America’s Hidden Strategy: The Method Behind Trump’s Chaotic Foreign Policies
Watch on YouTubeVideo summary
In this high-stakes discussion regarding America's foreign policy, host Eli Lake and his guest analyze President Trump's decisive military action against Iran's nuclear program, characterizing it not as a chaotic event but as a pivotal moment in Middle Eastern history driven by clear strategic logic. The conversation immediately addresses the persistent conspiracy theory that Israel manipulates U.S. intelligence or acts as an Israeli puppet; Lake dismisses this as a centuries-old anti-Semitic trope rooted in the Dreyfus affair and Zionism's origins, arguing instead that Trump is clearly calling the shots based on his own assessment of threats. While acknowledging Israel's superior capabilities in human sourcing compared to America's technical dominance in electronic collection, Lake posits that both nations share intelligence but that American assessments are often flawed due to bureaucratic bloat, whereas Israeli data from a "wired" nation provides more accurate situational awareness regarding Iran's imminent nuclear breakthroughs and the decimation of its proxy networks. The strategic rationale behind targeting Iran extends beyond preventing a nuclear arms race; it is deeply intertwined with regime change objectives aimed at dismantling an oppressive system that has sustained terrorism for decades through proxies like Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis. Lake argues that Israel's successful elimination of these groups following October 7th removed the primary deterrents against attacking Iranian soil, creating a window of opportunity to strike underground fortresses in Natanz, Fordow, and Isfahan using specialized weaponry capable of penetrating deep earth defenses. The ultimate success criteria for this operation are defined not merely by physical damage but by whether Iran's nuclear program is set back significantly enough to prevent proliferation cascades among nations like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Turkey, thereby averting a volatile scenario where multiple regional powers possess nuclear weapons in an unstable region. Beyond the immediate military victory, Lake outlines a broader geopolitical strategy centered on economic revitalization through the "Abraham Accords" model, aiming to transform Gulf states from oil-dependent economies into modern financial hubs that invest heavily in America Inc. This vision relies on neutralizing Iran as a destabilizing force so that cautious monarchies like Saudi Arabia and the UAE can normalize relations with Israel and redirect their resources toward infrastructure development rather than supporting jihadist exports or hostile militias. Lake highlights the transformation of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS) from a former "Janus-faced" ally exporting extremism to a leader actively counter-jihad, suggesting that this shift allows for unprecedented regional cooperation where even former adversaries like Syrian President Bashar al-Assad are willing to facilitate Israeli airspace usage in exchange for defanging Iranian influence. However, the discussion is not without its complexities and disagreements regarding public perception and domestic politics. Lake anticipates criticism from figures like Tulsi Gabbard or Tucker Carlson who fear a long occupation or regime collapse leading to anarchy; he counters that such outcomes are unlikely given Trump's refusal to engage in nation-building slogs seen in Iraq and Afghanistan, noting that the American public is now more realistic about military limitations. Furthermore, Lake touches upon the controversial topic of Jeffrey Epstein, debating whether his case involved a deep state cover-up or simply the protection of wealthy elites who enjoy different standards of justice, ultimately concluding that while intelligence agencies may use blackmail tactics like "honey traps," there is little evidence suggesting Mossad involvement in Epstein's operations. The conversation concludes with an optimistic yet realistic view that defeating political Islamism through military pressure and economic incentives will create space for organic democratic uprisings within Iran and a modernization of religious thought across the Muslim world, moving away from martyrdom-focused ideologies toward pragmatic governance.
Read the full video transcript
Just when it seemed like the
never-ending pattern of violence would
repeat forever in the Middle East, Trump
shocked the world by dropping more
explosive tonnage on Iran's nuclear
program than America dropped on
Hiroshima or Nagasaki. While it is far
too early to know if this will bring
peace or more chaos, it is clear that
this is a pivotal moment in Middle
Eastern history. And joining me today to
unpack the likely outcomes of this
critical turning point is free press
columnist and host of the Breaking
History podcast Eli Lake. We discuss
whether Trump is an Israeli puppet,
whether Iran actually had a nuclear
breakthrough or if there is something
more nefarious going on, and what all of
this means for America and Trump's
America Inc. Strap in because this is a
wild time to be alive.
What do you think about the people who
seem very convinced that all of the US
just dances to Israel's tune, that Trump
is working with Netanyahu?
Um, yeah, what where does that stem from
and do you think there's any truth to
it?
It's a canard, but it goes back, you
know, centuries. This is a classic
anti-Semitic trope that Jews are not
loyal citizens.
Uh, this was a huge part of the Dreyfus
affair in France that
inspired Theodor Herzl to come up with
Zionism itself.
Um,
and then in the modern context since the
state of Israel was born in 1948,
there has always been this uh view that
Israel is somehow manipulating things.
Um,
it depending I mean if we had another
person on here who wanted to make that
argument, I could probably go through
fact by fact about how they got the
argument wrong, but here's just I mean
we don't even need to do that.
On Tuesday morning, Trump went out to
the reporters and I think he put it on
Truth Social.
He said, you know, I don't know if I'm
allowed to curse he said, "Iran and
Israel have been fighting and they don't
know what the F they're doing."
And then he demanded that Netanyahu
turn, you know, the planes around that
were planning a bombing mission over
Iran.
That doesn't look like a puppet to me.
He he he looks like Trump's calling the
shots.
And then as for like this idea that it's
the Israelis that are injecting the
intelligence and so forth, it is a
conspiracy theory.
The truth of the matter is is that if
you just look at this objectively,
we've seen the demonstration that the
Israeli Mossad
has extraordinary
intelligence and penetration of the
Iranian regime.
Um we've also seen the demonstration
over tragically decades now
that the United States intelligence
community, in my view, is too big, gets
big questions wrong.
Uh
as somebody who's covered it very
closely, I know of at least twice in the
last 20 years that American
uh spy networks in Iran have been rolled
up by the Iranian regime.
Mhm. So it actually leads me to the
question is that on the one hand, did
Israel share information with the United
States? Of course they did. The United
States is Israel's most important ally.
Allies share intelligence. That's
normal.
The question that I would ask is why
would you trust in the American
assessment on Iran over Israel, which
just demonstrated they have this place
wired?
It strikes me that just using the razor
of Occam, that Israel's intelligence
probably be better.
Um and then there's a lot of sharing um
that we don't know about cuz
intelligence world exists, you know, in
the shadows for a reason.
But I would imagine that a lot of
information that Israel's sharing is
verified through electronic sources by
the Americans. And just to kind of give
give you a little bit of a background on
this, the US
is better than anyone in the history of
the world in terms of technical
collection, meaning our ability to
hoover up stuff on the internet or even
in the air in terms of wireless.
Um
is it is is unsurpassed. We have the
ability
to kind of basically probably listen to
any tap anyone's listen to any
conversations we want, read anyone's
email that we want. Great.
Um
it's a extraordinary. What we're not as
good at and the Israelis I think are
much better at is what's called, you
know, human sourcing.
Getting agents to turn
to work for you. It's a nasty business.
The Israelis are very good at that. The
Soviets used to be excellent at that.
The Russians are ex- quite good. The
Chinese are quite good.
Uh the US I think is less, you know, we
we we do it, but we're not as good. Iran
seemed to go from side dish to main dish
really fast. Do you think that something
just clicked over from uh their
capability to build a nuclear weapon or
was this uh we knocked out the air
defense and so it's just opportunistic?
Well, it's a couple things. I think you
have to look at the proxy strategy
as part of the nuclear strategy, which
is to say
what the proxies were when they were
intact because Israel decimated them
before the strike as part of the October
7th war.
