Video summary
Hannah Ritchie, a researcher at Our World in Data and author of *Not the End of the World*, argues that while climate change is an urgent existential problem, it does not warrant apocalyptic despair or paralysis. She challenges the common misconception that crossing 1.5 degrees Celsius represents a point of no return; instead, she describes warming as a spectrum where risks escalate gradually rather than abruptly. While tipping points like those affecting ice sheets exist and can shift climate systems into different states over centuries, they are not immediate domino effects. Ritchie emphasizes that extreme scenarios often used to drive fear actually hinder progress by inducing anxiety in the public while providing ammunition for climate deniers who dismiss such claims as ridiculous. Furthermore, she notes that relying on doomsday narratives fails young people facing mental health crises and prevents them from taking action, whereas a balanced view acknowledging both severe risks and viable solutions fosters necessary engagement. Ritchie clarifies several environmental statistics to correct public misunderstandings regarding the scale of threats versus exaggerations. She identifies exposure to extreme heat waves in lower-income countries near the equator and agricultural disruptions—such as potential 30% drops in crop yields due to rising temperatures—as two primary, well-documented concerns that disproportionately affect vulnerable populations. Contrary to viral headlines suggesting we have only sixty harvests left before topsoil depletion, she explains that soil conditions vary widely globally; while some areas degrade, others are stable or regenerating. Similarly, regarding biodiversity loss often termed the "sixth mass extinction," Ritchie notes that current rates of species decline exceed historical averages but fall short of a true geological mass extinction threshold unless trends continue unchecked without intervention in deforestation and habitat restoration. She also addresses air pollution as currently causing more premature deaths globally than climate change impacts, though this is expected to shift over time if fossil fuel use continues unabated. The discussion highlights significant progress made through technological substitution rather than mere sacrifice or degrowth. Ritchie points out that the cost of renewable energy sources like solar and wind has plummeted in recent years, making them cheaper than fossil fuels without requiring a trade-off between escaping poverty and reducing emissions. This economic reality fundamentally changes the equation for developing nations seeking to increase their energy use while lowering carbon footprints. She also refutes the notion that global degrowth or depopulation is necessary; instead, she argues that as countries develop through education and women's empowerment, fertility rates naturally decline without needing climate rhetoric as a driver. Regarding China, Ritchie challenges the "free rider" narrative by highlighting its leadership in low-carbon technologies like electric vehicles (led by companies such as BYD) and rapid solar deployment, driven primarily by economic incentives rather than altruism. This demonstrates that people act on climate issues when it is economically viable to do so, turning environmental benefits into a side effect of profit-seeking behavior. Ultimately, Ritchie advocates for a shift in communication strategies from fear-based messaging to one centered on innovation and opportunity. She critiques the "tragedy of the commons" dynamic where developed nations feel unfairly burdened while others continue high-emission lifestyles, suggesting that rich countries should lead by innovating low-carbon technologies that become affordable globally through learning curves. The success of bottom-up approaches in international climate policy is contrasted with ineffective top-down mandates, showing that voluntary pledges create healthy competition among nations. By framing clean energy as a status symbol and an economic opportunity rather than a sacrifice—as seen with the popularity of Teslas or wind farms in Republican-led US states—society can overcome political divides. Ritchie concludes that while challenges like sea-level rise for coastal cities remain valid, they occur on timescales allowing for adaptation, and by focusing on achievable solutions within the next few decades, humanity can avoid catastrophic outcomes without needing to embrace a hopeless future or drastic population reduction.
Read the full video transcript
Why do you think that there's so many
people who believe the world's doomed?
I think because we're facing a pretty
broad range of what are potentially
existential or very catastrophic
problems. So, like from my domain, the
big one is is climate change and that's
what I write about most of all, but
there's also other ones. There's nuclear
war, there's the rise of AI. I think
there's now a host of problems that in
the past might not have seemed
existential, but to many people today
seem very existential.
If you are knee-deep in the data,
why aren't you in agreement?
So, I can't speak on AI or or nuclear
war, but my background's environment and
and climate change.
Um and I think actually probably I was
in the similar position, you know, a
decade or go or so ago, um where I did
really feel like in the depths of
there's no way that we're going to solve
this problem. This is an existential
problem. We are all kind of doomed. Um
and I think that was a lot of the the
message that was coming through. My
perspective on that has changed. Not
that climate change isn't a big problem.
