief.
Eric Angner, ladies and gentlemen. Eric,
I really appreciate you. I love the
insight in this intersection of
economics and philosophy. If people want
to check out more of the stuff that you
do, where should they go?
I have a book called How Economics Can
Save the World, which I recommend to
everyone. Have a look, and maybe you'll
learn something.
Thank you so much, Chris. It was great
talking to you. I enjoyed it. My
pleasure. Thank you, mate. If you
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