Um but what you'd have to say is that
if the Iranians were to get a nuke, it
would have provided a kind of nuclear
umbrella
for these forward
uh positioned militias.
So
Israel was in a strategically perilous
situation you could argue on October
7th. Horrific attack from Hamas. It's
not clear whether the supreme leader of
Iran or the late generals of the Iranian
Revolutionary Guard Corps knew
that this was in the works. They There
was a meeting in Lebanon with a very
senior Revolutionary Guard Corps
official. They I I Israelis put this
intelligent out a few intelligence out a
few months ago which showed that there
was sort of discussion about it. I think
the Iranians wanted to have more of a
coordinated attack. The Hamas went
through with it anyway.
But in terms of culpability, Hamas in
many ways is sustained through uh Iran.
It's part of this proxy network. So
that's one element of how the Iranian
nuclear program is related to that. The
other is that it's the line of defense
in some ways or at least it was hoped to
have been the line of defense
um
for Iran if there was this day that
eventually came where the Israelis would
attack the nuclear program. So the
response would be like, are you sure you
want to do that because Hezbollah had
hundreds more than 100,000 rockets. The
um Hamas had their own capabilities. So
an attack on Iran would bring these
attacks again from the proxies. So if
you think about October 7th, the
Israelis were caught unaware. It's one
of the worst days in the history of
Israel, history really of the Jewish
people, worst killings of Jews since the
Holocaust.
And since then, Israel has
systematically gone after those proxy
networks including the Houthis. The
Houthis are still standing. But every
single one of them um is now pretty much
gone. After Israel killed the leader of
uh Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah
in the fall of 2024,
the Iranians launched a barrage of
ballistic missiles largely successfully
defended by Israel.
Israel responded by
a daring attack that took out Iran's
sophisticated air defense systems.
So they were left vulnerable in the
country. That was the window of
opportunity.
And then you add to that, and I should
say in the fog of war, we don't know,
but Benjamin Netanyahu, the Prime
Minister of Israel, and the Israelis
themselves claim that they saw recently
um
unprecedented steps to the last piece of
the puzzle, which is to put
um the either the uranium in the actual
warhead or finish the warhead design so
that they were getting to that place
where uh the Iranians could have a
nuclear weapon whenever they wanted.
Again,
to me
I think the casus belli was established
on October 7th, even before. So, it's
not an Iraq war situation where you're
going to worry about the intelligence,
but
the the extent of the Iranian program
was
such, especially in their activities
enriching to 60%, there's no peaceful
purpose for that. That's not for energy.
That tells us that they they had a
weapons program and then was they were
just sort of inching closer and closer
to the goal line. Now, do you think in
the fullness of time as we do find out
whether they actually did make some big
leap forward or this was like you said
just written in stone from the time that
October 7th happened? Do you think it's
going to matter to public opinion about
this attack?
No. Um I actually think that um
I mean, I again, I'm not
I have nobody seen the intelligence
except for the Israelis and I suppose
the American part of it.
You know, Trump and Netanyahu perhaps
have seen the intelligence and and and
their top intel people and military
people, but
um what matters in this case is success.
I mean, I think that
we wouldn't have had a huge debate in
America 20 years ago about the weapons
of mass destruction in Iraq
if the post
um this is a point that Jonah Goldberg
made in recently, but I think he's
right. If if if if we'd stabilize the
country and there wasn't an insurgency
and you know, Saddam Hussein had fallen
and Iraq was, you know, largely pacified
and rebuilding, I don't think it really
would have mattered much um
if you would have found the stocks of
weapons of mass destruction. It's It's
only when the war becomes
a slog and sucks the United States into
a kind of
you know, nation-building stabilization
effort that obviously lasted years and
years and years,
that's when
you know, you're looking for like, okay,
well, why did we get into this war?
What's going on?
I think what we're going to find out and
and we're starting to see, I mean,
it's early days, but the Israelis kind
of came out with a statement about their
damage assessment. I think we're going
to find out that the Iranian program has
been set back by years.
That will be a success. The United
States didn't get dragged into a long
drawn-out occupation of Iran.
Uh, there wasn't the nightmare scenario
where the regime precipitously fell,
toppled too soon,
and then, you know, there's anarchy on
the ground and there's nuclear materials
and so forth.
Uh, there will be some negotiations.
We'll see how those go, but I think they
will see this is largely a successful
war. What's going to be the criteria by
which they determine whether this was
success or not?
I think the success criteria is that the
Iranian program from soup to nuts, from
not just the enrichment facilities,
which we all talk about, but like
the factories where they built the
centrifuges, the places where they
turned the enriched uranium into the
metal that they need, you know, to sort
of, you know, fuel a bomb or reactors
and things like that. All of the
different pieces.
You look at all of the scientists who've
been taken out in the first few hours of
the war.
Uh, that's accumulated kind of
intellectual capacity.
If it turns out that the Iranians are
it's just too daunting a task or they're
several years away, I think that will be
the success, but then, in a way, it's
not not fully a success, I think,
until there's an organic
I mean, this is sort of separate from
the war, but I think it's related, which
is that
this is a regime that
um, you know, would be best left in the
dustbin of history.
And the ideal way to transition out of
that regime would be for the kind of
democratic uprising
that we saw at the end of the Cold War
in Eastern Europe or for that matter
uh in 2000 with Slobodan Milošević
uh in Serbia after he tried to steal an
election.
So, if we can see an organic democratic
transition, then it's got to be organic,
meaning it's got to come from the
Iranian people
and it's got to lead to some sort of
democratic outcome and I think that's
very much in the cards. The Iranians
have
had five national uprisings since 2017.
Before that, there was 2009 in the Green
Movement. Every few years, the Iranian
people remind us
that the majority of them despise their
leaders.
So, in my view
that
there is some there is a strategy, not
so much for the Trump administration or
for
foreign governments, but for people to
very similar to what we had in the 1980s
uh with the Solidarity Movement in
Poland
where lots of people supported the
Polish
kind of aspirations to govern themselves
and not be a satellite of the Soviet
Union.
I think we have a we can have an
opportunity in Iran.
My dream, I'm not saying anybody will
listen, is that if
all of the sort of misplaced solidarity
on college campuses in the West
for Hamas after October 7th instead was
you know, kind of focused on the Iranian
people
um that would be wonderful, but it's and
and it's not just, you know, thoughts
and prayers. There
are things like Elon Musk can do, like
Elon Musk there is Starlink that can
defeat internet censorship in Iran, but
the software that's necessary uh or the
actual phones themselves to have
Starlink on your phone is not really in
Iran. Let's flood Iran with Starlink
phones. If the devastation is as Trump
certainly would have us believe and
these facilities have really been
decimated and they see it up close, do
you think this increases the likelihood
that there is a democratic uprising? I
would say that historically there were
there was a massive bombing campaign in
Kosovo before the uprising in Serbia.
But this is a humiliation for a regime
and you have to look at it from the
perspective of the Iranians. The
Iranians
the Iranian regime, the Islamic
revolution gave us um
kind of Islamic tyranny. They call
themselves an Islamic republic. It's not
really a republic. It's a tyr- it's it's
a tyrannical system.
And the system is very much infused with
um
uh an almost end times belief
in the um hand of God. So that God is
favoring this regime and that it has the
momentum on its side.
This is
a demonstration
that I mean, to put it in the those
terms that maybe God does not love this
regime.
I think the Iranian people are over and
done with it. The Iranian people are
I mean, I've been to Iran once.