It is, that's why I study it. But there
is a really broad spectrum between
climate change is not a problem and
we're all doomed and there's nothing we
can do about it. I think there's a big
space in the middle and that big space
in the middle is determined by what we
do about it. So, I think like my stance
on it is it's a big problem and it's an
urgent problem, but there actually are
things that we can do about it and there
are ways that we can adapt to a changing
climate. When it comes to climate change
in particular, why are more people
pessimistic
about the world than the data suggests
that they maybe should be?
I think one of the key under
misunderstandings on climate is that,
you know, we've kind of set these
climate targets that we want to keep
temperature rise below 1.5 degrees if we
can and especially below 2 degrees. Now,
I think some of the message that's come
out of that is that, you know, 1.5
degrees is this tipping point where once
we're past 1.5 degrees, there's it's
kind of the point of no return and we're
doomed. And that's that's definitely not
the case. Climate change is more of a
spectrum than an immediate tipping
point. So, 1.5 degrees impacts are worse
than at 1.6, they're worse again at 1.7
and you can get escalating risks where
they the change is not necessarily
linear with every 0.1% degree. But
there's nothing particularly special
about 1.5 degrees. So, I think I think
it's very clear that we probably we are
going to pass 1.5 degrees, but if your
mindset is that once we're past 1.5
degrees, there's nothing we can do and
it's kind of a terminal tipping point,
then I think that breeds a lot of this
kind of apocalyptic thinking. What is
the what's legit and what's
about tipping points and stuff?
So, there are
big tipping points. Uh where in the kind
of climate system there are,
we don't know.
Um there are like a lot of unknowns
about when we might hit a tipping point
and what that tipping point would be.
There are some potential like quite
near-term tipping points where you're in
the kind of between 1.5 degrees and 2
degrees range, there are a couple of
tipping points that that could be
breached.
what happens? What what do people mean
when they talk about tipping points from
a like functional climate functional
perspective? So, I think the the the
kind of definition of a tipping point is
that you kind of change a system from
one state into another and it's very
hard, if not impossible, to take it back
from that. Now, I think one of the
misunderstandings of tipping points is
that people think that it's kind of
abrupt and immediate. That, you know,
it's almost like a a domino effect where
as as once it's set off, it's like
within a year the whole thing kind of
blows up. And I think some tipping
points can be fast, but often they're
quite slow on kind of human timescales.
So, some of these tipping points will
evolve over, you know, centuries or or
thousands of years. It's not just like
the entire ice sheet just immediately
melts in the space of a a year. Um so, I
think that's one of the the key
differences there. Um but there are some
near near-term potential tipping points
where you will shift the system into a
different state and that will contribute
to more warming. Um but it won't
necessarily set this like
this full chain where, you know, it's
kind of unstoppable and there's nothing
we can do about it. Well, this is one of
the common talking points around uh
coastal cities. Miami, Miami's going to
be underwater uh if we go over this. It
I'm going to guess that Miami may be
underwater, but in
1,200 years, not like 2030.
Yeah, some of the some of I mean, there
is the sea levels are rising and they're
rising at pretty steady rate. That could
accelerate. Yeah, but a lot of the the
very extreme sea level rise scenarios
tend to be on the order of of centuries,
for example. Extreme takes centuries, so
we at least there's a little a little
bit
You have a time to, yeah. Yeah. But I I
think I think the the the risk of sea
level rise around coastal cities is is
very valid.
Um and there are there could be some
near-term displacements. Um but a lot of
them could be on a longer timescale than
we imagine. I read an article from you
where you said many young people feel
like their future is in peril. To make
progress on climate change, we must move
past doomsday scenarios. Why?
Because I think it lulls us into a kind
of state of paralysis. Like I speak to a
lot of young people a lot of people
email me and they're in a very dark
place. They're in a place where they
don't even know whether they should go
to college. They don't know whether they
should actually invest in the future cuz
they've kind of received the message
that there's no point because they're
kind of doomed from climate change. And
I think one thing that's just like bad
for people's mental health. But I think
the second is it I think it paralyzes us
and and stops people from taking action.
Like if we're doomed, then what's the
point in actually taking action against
it? So, I think in some ways it hinders
progress. And uh in terms of taking
action. And then I think there's another
dimension to it where I think some of
these really extreme scenarios have been
used by people on the other end. So,
kind of more on the climate denial end,
when they see the really extreme
scenarios, it's just the the perfect
ammunition. They just think, "Oh, this
is so ridiculous." Um and so often like
pushes people away at the other end of
the spectrum that might normally engage.
Yeah, it seems like
in an attempt to try and convince people
that this is something we need to pay
attention to, something which is
important, which needs resources and
time and and and energy spending on it,
uh that encouragement to try and get
people to work harder is done by over
exaggerating
uh or or creating um more catastrophe
where there perhaps isn't quite so much.
But the actual reality is it just makes
people sad and anxious and believe that
their efforts are futile, which is like
from a net effect is actually the
opposite of what you want. Right. I
mean, I think that I mean, there's also
like a really broad spectrum in
communication. I mean, I think many most
climate scientists are very good on the
communication. They're very careful
about how they communicate. I think that
often messages are are weaponized by
some people and actually they put in
front of it the science says and they
say a statement that the science doesn't
say. Um and I think think for some
people, probably a small segment of the
the population, that actually does work.
That does that fear does drive them.
They do get involved. But I think
there's like a much larger part of the
spectrum that that that that puts them
off. Yeah, I watched um a video that you
spoke about in that article from Roger
Hallam, founder of Extinction Rebellion.
Uh the video was titled Advice to Young
People as They Face Annihilation.
Hardly inspiring stuff. No. And I mean,
and he says he's kind of a big point of
the video. I think he says like young
people should just have no hope for the
future. Um and that's that's not in line
with the science. I mean, the science is
very clear that the climate change is a
big problem. There are really big
potential risks, but, you know, it's not
a an all or nothing. Like there are
things that we can do about it. So, this
the notion that we should have no hope
because there's nothing we can do is
just false. What was that story of the
group called the last generation?
Yeah, so there's an activist group um I
think in Germany called the last
generation and
I think the the message there can be
interpreted in several ways. I mean, one
is like very valid, which is we could be
the last generation to solve climate
change. And I think that's true. Um
that, you know,
we're talking about solving climate
change, we're talking about, you know,
the next few decades or 30 or 40 years.
So, we kind of yes, we are the the
generation that will have to to solve
this. But I think the other
interpretation is kind of this notion
that if we don't solve it, then we will
literally be the last generation. And
that's very similar to the kind of
Extinction Rebellion uh activist group
where it is very much geared towards we
will be the kind of the last generation
and we're kind of doomed. Yeah, and they
did a
month-long hunger strike that resulted
in a ton of them going to hospital.
Yeah, it was yeah, there was a hunger
strike, yeah. Yeah. Uh so, when it comes
to climate change, what are the
what are the most salient concerns that
you have and what are the ones that you
think are most exaggerated or most
misrepresented?
So, I think for me, there are a few big
concerns. One is just exposure to heat.
I mean, I think they're just the very
the most obvious and and and most
well-documented
link between rising temperatures is just
exposure to extreme heat waves. Um as
you would expect. And I think that will
be a significantly growing problem.
It'll be also be a really big problem
cuz many of the people that will be
exposed to this will be people closer to
the equator
typically in lower income countries
where they don't you know have an
conditioned house. Um so 10 will will
also fall disproportionately on on
people on lower incomes where they might
not have the money and luxuries that we
would have to just adapt to that.
I think then the other big concern for
me is is agriculture where we've got a
growing population, climate change there
could be a significant problem. One in
terms of extreme weather events so
floods, droughts. You could lose like a
whole harvest um for an entire season.
But also crops and it varies across the
world depending on where you are and and
what crop you're working with. But
increased temperatures could start to
reduce yields. So some of the kind of
scenarios you could see for example a
30% drop in yields. Now at time when we
need to be increasing food production
because we will have a growing
population, that could be a a
significant concern. So for me those are
the two like biggest direct impacts, I
think.
What
about the efforts that have been made
over the last few years? You know, it's
not just now that people have started
talking about climate change even if
maybe the
discourse is getting more heated all the
time. Um
it's not like this is a new thing and
there's been
many initiatives that have been put in
in the UK, in the US trying to counter
this. How effective or ineffective have
those been?
I think we are getting there. We're just
not getting there fast enough. I think
people have the notion that we're still
in the same position on tackling climate
change as we were a decade ago. And I
think that's not true. I think I think
what's what's really fundamental to
addressing climate change is that humans
need energy, right? They need energy for
development and that has been a massive
driver of human progress over the last
few centuries.
So our basis of producing energy has
been fossil fuels. Now
in order to tackle that
there are billions of people still
trying to move out of poverty, still
trying to increase their energy use
quite validly.