But I would just say the Iranian people,
they they just want to move on and I
think they would like to live in a kind
of normal modern country and to work it
out themselves. There have been examples
of kind of, you know, constitutionalism
in Iranian history, recent history I
should say. They're not destined to live
under a dictator.
Um but what it means is for the
mid-level people in the regime, the
apparatus, they you know, maybe the
below Brigadier General in the Basiji,
which is their kind of internal militia
force or their anti-riot police. People
like that
who on the one hand have to know that
they're they're despised by most of
their neighbors.
And now you have evidence that like the
grand plan isn't working.
And by the way, that has been the
message really I would say since the
daring operations in Lebanon against
Hezbollah,
the killing of of Nasrallah and the top
Hezbollah leadership.
Um there has been a kind of just
momentum on the Israeli side.
And at a certain point there's been no
real response. And like, you know, I
think the most telling thing that we saw
in Trump's
statements and tweets or
Truth Social posts
was when he said,
"Uh I want to thank Iran for informing
us before their attack on Qatar."
I mean, that that exposes that this was
just theatrical.
It wasn't a serious attack. So, there
the regime will try to sort of say, "Oh,
we survived. We won." That's their
narrative. I I have to think that nobody
even in the inner circle is going to
believe that. Mhm. And then you've got a
very old supreme leader. He's 86 years
old, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. He is now
trying to get his son to be sort of to
to to be the next supreme leader cuz,
you know, he may not have many years
left, any months left, who knows.
Um
I don't think that's going to go down
very well. So, there could be a real
fight over succession. And that divides
the elites and the leadership. There you
have the sort of opportunity. But the
key thing to watch here is and this is
true, by the way, not just in Iran. It's
true in every single example of
successful paper people-powered
revolutions, which is will
the
um you know, will the will the police
officer, will the will the national, you
know, will the will the army guy
follow the order to shoot at the
peaceful demonstrators?
Yeah.
And
that is something that nobody I can't
know from the outside, you can't know.
But I would say that this humiliation of
the regime maybe gets us closer to that.
It's almost like you have to assume you
got to put yourself in the mindset of
somebody saying,
"Do I really want to be the one who's
going to have the blood on my hands yet
again? Do I want to follow this out? Are
those incentives worth it to me?"
And there's a strategy, obviously, for
uh the insurgents that the the Democrats
in this particular situation. They have
to create a space where they're
welcoming of the defectors, if you will,
from the regime.
Um, but I have reason to believe that
that that there are Iranians who
understand that.
But we also have to understand
the regime has been utterly brutal when
it comes to suppressing these sporadic,
but increasingly frequent kind of
democratic uprisings and just, you know,
evidence of disgust and and
and uh with with how they're being
governed. It's It's corrupt. They're
isolated. They're endangered. They're
There's a a drinking water crisis in
Iran right now. There have been bank
collapses.
Um and meanwhile, uh you know, it's it's
a powerful message. You look at the
luxury apartments that were where the
Iranian generals were were sleeping that
the Israelis got in that first The
Israelis made sure to put out the video
of that. Most Iranians don't live that
well. Mhm. So,
these are things that we'll have to see.
Again, it cannot be
you know, the CIA or the Mossad you
know, pulling the strings. You can't
have a guy on a white horse coming in
like the son of the late Shah, Reza
Pahlavi, although I think he means well
and there might be a role for him, or
Maryam Rajavi, who lives in Paris. It
has to come from the Iranian people, but
I do think that there's an opportunity
and I think that there's something that
the West and the and the people who care
about this can do. That's To me, that
would be the the full victory. Speaking
of the West, what do you think of the um
division that's growing in the right?
So, you've got some people that just
feel absolutely betrayed by Trump
getting us involved in what they see as
another war. They seem absolutely
unconvinced that Iran was about to have
a nuclear weapon. Uh you've got Tulsi
Gabbard saying uh sort of cryptically,
but they don't have nuclear
capabilities. They have not authorized
the bomb. Like, what are we doing? I
actually think that um, there
it will be insignificant. Um,
you know, first of all,
the intervention in Iran, which was I
mean, you think about it, it was one
bombing mission demonstrating new
weaponry.
Uh,
like what, it lasted 45 minutes and then
they were on their way home. The second
thing is that we didn't get sucked into
World War II, a regional war, or a
regime change nation building war.
I don't think any of that was a
possibility with Trump as the president.
And frankly, I don't think even if you
had, you know, President, you know, John
McCain, Wolfowitz, Neocon, it wouldn't
have been a possibility because America
is a different place in 2025 than it was
in 2003. There's an interesting
discussion as to why in 2003 we thought
that we could do anything in the world
and build nations in the Middle East.
Um, I was around back then. I was a kind
of a junior
State Department correspondent for UPI
and I later worked for the New York Sun,
but,
you know, I believed it. I'll I'll I'll
cop to that, but we don't think that
anymore because in part because of the
experience of Afghanistan and Iraq.
Um,
so,
anyway, what we have is a situation
where
uh, I think it was a short, successful
war.
President Trump is the leader of the
movement.
And things are going to move on. And
the problem for the Tulsi Gabbard,
Tucker Carlson crowd is they predicted
that this would lead to utter
catastrophe.
And they oversold
the negative consequences of this.
And I think in in that sense they may
lose some credibility because those
their predictions didn't come true.
But I also think that it will be fairly
easy to simply say that
we didn't we were against Iraq and
Afghanistan style wars, but these kind
of wars are okay, or these kind of wars
are different. And I so I don't expect
there to be uh, a kind of permanent
split. It may be impossible at this
point in terms of the administration for
Tulsi Gabbard to stay in the
administration because the president has
said now openly I think twice that he
doesn't
care what his director of national
intelligence thinks. And if by the way
if that is the case, he shouldn't be the
national intelligence director of
national intelligence.
But
you know, it's an unconventional
administration so we'll see what
happens. But
I just don't I just don't see this as
being
a major split. I think that there was a
big split before
and Trump did what he said he was going
to do. But he's been saying it for 10
years. Iran can't have a nuclear weapon.
Yeah, I was going to say though that
that's the drum that he beats and so I
I'm not sure that this is going to blow
over as readily as maybe you do because
if Trump was saying
they can't have a nuclear weapon and
then if the debate becomes but show me
the evidence that they were that
something happened that upgraded the
threat to like an imminent threat. And I
have a feeling they're going to have a
hard time doing that. I think the real
answer is this was opportunistic that
Israel had taken out their air cover
that we could finally go in and do it
that we could force them back to the
table. I think I think the way that this
is going to play out in the near future
is Trump is going to be looked at as
somebody who said we have an
opportunity. I told them they had 60
days. They didn't come to the table. Now
people will know that I'm for real. And
when I look at the world through a
realpolitik lens, I'm like yeah, that
makes sense. That honestly from a
realpolitik standpoint is probably what
he should do so that people know that
he's not playing around. But the words
we were told was that this was a
suddenly something had happened. We have
intelligence. This is now an imminent
threat. And I have a feeling that's
going to remain thin. I hear you but I I
just think that these things
I think you're we'll see but
I just think it's not going to be like a
gotcha. I think that, you know,
nothing succeeds like success is a kind
of is a cliche, but this was pretty
successful military operation.
What do you think the odds are that Iran
actually
um
doesn't fire either directly or through
a proxy? Cuz I think they've already
kicked the IAEA out and said, uh "No,
we're still going to do this."
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back to the show. I expect there will be
some sort of negotiations.