Um and they're they're not going to stop
doing that. Like you're not going to
stop them doing that. So you need a
substitute. It's a it's a substitution
exercise. You need to substitute fossil
fuels with a low carbon energy source.
Now the problem in the past has been
that these energy sources were way too
expensive, right? So you're never going
to use solar or wind or batteries or
electric vehicles cuz they were just way
more expensive than fossil fuels. What's
been a really dramatic change especially
in the last decade is that the prices of
these have plummeted. Um so you know,
they're not
electric cars are growing now and
they're getting very cost-competitive
with petrol or or diesel cars but they
they were really far away a decade ago.
Uh same with solar and wind. They were
extremely expensive. They're now
undercutting the cost of fossil fuels.
Now that's completely
and fundamentally changed the position
that we're in cuz we're
no longer asking people to make a
trade-off of do you want to escape
energy poverty or do you want to keep
your CO2 emissions low cuz they were
always going to
move out of energy poverty. I think
we've reached a position now where
there's no longer that trade-off such
that often people just go for the low
carbon energy source because it's the
cheapest. I think to me that's
fundamentally changed the equation. So
the overall story on carbon emissions
there is that rich countries over the
last few decades have tended to reduce
their emissions
whereas middle and low income countries
are are still growing there. So we kind
of this tug-of-war at the global level
which means that global emissions are
kind of now hovering around a peak.
Mm. Yeah, I think this is
I don't know this sort of uh
uh
the fact that we have a shared
environment but individual actors acting
independently of each other to
contribute to it means that there is
always going to be this sort of push and
pull, right? There is going to be a
group of people in developed countries
that are going to be told you need to
reduce energy emissions and it's very
easy to say well
they're not.
They're not going to do it. And yeah,
this what's it called? The the tragedy
of the commons.
Um yeah, it there is always going to be
some equivalent of a free rider problem
or
or something else. It it's it's always
going to be there and I think it's
always going to make people feel
uncomfortable about making sacrifices. I
guess
if they were to go and live in a country
that didn't have access to reliable
energy or was burning wood or dung to be
able to do it, they might think maybe
I'm not making that much of a sacrifice.
But you know, humans are
creatures of relativity, right? We have
anchoring biases. Like
I remember how much my refrigerator
energy fee was last year and I've seen
it go up this year or I've been told
that I can't water my garden or
whatever. Like you know, we we anchor
off where our lifestyle was previously
not off someone in the Sudan.
Right. And I think yeah, I think that's
been a
a key stumbling block has been these
divisions. I think for me there's
there's so much finger-pointing in this.
It's kind of young people pointing at
old people or old people pointing at
young people or left pointing at right
and right pointing at left and and rich
countries pointing at China or India and
I think that's created a lot of
divisions. I think in general what's
worked better on climate is that
the way international climate processes
used to work was it was a very like
top-down where basically there was kind
of global
coalition and kind of would set try to
set
impose targets from the top down. And
actually it didn't get us that far and
countries didn't really like it. What's
actually been more successful has
countries been like a bottom-up exercise
where countries have decided this is the
the pledges or the targets that we're
going to put on the table and they
nominated themselves. Now you might
think well, they're all just not put
anything on the table and to some extent
there's much room for them increasing
these these promises and we hope they
do. But you do start to get like a
little bit of a competition exercise
where it does start to put pressure on
different countries.
So I think the the bottom-up approach of
of people volunteering what they're
willing to do has actually
counterintuitively worked better than a
top-down this is what you have to do.
And I think in general that also works
at the individual level. I think
I think there's a lot of pushback
against people trying to tell others
what you should and shouldn't do. Often
that's like the best way to get someone
to do exactly what you don't want them
to do is to is to try to force them to
do it.
Yeah, what uh
I mean I'm I'm I'm interested in this
stat that you put up about um
in the UK carbon emissions per person
are half what they were when our
grandparents were our age and we haven't
just offshored all of these either. That
seems like quite a big win.
Yeah, so carbon emissions in the UK have
fallen a lot. They've fallen by around
50%.
Um a big driver of that has been the
reduction of coal. So like most of our
electricity used to come from coal and
we're basically now coal-free. So we've
kind of got rid of the kind of the
dirtiest fuel in our electricity mix mix
which has pushed down emissions a lot.