Iranians are over a barrel, though. I
mean,
at any point, Trump can say, "Okay,
boys, tell the Israelis to go back in."
Israelis have an air corridor. It's
remarkable to me. I mean, we should just
take a moment to
kind of marvel at this fact.
The new leader of Syria
is a former member of Al-Qaeda in Iraq
and was
an absolute at one point in his, you
know, interesting journey
was a dedicated anti-American religious
fanatic jihadist.
And he was asked,
"Do you have any problems with the
Israelis using Syrian airspace?" And he
said, "Nope.
Fine with me."
Now, there's a reason for that. And it's
be It's because he was drawn into the
Syrian Civil War of the 2010s.
And the drivers of the worst cruelty,
the worst war crimes
in Syria in that time was the Iranian
Revolutionary Guard Corps and their
proxy militia Hezbollah.
The Sunni jihadists, on the other hand,
while Israel certainly didn't, you know,
had I mean, there obviously there are
theological major distinctions there,
but the Israelis built a field hospital
uh over the Syrian border that was open
to the partisans who were fighting in
that civil war as a kind of humanitarian
gesture.
Um the What's interesting to me is that
this guy who, you know, has the
background that he does,
he is not interested in a fight with uh
Israel.
He has far He is far more interested in
defanging
um
Iran. And that goes, by the way, if you
look at the statements from Saudi
Arabia, from the Gulf states, they
initially criticized it, they're
covering their bets. These are cautious
monarchies.
But then, words over, and they're all
It's nothing but praise
for Israel.
Um that's a sea change in the region.
And it I think it will be very good for
the Trump the first-term Trump foreign
policy success known as the Abraham
Accords, which saw normalization of
relationships between
um
Sudan, United Arab Emirates, Morocco.
I might be leaving a few out, but
there's a chance you could get the big
dog, Saudi Arabia,
to finally recognize what they had been
have for nearly 80 years called a
Zionist entity.
That's enormous, Tom.
So, in that respect, um
I just think that Iran is in an
impossible position. The other thing to
notice, by the way, Israel attacks Iran,
where was Russia?
Iran provides Russia with the drones
that are, you know,
uh aimed at apartment buildings and
hospitals and other civilian targets in
Ukraine.
Where was the Chinese? Where was the
remnants of its proxies like Hezbollah?
Do you think that Russia's just too
bogged down in what they're doing? Yeah,
part of it is that the Russians were
bogged down, but part of it is that
the
kind of axis of China, North Korea,
Russia, Iran
is not an alliance based on shared
values. It's not It's It's not an
alliance based on shared history.
Um it's a little bit like the five
families.
You know, I mean, when
when the FBI is about to crack down on
the mafia, the five families will
occasionally work together. They try to
work together.
But then, you know, every few years
there's a there's a gang war.
And so, they don't Iranians learned also
they don't have any real friends.
Uh the Iranians tried to get, you know,
the UN Security Council to to to to jump
into action.
Um
you know, the Chancellor of Germany,
who has been in so critical of Israel in
the Gaza war,
came out with a statement saying that
Israel's doing the world's dirty work.
So, what's interesting here is that the
Iranians are totally alone.
And
uh no no defenses.
Uh they have no ability to stop the
Israelis. The Israelis obviously
have
a kind of unprecedented world historic
level of intelligence penetration of the
Iranian regime. It's crazy.
As
it's crazy how many of their leader
their military leaders they've about to
take out.
Um,
so this is an interesting moment because
it's it's not to say that, you know,
you're not going to be able to be on a
on a boat in the Pacific and you dictate
the terms of surrender, but it's the
negotiations now are something like
that. It's not the position that Iran
was in when they were negotiating the
nuclear deal with, um,
you know, what was known as the P5+1
that that was part of Obama's big
legacy. It's not the position they were
even in,
you know, 2 weeks ago when they were,
you know, meeting with Steve Witcoff.
That's a very different world for them
right now, so they're going to have to
accept the terms because at any given
moment Trump can say, "All right, well,
if if you're if you're not going to play
ball, then, uh,
I'll unleash I'll, you know, I'll I'll
unleash the the big dog."
As the American public, I start asking
myself, "Okay, wait, why are we going so
hard at Iran?" So,
uh, you stop them from having nuclear
weapons if, like,
if I'm to believe that everything has
been demolished, there's going to be
years and years and years. At some point
this just starts to feel like you're
saying, "I told you to come to the
table, you're not coming to the table,
and I'm bigger than you, and so I'm
going to keep smashing you until you
come to the table." And I do think at
some point, even if I mean, look at the
way that public opinion has turned on
Israel. At some point, if you just keep
smashing them, uh, people go, "Wait, why
are we doing this?" Even if we don't
have boots on the ground.
Well, okay, that's a fair point, but I
would argue that there are a couple
things that are really good about it.
The first thing is is that if Iran did
go nuclear or went to the precipice of
nuclear, which is basically the same
thing,
then
there will be a proliferation cascade
effect. Saudi, Egypt, Turkey, most
analysts believe would go nuclear as
well.
So, then you have
five, counting Israel, which is an
undeclared program,
nuclear powers in the most volatile
region on Earth.
And that increases exponentially chance
of a nuclear exchange, which we've
managed to avoid since 1945,
almost miraculously.
Um second of all,
contrary to
uh some of the
sloppier
commentary that I've read on the
anti-war side, Iran has lots of American
blood on its hands.
And it doesn't go back. It's not ancient
history. It's not just the Marine
barracks bombing in 1983, not just
Khobar Towers in the 1990s.
It's the Iraq war then the Afghanistan
war. They were providing insurgents with
the roadside bombs known as IEDs
that
were maiming and killing lots of our
soldiers.
Um it's the fact that they
they're I mean this is not a
you know, intel fakery uh as
Tucker Carlson recently has implied,
the uh Justice Department under Joe
Biden, the same Justice Department that
wanted to arrest Trump,
um and indict Trump, uh has
two men in custody
uh that they have formally charged in an
unsealed indictment with trying to
murder president murder Donald Trump on
behalf of the Iranians.
Um so that they have taken to a kind of
strategy of supporting
uh assassinations in our country. Masih
Alinejad, the great uh Iranian women's
rights activist who now lives in
America, was also on that hit list, as
was the former National Security Advisor
John Bolton, former Secretary of State
Mike Pompeo.
Even lower-level officials like um you
know, one of Pompeo's advisers Brian
Hook also
on this list this is these were or you
can all check them these are you know
this is not again this is not sources
say these were
statements from the Biden administration
um so this is this is a a rogue state in
every sense of the term
uh it's the leading state sponsor of
terrorism So I'm going to lay out what
I'll call my own internal conspiracy
theory and you check me and tell me
this is great
so the way that I see this I think that
um if everything moves forward
swimmingly right now and Iran just
engages and says look we don't want to
get bombed again uh let's just play cake
get Trump out of office let's buy
ourselves you know three and a half
years great everything will go
swimmingly if however they keep down the
road of pushing back um trying to exit
out kicking IAEA out and um making all
kinds of saber-rattling noises about you
know we're um going to continue with our
nuclear program
uh then I think Trump would have he he
would have to really get the American
public on board um and I don't think
he's going to be able to do that without
something happening either to our
servicemen so if they bombed one of our
bases that would give them the cover
that he needs if there really is a
sleeper cell here in America and they
trigger off or if there's a false flag
which I don't want to get too
conspiratorial but you know those are
sort of the options I think where you
could get the American people back on
board with this um and my thinking is
the reason that Trump is so hell-bent
for this is that um so I've gone to the
Middle East and I've been to Saudi I've
been to Kuwait I've been to the UAE and
man as an entrepreneur when you land
there you're just like they are doing
something right you're walking through
the airport it feels like it's a
seven-star luxury hotel it's bananas you
can just feel the money everywhere uh
they're making huge investments into
architecture infrastructure it just it
it feels like a country that has a sense
of where it's headed. I think America's
lost a lot of its own self sense of
pride, and so we're pulling ourselves
apart. They have a sense of what they
have to accomplish. They know they have
to get out from a reliance on oil. Trump
sees an opportunity. These guys clearly
have the capital. He's looking at it
like almost like a VC where it's like,
well, I'm America Inc. I want you to
come invest a bunch of that money in
America Inc., but I've got to get all of
you guys to chill out and stop blowing
each other up.
Seems like our biggest problem here is
Iran. Let's chill them out so that we
can then get the Abraham Accords to
spread across
the region. And so he's got a reason to
hammer
Iran into submission, but it's not the
reason that he puts forward. And so I
think he's going to find himself stuck
in this position of like, man, for the
love of God, will you guys just calm
down so that we can get economic
prosperity sweeping across the nation,
which is why I think he's so silent to
supportive of what I have a feeling
you're not going to like this, but
ethnic cleansing of Gaza, where it's
just literally carpet bombing. And
if I'm like, okay,
I've got to get that leveled out so that
there's calm there so that Israel, who's
clearly an economic powerhouse, they can
do their thing, get Iran to calm down so
that we can get Abraham Accords all
across the Middle East. And now this
area that has like, I'll call it a
20-year clock to modernize and get off
of reliance on oil and into a modern,
probably
financial-based economy.
I don't know if you know Ray Dalio is,
but I met him in the UAE.
And he was like, basically Abu Dhabi is
the future of investments.
And
it's just like all the pieces start
coming into place. And I'm like, huh.
With a realist lens on, again, this just
feels like, oh, I get why you've got to
make Iran, the Iran problem, and the
Hamas problem go away.
Uh, so it'll be interesting to see how
it plays out. How crazy did all of that
sound?
Well, no, you know, Tom, some of that
makes a lot of sense. I mean, you and I
disagree on ethnic cleansing, but
um,
I'll just concede up front on Gaza that
uh,
I'm sure that
there were mistakes and decisions that
Israel made that led to
more civilians being killed, although
I do think that they were in an
impossible situation given the way that
Hamas fights, and we should maybe
bracket that for later in the
conversation or maybe another episode.
Um, but let's just talk about the big
part of what you said, which is
all right, we've got these economic
titans in the Gulf.
Uh, they're trying to get off the oil,
and we want them to invest in America.
That doesn't strike me as a conspiracy
theory. That strikes me as smart
American policy.
That is, if we can get billions of
dollars invested into the American
economy,
which Lord knows we need,
and we can start modernizing our
infrastructure maybe because of that
investment or whatever it is,
uh, and everybody can make money, that's
seems like it's pretty good for
Americans.
Second of all, I do think that you have
to look at what the Iran threat is not
just a threat to the region, it's a
threat to America.
And I think Iran with a nuclear weapon
would have been
just a security nightmare.
And for the reasons that we talked about
earlier, so that was a good thing.
And then finally, third,
I don't know if America needs to go
back. I mean, it's a very specific ask,
which is
the underground fortresses Natanz,
Fordow, and Isfahan
required
a weapon that only America had,
which was 33,000
tons or whatever it was, that could
penetrate deep into the earth to get to
these underground fortresses.
Um we will have to see whether this was
successful.
Lots of analysts were saying that by the
early, I think based on what the
Israelis said today,
they were successful.
And so the rest of this is like I just
look at Israel's capabilities. So will
Americans care if Israel has to go back
and take out more targets in Iran and
it's not US GIs?
The Iranians, again, they attacked the
Al-Udeid airbase in Qatar,
but
they told us ahead of time, they didn't
hit anything. You know what I mean? It
was purely symbolic.
So the Iranians with certain extent
understood they didn't want to tempt the
tiger.
Um and I'm just saying that right now
the reality
is very different for Iran. They don't
have a lot of options.
So they're focused right now on regime
survival. The sad news is, kind of
getting back to our first part of the
conversation,
they've arrested something like 700
people. Oh.
They've already killed 24 Whoa.
people internally, right? So they're
trying their best
to prevent that democratic transition.
And I think that's extremely important.
But I also don't think that that's
really for Trump
to decide. That's again, Iranian people
in the lead. I think that we can be in
Trump doesn't seem interested in
meddling to be honest.
No, he's not interested. That's But
that's kind of maybe a good thing
because what you don't want us to
discredit I mean the Iranian people have
to be the authors
of their own story. You know what I
mean? They I want the Iranian people to
take their country back.
But I realize it's for the Iranian
people to lead.
So we have to support them. So
I I see your point like,
you know, he's trying to take care of
this threat to stability in the region
and the hope is is that these prosperous
and wealthy countries might invest in
the United States.
I don't think that that's something that
he would um
try to cover up. I think it would be
something that
I mean, if he could run again, I mean, I
this is a separate question. I don't
think he can, but he sometimes I mean,
he might
a constitutional amendment and without
somebody duct taping my mouth shut,
there's no way.
I think that that's what what you just
laid out is something that would be
politically popular not just with MAGA
fans. I think it would be politically
popular Americans. I think Americans
would look at it and say, "Okay, you you
defanged an enemy of the United States.
You've set back their nuclear ambitions
for a while. We'll see we'll see if it
if it really is only a few months and we
start to see them doing it again, then
it'll be reassessed.
But again, I think it's it's going to be
a
the program was really significantly
damaged.
Um and you've now opened up space where
uh you've you've made peace between
Saudi Arabia and Israel and now the
Saudis and the Emiratis
and uh others are going to invest in the
United States. I it strikes me as just a
like,
you know, so much winning we're going to
get sick and tired of the winning. You
know what I mean? Like,
all that seems pretty good to me. So,
you know, I I think that the downside
would be um if we found out that
they they had more secret sites that
even the Israelis didn't know about.
The Iranians become defiant. Perhaps
Khamenei keels over or he's pushed aside
and the the new supreme leader or the
new people in charge
are
uh
even crazier
and they can't be
a little bit about that crazy because
the when I the more I look at the Middle
East and admittedly, you know, whatever
a couple years ago this wasn't even
really on my radar, but the more that I
look at the Middle East, the more what I
see is and take MBS who's um for my
money sort of the most extreme in terms
of how rapidly he's trying to pull Saudi
Arabia into the 21st century. Tom, I am
so glad that you said that.
Uh you you're coming from an
entrepreneurial background, right?
Yes. You you've been to Saudi. Yes. Uh
so you've seen I mean I've covered the
Middle East for a long time.
The Saudi Arabia after 9/11
was a Janus-faced ally. What I mean by
that is that
we had military assets there. We had an
alliance with them going back to FDR in
the 1930s.
But they also exported
the most poisonous and extreme jihadist
Islamic ideology abroad, including by
the way in in America even.
So
what MBS has done is something it
started before him. But what he's done
as the Crown Prince is he has really
turned Saudi Arabia around. Saudi Arabia
now is
no longer in the jihad export exporting
business, it's in the counter-jihad
business.
Ditto for the United Arab Emirates.
The only country by the way that's still
Janus-faced in that regard is Qatar and
that's another story, but all of the
other Gulf kingdoms, all these other
Gulf states have turned it around on
this. That was our number one issue
besides Pakistan, which is a separate
problem, after 9/11.