Now the caveat there is that the 50%
like exaggerates the total amount of
reductions that we've incurred because
we've offshored some of them. So
um we've kind of got rid of a lot of our
manufacturing industries so like we
import goods from other countries that
re-produce them. And it's very valid to
say that you know, the UK's carbon
footprint should be what the UK
consumers are actually consuming. So the
the the total drop on that basis is not
as big as 50% but there is still a
decline and emissions are still falling
and that's a kind of general trend that
we see
across most high income countries that
domestic emissions have reduced um but
they've also reduced when we take
offshoring into account. Got you. How
difficult is it going to be to provide a
good quality of life for 8 billion
people while still being sustainable?
It's a big challenge. Um yeah, it's
going to be big. I think it's
achievable. I think I think for me
what's key is the time scale. I think
it's just inevitable that we will just
move to clean energy. I think how long
we take to do that will be the big
question and that will be the big
question about what temperature rise we
we get to. Can we do it in the next
30 years?
Um it will be a big challenge but I
would expect that we would do it in the
next 50 or 60 years. So the the the
emphasis is there on the speed
um which is going to be very difficult
but to me is not completely
unachievable.
What do people mean when they talk about
degrowth?
So I think there's two terms here. I
think one is focused on population so
it's more like depopulation. So kind of
an environmental
movement so like especially in the past
uh like a big point was that the problem
is just there's just too many people. Um
and and the the planet cannot possibly
provide
for so many people. So the solution to
this problem is to have less people.
And then there's more of a kind of
degrowth movement where the argument
there is that the driver has been
overconsumption and therefore in order
to reduce our emissions, we need to
basically shrink our economies.
Right. And what are your thoughts on
degrowth?
My thoughts are you cannot do degrowth
at a global level because you would
leave billions of people in poverty and
that's to me just morally unacceptable
and you just won't achieve it, right?
Like you're not going to stop people in
low income countries from from trying to
move out of poverty.
Now there's a question of should you
keep GDP in rich countries the same or
should you shrink the the economies of
rich countries? I don't think that's
going to be a political reality. Like I
don't know see any political leader
standing up and saying our main policy
is that we're going to reduce our
economy in order to reduce our CO2
emissions. And it's definitely not going
to happen in on the time scales that
we're talking about, right? We need to
get moving on this in the next decade.
Um and to me, I do not see it being
politically feasible that that one that
a leader would stand up and promote
that. I think it would kind of be
political suicide.
Um but also that they would actually get
elected into government. And then you've
got the long the long time period where
even if you did get that and people
voted for it and they went into
government, then you've got the time
that it takes to actually implement
that. And we don't actually know how
effective that would be in reducing
emissions. Like you know, no one's tried
kind of deliberate degrowth. So I think
there's like tons of unknowns there and
for me it's kind of a political
non-starter.
Well, I guess over
a long enough time horizon, the next 100
years, the people calling for
anti-natalist or depopulation, they're
going to get the
they're going to get the outcome that
they want. It's just going to happen due
to declining birth rates. I know, you
know,
you made a really good clarification at
the very beginning of this, which is
exists the difference between
existential risk and just, you know, a
big problem. Basically, existential risk
permanent unrecoverable collapse, right?
It's a very specific category of risk
that shouldn't be thrown around
incorrectly. And I don't think that
declining birth rates are one of those
either, but they're definitely going to
be the sort of thing that will impact
human life
front and center very very harshly, very
quickly, you know, within what?
When are we going to peak? 2100-ish?
2019?
I think the I think the the latest UN
projections were that was that it would
global population would peak around
2080s.
Um and they've actually brought that
forward like the first project the late
the the one projection before that was,
you know, still increasing past 2100.
And actually because fertility rates,
which is just the number of children
that a women would have, average women
would have, um is falling quicker than
than we expected. That's actually what
being brought forward to the 2080s.
Yeah, so by the end of this century, the
degrowth from a population standpoint,
I'm aware that we're going to have to
gain 2 billion before we start to come
back down toward where we are now.
Um but how much how concerned are you
about that? You know, if we presume that
what we're trying to do here, I don't
know the basis of your philosophy. I
don't know if it's
um seeing the Earth as something that
needs to be protected, whether it's
trying to maximize human flourishing,
whether it's trying to, you know,
there's a a variety of reasons why
people don't want the world to go to
Um but if we presume that in
amongst that is the
flourishing, utility, eudaimonia,
happiness of the conscious humans that
live on it,
reducing that number down precipitously
is dangerous. It it it doesn't that
doesn't seem to be in alignment either.