These countries are finally doing it for
themselves and they're reaping the
reward
with this economic boom.
Um
so I'm so glad that you mentioned that
because
as you probably remember, wasn't so long
ago, that there's a there's a dark side
of MBS, which is he had a contributor to
the Washington Post murdered in um
Ankara, I bore Istanbul, in Turkey,
and that was exposed by the Turks.
And uh the Democratic Party in
particular, Trump was the president
then, wanted to basically cut off
relations with Saudi Arabia. I am so
grateful they didn't succeed, even
though what I think he did to uh Jamal
Khashoggi was a heinous crime. Heinous.
Um so, it's I guess what I'm saying is
what I appreciated about your comment
there, cuz I know you knew about that,
is it's shows that geopolitics is not a
morality tale.
It's not an allegory.
It's not a heroic journey.
There are usually choices between bad
and worse.
And sometimes you have to ex- you have
kind of have to live with
this guy did some very bad things to his
domestic political opponents.
But,
he is finally doing what we have
pleaded with the Saudis for generations
to do, which is to get out of this
kind of jihad export business. We'll get
back to the show in a second, but first
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Again, that's netsuite.com/theory.
And now, let's get back to the show.
Yeah, I mean, this is where I get
fascinated with the other side of what
you do with the Breaking History
podcast. As a student of history, but
sort of a a latecomer to history,
man, you look back in history at our own
nation, and you just see an a
never-ending string of tragedy and
horrors.
Uh so, it's like
to some extent, it's like, what's your
goal? Where are you trying to get to? I
definitely look at this all through a
very realist lens. I think Trump does as
well, and I think he's misunderstood
because people are grappling trying to
find like
uh ideology. And what you're going to
see, I think, if you map Trump as
somebody who looks at everything as a
business deal to be done, trying to
bring prosperity back to America in in
no uncertain terms, in ways that help
him, and in ways that help him that make
me deeply uncomfortable. But
nonetheless, again, not saying I agree
with anything, just looking at, okay,
how's this playing out? What's the North
Star? Going uh to these countries,
making sure that you're participating in
the wealth party. Like that, suddenly it
you can make sense of the way that he
moves.
Um so,
looking at the Middle East as that as
this future hub of uh certainly
investment. I think wherever you find
the hub of investment, you're going to
find the hub of innovation. And I can
feel the energy, the the psychological,
cultural energy draining out of America,
um and rushing into the Middle East.
Surprisingly enough, nobody was more
surprised than me. I'm very interested
to see what happens to China. That's
like my personal focus.
Um, and
when I see all of that, I'm like, "Yeah,
we have to do something to ensure that
America does not slide down the totem
pole, which from where I'm sitting, we
are very much in risk of doing."
But, in a sense, just a counter, I mean,
I I First of all, I share your concern.
I think we have
deep institutional problems.
I think we have a politics that doesn't
work.
I think we have
a real crisis in our universities
where there's a kind of a bourgeois
radicalism that
um
you know, kind of has has really
crippled in many ways
the humanities at least in our
universities. Have you paid attention to
the New York mayoral race? Oh, God,
don't get me started. Um
Well, I'm trying to get you started.
Yeah, well, you know, I mean, that's a
real challenge. I think that all of his
ideas are
uh well, I they have been tried and
they've failed.
Uh as a Jew and a Zionist, I I don't
like, you know, his his spin on global
intifada and things like that, but
leaving that aside, I mean, the idea
that you're going to have a mayor First
of all, the mayor doesn't have the
ability to do a rent freeze that he's
promising.
So, good luck with that. But, we know
Every economist, you know, every
economist looks at rent freezes and
says, "All you're doing is you're
shrinking the availability of
apartments." You know You know what I
mean? Like, all you're doing is you're
you're shrinking the supply, and there's
obviously great demand in New York. Um
you want city-run, state-run grocery
stores? I mean, I don't want that. I
don't think Americans really want that.
Um
So, that yeah, I mean, I'm I'm super You
know, I Yes, that's that that that's a
problem. So, I see your I share your
concern. On the other hand,
I don't know. America's a really big
country. I've been to Austin, Texas and
I see a lot of innovation. Um
I you know, in some ways I think Austin
might be the
kind of beneficiary and people fleeing
the Bay Area and Silicon Valley because
of the crazy things are happening in in
in uh in California and the dysfunction
of their state government. Um
and you know, but I do think in a in a
way these things are interconnected.
America like to have a 12-day war
that so far looks like a big win for
America and Israel
to demonstrate that we can kind of do
and Israel can do what, you know, might
seem like science fiction.
That is a boost to our prestige. It's a
boost to our value.
Um and I would just say this cuz it's
something I disagreed with Trump in his
Middle East and what and his speeches in
in in in Saudi. Yes, it's a great thing
to look at Dubai and Abu Dhabi and
Riyadh and to marvel at how these cities
and you're right, that the airports feel
like seven-star hotels. That's a great
line.
And they deserve some credit. But one of
the reasons why they were able to have
the space to invest in their economies
that way and to turn their countries
around is because
they didn't have to deal with the
prospect because America, you know,
fought ISIS. America took out the
the instability and the the drivers of
instability more importantly. I would
say, you know, had no Had America not
used its Air Force to destroy the ISIS
caliphate
in the mid-2010s,
which was started by Obama but really
finished by Trump,
what would you Do you think that there
would be this economic miracle we're
seeing in the Gulf? I don't. I think you
would have seen a spread of this
extremist kind of terrorism and um
it you know, it and I think that
dealing with Iran
um and the threat that Iran imposed
particularly on the nuclear side uh
opens up more space because Iran was an
enemy of the Gulf countries at the end
of the day as well.
Um
so the those things are kind of
locked together.
But I also want to just emphasize and
agree with you
that we need to turn our own country
around so we can have some of that
innovation and get that spirit back.
I'm at the end of the day a an optimist
about America. I think we've had I mean
you talk about history
uh we had a really rough run
from the late '60s to like the early
'80s.
We had a tough 15 years.
Um
but we managed to sort of get out of
that and then we had
you know, all of the benefits of the
internet and the personal computer and
all the things that sort of we take for
granted today.
Um so I again I'm an I remain an
optimist about America in that regard,
but I also am a realistic optimistic and
then I'm and then I'm appreciative that
you you know, you sort of see it and
you're not just satisfied with
mediocrity. You're not just satisfied
with inefficiency, not just status
satisfied with like stagnation. That's
very important. Yeah, definitely not
that. Um now going back to the I see an
idea playing out in the Middle East that
I would love to get your color on and
the idea goes like this. You have
different factions of Muslims themselves
that are trying to modernize and just as
Christianity has changed over time, the
Muslim religion feels like it's going in
two different directions. You've got
people that are recognizing the future
is going to be economic, it's going to
be financial investments. They've got to
be a place that the whole world feels
comfortable making investments and
coming in and they're going to feel
safe. And then you have um what I'll
call more fundamentalist, more extremist
for sure, and they're not focused on
life in the here and now. They're
focused on martyrdom in the life
hereafter. And my when I first started
looking at what was going on in Gaza, I
just kept saying, "Look, I don't
understand what's going on well enough,
but I will just tell you this. If you
have a population that does not care
about their kids' lives being
economically better than their life in
the here and now and their kids' kids'
lives being even better than theirs,
um you will have this problem. If people
feel like the fast track to a good life
when you're living in squalor is like
you can, you know, get on the the fast
pass by going in suicide bombing or
getting yourself killed,
um you're going to have a problem. And
so somehow, some way, it feels like
there's uh uh
like this is going to sound so stupid,
and forgive me, but you need a version
of the Pope who is going to help people
navigate
an update of the religion where they
have religious credibility, but they're
saying, I mean, essentially, like God is
saying this. And so, I don't know how we
get to that, but it feels like um you're
going to have a hard time stamping out
through violence, not that it's
impossible, but you're going to have a
hard time stamping out through violence,
uh the notion of jihad. You're You're I
think going to need some sort of um
leading a way through religious
scholarship to help people into a modern
perspective. That's a very shrewd point.
Now, I I know a little bit about this.
Uh again, I'm Jewish, but I'm a
journalist and I've covered the Middle
East for a while. Shia religion has
something like that. You have grand
ayatollahs in Shiism.
Uh and the sort of seat of this Shia
religion is uh in Najaf and Karbala in
Iraq.
And in fact, the Grand Ayatollah of
Iran, the supreme leader, is not
as high-ranking a religious authority as
the leaders of of of the Grand
Ayatollahs in
Najaf and Karbala.
So, in Shia, which is a which is a
minority of the Muslim faith, you sort
of have something like
maybe a kind of pope-like system,
although it's certainly not the same.
In Sunni Islam, you don't have anything
quite like that. And if
and you do have the ability of like, you
know, anyone can kind of say, if you're
an Imam,
"This is what I see as the the the way."
Now, what you're talking about with the
ideology behind Hamas,
um it's sometimes known as political
Islam.
It comes The modern version of it comes
out of Egypt, and particularly a figure
named Hassan al-Banna.
And that was this view that the the
reason why these Arab, Middle Eastern,
Muslim states have fallen behind,
uh and this starts at the beginning of
the 20th century. So, you had a rough,
you know, most of the Arab world was
were colonies then, either part of the
Ottoman Empire or later the British or
the French, uh
you know, depending on what what part of
the Middle East you were talking about.
Uh but the reason why, you know, we were
once, you know, a world-conquering
empire under Muhammad, where Islam
spread as far as uh Afghanistan,
you know,
to the east and to Spain and even parts
of France to the west,
um
is because we have forsaken we are we're
no longer
um
you know, organizing our societies
politically based on Islamic laws, and
that's why it's called political Islam.
So, this has been a powerful idea, and
it's a powerful idea that is built
that's sort of based in this notion of
like looking around and saying why did
we kind of getting back to our earlier
conversation, why did we stagnate? Why
did we fall behind while the rest of the
world sort of surpassed us? And this was
the answer.
Well,
um
you might look at the operations against
Iran because Iran is, you know, modern
Iran
uh the Shah falls in 1979 in Islamic
Revolution. And they are implementing
the Shia version of this Muslim
Brotherhood or political Islam.
Um we saw the caliphate for ISIS
try this. For a period of time, Sudan
was run
uh by figure named uh Turabi who also
sort of talked about these things.
For the most part, all these movements
have failed. Al-Qaeda has failed.
ISIS has failed.
And Iran is now failing.
And eventually, perhaps, the way to get
to what you're talking about is for a
new set of thinkers to say,
"For 120 years, we've tried political
Islam and it's brought nothing but war
and misery.
So, let's try something else." So,
eventually,
you know, ideas matter and this and and
and and you, you know, there's a kind of
cliche you can't kill an idea with
bullets and bombs.
Well, you kind of can. You know, I mean
Agreed. You know what I'm saying? I
mean, like there are people in America
today who call themselves neo-Nazis.
But, let's be honest, National Socialism
was defeated in a war.
Uh
there there is still an emperor in
Japan, but people do not worship the
emperor in Japan the way they did uh you
know, before the end of World War II.
Um so,
yeah, we'll you know, only time will
tell, but this is such a humiliating
defeat for the really the leading
Islamist or political Islamic power on
the planet um that was interested in you
know creating these little statelets
whether it's the Houthis, Hezbollah,
Hamas, what do they have all in common?
Some are Shia, some are Sunni, but they
all kind of are political Islamists.
And um
hey, how's it how's it how's it working
out for you?
I mean the leadership of Hamas gone. The
Hassan Nasrallah, the leadership of
Hezbollah gone.
Uh the one the Houthis at the very
beginning of the war suffered a pretty
significant blow.
Gone.
Not not all of them, but I'm saying the
point is is that
it has been a it's they have been
losing.
And at a certain point that will have to
create the space
for some new ideas to come through and I
don't know what that's going to look
like. You hit the nail on the head in
that it is a religious issue and you
need to have these religious leaders and
they're out there. That's the other
thing is that there are there are
different shades of of Islamist
theologians and people, you know, in in
revered institutions like Al-Azhar
Mosque and universities in Cairo. I
spent some a lot of time I lived in
Cairo for a year and a half.
Um that have a very different view of
things.
But now you're sort of seeing that um
you know, we're we're seeing in real
time that these these ideas don't work
and so the hope is that
it you demoralize the fanatics and that
you create the space for somebody to
say, "Wait a second, there is another
way." Which gets back to the other point
you were making which is that
MBS is a Muslim, he's a religious man. I
don't think you could question his piety
in some ways.
Uh
in his personal life per se, but he's
not a jihadist.
And look at Saudi Arabia. You've been
there. It's turned around.
Um look at Abu Dhabi. Look at Dubai.
Yeah.
Um in some ways those are the sort of
examples that you hold up and you say,
"There is another way."
Um and that that's and that's how you
you sort of deal with the the
ideological intellectual poisoning I
think that is represented by this
ideology.
Did you look at all into Epstein?
Uh, I'm very intrigued by Epstein.
Um,
I must say that I didn't believe the
story that he killed himself in the
jail.
But I'm
intrigued by the fact
makes two of us. Yeah, but I'm intrigued
by the fact that that Dan Bongino
who I know devote a lot of time when he
was a radio host to this issue, he's the
deputy director of the FBI and he said,
"Hey, I've looked at it." Kash Patel
said he looked at it. I mean, I don't
see why Kash Patel or Dan Bongino
would cover it up. Maybe we'll find out
that they did cover it up. I just don't
see that they would cover it up. Um, I
think by the way, on the on the Epstein
stuff,
um, cuz I think I know where you might
be going with that. Is it true that
intelligence services, not just Israel,
but let's just let's be real,
intelligence services, this is in the
world intelligence,
uh, engage in what they call honey traps
which is to have information
uh, that could compromising information
on individuals to use against you in
order to
uh, blackmail somebody to do their
bidding.
That is a sad fact of life. That's
something that happens. Lots of
intelligence services do that kind of
thing. So crazy.
Um,
I have not seen persuasive evidence
that Epstein's island
uh, with all the underage girls and
everything like that
was really a front for the Mossad.
Or and somebody by the way, I've seen it
both ways. I've seen the CIA and Mossad.
Um,
I don't know that that I don't know
that. I And again, let's just use
Occam's razor again, Tom, and I don't
know where you are in this, but
it seems more likely that
powerful men, people who would be
friends with Epstein, wealthy men,
ex-presidents like Bill Clinton and or
or Sean Combs or whoever,
uh like
the idea of kind of uh
you know, sex with young women. That's
been true about uh for a long time. I
think Epstein clearly was a sex you
know, was had a voracious sexual
appetite. He had gazillions of dollars
and this is what he liked to do and what
it it could just very well be that
here's a guy who uh was doing the kind
of thing that you you know, I mean
going back to
before the Roman Empire, you know, and
powerful men,
this is what they do.
Did it necessarily mean that they were
doing it uh in order to kind of have
blackmail information on people?
Again, I haven't seen that. What I've
seen is some connections between
Ghislaine Maxwell
and I guess her father, you know, but
that that's not proof. To me though,
this just seems and look, I get it. This
is one of the conspiracies that I
indulge in. I try not to indulge in
conspiracies very often, but this one
just seems too perfect. It's like, "Hey
guys, don't worry. We got it. Files
coming out. Yep, yep. No worries. Oh,
sorry, no file for you.
Uh hey, we're going to be releasing that
video. We just got to clean it up just
real quick." Like, clean it up? What are
you talking about? Release the video as
it is.
you, but like why do you think
what's in it for Bongino and Patel?
Oh, nothing. I don't think I think for
them this is a train wreck. You know
what I'm saying? I why would they go
along with it? Okay, so pure conjecture.
I have no idea that this is true. Think
of me as a science fiction writer right
now, uh absolutely making something up,
but it would go something like this. Um
I was I start out as just a a person who
really is idealistic. I'm working in the
government and suddenly I'm being
attacked. Uh then when I'm asked to be
the person that comes in and like
really, "Hey, do something for your
country. Come in and do it." Uh, and you
think, "Oh my god, okay, this is going
to be a lot, but you know, you don't say
no. Like when your country calls, you go
in." So, they both go in and then the
men in black suits that Putin keeps
talking about telling everybody, "You
you want to know why policy never
changes? Because it's not the president
that runs the country, it's men in black
suits that come up and say, 'Listen,
this is how things really go.'" And they
come in and they're like
Tom, before you go on,
you don't think Trump's the decider?
Well, here is the really bad news. Uh,
given how long Trump was friends with
Epstein, oh buddy, can I just I have a
really hard time believing that that is
not going to be in some way, shape, or
form very inconvenient for him. Hold on.
Hold on. Wait. Wait. Slow slow down.
Slow down.
Donald Trump
had everything and the kitchen sink
thrown at him.
He was sued by multiple women
for
rape.
He was accused by former heads
of our own intelligence services of
being a Russian asset.
This is somebody who I think is immune
to coercion in that regard.
So, what I'm saying is that I can't
imagine there be anything on the Epstein
stuff the Epstein files that would be
even worse
than what Trump has already been accused
of and nearly, by the way, lost his
freedom for.
So, and his fortune for.
When I look at that, I say, "There's
something fishy about the Epstein file."
And that I could easily see, to your
point about powerful men just going to
powerful men, and that this is every
side of the aisle,
every which way but loose. And so,
there's just nobody wants this thing to
get out there. It just seems impossible.
Just release everything.
Uh, yeah, I'll remain, um,
sort of playfully suspicious until it
gets released.
I'm all for
releasing everything.
I think
the evidence now tells us that Lee
Harvey Oswald acted alone. But I still
want to release all the stuff from the
CIA. I did a whole podcast episode on
that, which is pretty good. They did
release everything, right? They pretty
much have. I mean, but what I'm saying
is I was in favor of that disclosure,
um, because I just think
it's our history. We We We We have a
right to it. Um, and
better to kind of let it all out. I
mean, unfortunately,
um, I mean, that's a whole separate
conversation about Kennedy.
Even though in the end I I don't believe
there was a conspiracy, I just think
that the government response to it was
so,
uh, duplicitous that I understand why
lots of people don't believe the
official version of the Warren Report.
Um, and I think to a certain extent with
Jeffrey Epstein,
he clearly got favorable treatment
initially from these
legal allegations until by the way,
until he didn't, right? But for years, I
mean, like he had that he had a
sweetheart deal in Florida and
everything like that.
But the explanation for that is not that
the deep state was protecting an asset.
The explanation I see is that, oh, well,
what does it tell us? It tells us
something we already knew.
That wealthy, privileged people
have a different standard of justice
than the rest of us.
Do you see what I'm saying? Like I That
That That we knew when I could have told
you that from the O.J. trial, right? I
mean, like that's just how it is. That's
why people pay a lot of money for the
best lawyers. It's why, um,
you know, it's it's you know, it's it's
it's why people donate to politicians.
But I think there's a difference between
control
and like
a system that we have where there's a
lot of people who can buy influence, but
doesn't mean it's not the same as
control.
Um,
but
that's not I don't want to dismiss where
you're coming from though because we
have a vast national intelligence
bureaucracy, a vast national security
state.
Um I don't think it's the same as a deep
state.
Um but I do think that it's something
that is overweening
and needs more accountability and we
have to maybe rethink in some ways.
Given that Israel is still not done with
Hamas, how do they
um wrap that up? How do they decide like
we've now got everybody or whatever and
then Yeah. um what do you make of how
the public opinion
has turned against them? Well, I mean
it's it's depends on
what segment of the public opinion.
Certainly younger people, certainly
College and university.
Yeah, certainly younger than
universities have uh
I I mean I think it's been turning even
before October 7th.
Um
I I certainly hope that there's a
they're close to getting the hostages
back which I think is sort of the
remaining issue. But the real issue is
that like you can't have a remnant of
Hamas still be in charge of Gaza.
That's a red line.
But I do think that, you know, Israeli
elections I don't think most Israelis
want to reoccupy Gaza. I don't think
it's a territorial expansion. I think
that there are some Israelis who are in
the cabinet like Ben-Gvir and Smotrich
who have a fantasy but it's a fantasy
that the that that that Jews can settle
in Gaza
and so forth.
Um I think there's going to have to be a
huge kind of reconstruction of Gaza but
that reconstruction has to happen under
a different leadership than Hamas.
But I also think that we're fairly close
and I have even though there are these
tragic stories of Palestinians waiting
for food to be delivered by this new
kind of humanitarian effort.
Uh I think it's called the Gaza
Humanitarian Foundation, the Israelis
and I think Americans contractors have
set up.
To me that is
a ray of hope and I think Hamas has been
trying has been attacking these things
and and and and
trying to do what they can to sabotage
it cuz I think that that removes the
last bit of leverage that Hamas has over
the population.
I think the population in Gaza, we've
seen some flickers of this,
are absolutely furious with the
decisions that were made by their
leaders that plunged them into war.
Hamas started the war with October 7th.
Uh, I don't see how anybody could have
expected the Israelis wouldn't respond
with overwhelming force, which is what
they did.
Um, I hate that the war has dragged on
because it has been
it's been terrible for
Palestinian civilians. I am not of the
view that no one in in Gaza is innocent.
I think there are a lot of people who
are innocent. I think the Gazans are
double victims of Hamas and Israeli
bombardment. And it's a it's a tragedy.
But I also kind of begin to see the
light at the end of the tunnel and I
think that the victory in this 12-day
war
is a big part of that. I mean, if
there's any rational actors left in the
remnants of Hamas leadership, they
should be looking around at this point
and saying to themselves,
"What are we fighting for?" And that's
that's that's hopefully where we're
where we're headed. I love it. Eli, man,
I can't thank you enough for taking the
time. Where can people follow you?
Uh, well, make sure to subscribe to
Breaking History. It's a great podcast
and uh, read me at the Free Press. I'm a
columnist there and I am also
contributing editor at Commentary
Magazine. If you like this conversation,
check out this episode to learn more.
Jeffrey Epstein's story was never about
sex. It was an illusion. Like the dress,
some see as blue and others see as gold.
Intelligence agencies exploit the same
trick. They shape what you notice and
distort what it means. Enter Kompromat,
the art of collecting dirt