So, how much time do you spend thinking
about birth rates and what's your
concern with population collapse?
Um I don't spend much time at all
thinking about birth rates in a climate
context. Um and I don't think it's
effective in any way to try to to use
climate or environment to to promote
lowering birth rates. I mean, I think
the the basic story of falling fertility
rates and falling birth rates is that um
as countries develop, as they get
richer, as
girls go to school, women go into
education, uh women go into uh
economic opportunities and jobs, um
fertility rates tend to decline. So, you
see a very clear relationship that as
countries get richer, they decline. Um
and
the I think I think one of the key part
key parts of development is that
fertility rates will actually just
continue to fall. The countries like
low-income countries where birth rates
are still quite high, like maybe like
four or five or or six, um those will
just fall because they will develop. Uh
kids girls will get to go to school,
women will get going to work and and
have economic opportunities. And I think
those are all fantastic developments. I
actually don't think you need the
climate lens as part of that. I mean, if
your list of priorities of what would be
the driver of declining birth rates, I
mean, climate change is very very low on
that risk. Like
I'm all for promotion of girls going to
school just because they should have the
opportunity to go to school, not because
we should reduce the population in order
to address climate change. Right. Okay,
that would be that would be like a
five-dimensional chess move to try and
uh speed up the education of girls in
low-income countries in an attempt to
reduce down birth rates. That would be
that would be an impressive strategy.
Uh you said um I saw another quote from
you that said we should use data to
understand the world and make better
decisions. That seems to be like a nice
tagline.
How effective have you found data
being at nudging beliefs and culture and
debate? Do you a part of this great
website, Our World in Data, you put this
stuff forward,
but
I would guess that the
vanguard, like the front lines of trying
to convince people by data, might be
more difficult than we would think,
given that data is like truth, as long
as it's right. Yeah. Yeah, I know. I
mean, it's very mixed. I mean, I mean,
there's some people that are so immune
to data that there's nothing there's no
data you could throw in front of them
that would make them change their mind.
And there will always be, you know, an
excuse why that data doesn't fit with
the narrative or why that data is
flawed. Um I think some people are
swayed by data and can make good
decisions based on it. Um I think I
mean, a a range of people use our work
like the general population use our
work, but also journalists, policy
makers use our work. And then I think in
those fields, data can actually make a
difference to inform decisions.
What's happening with air pollution?
So,
there have been a couple of big air
pollution problems. There have been a
couple of what we'd call like
transboundary problems, which is more
again the tragedy of the commons problem
where it's not just, you know, pollution
in your own country, it kind of crosses
across many countries. Um and you kind
of need, you know, several countries or
the whole world to work together to
solve it. And one of the big ones there
was the ozone layer. So, kind of before
climate change, the big environmental
problem was the ozone layer.
And uh the growing ozone hole. And at
the time it was really politically
controversial but like climate change is
today. There were kind of pushback
against scientists. There was
um
it was really politically controversial.
But we we actually managed to to solve
it. Like we we brought in what was
called the Montreal Protocol. And we
reduced the emissions of the gases that
were destroying the ozone layer by like
more than 99%. So, we've basically got
rid of them. And the ozone hole should
just repair itself in the next few
decades.
Um there was another big problem of acid
rain, which when you burn coal, you tend
to produce what's called sulfur dioxide
and that can dissolve in rainwater and
you can get acid rain. Again, that was a
big problem and we're we've been pretty
successful in solving it, especially
across Europe and North America.
And then there's the other problem of
what we call local air pollution, which
is like the pollution you'd find in your
city from like cars and burning fossil
fuels and home heating and stuff. Now,
the the story there is mixed. Rich
countries have gone through this process
where um as they tended to get richer,
air pollution increased. So, if you
think about London or Edinburgh, where I
am, um go back to the kind of the the
beginning to mid-20th century, these
cities were so so polluted. Like really
unimaginable from what you would assume
today. I mean, there's stories of like,
you know, the great smog in London
where, you know, you couldn't see even
see a few feet in front of you. They
were kind of shuffling trying to find
the curb with their feet. So, there
these cities were incredibly polluted.
And we've actually been really
successful over the last 50 years or so
in in dramatically reducing the amount
of local air pollution, especially in
rich countries. It's a little bit of a
different story in low- and
middle-income countries. They're still
in a kind of going up that curve that um
London or Edinburgh went through kind of
50 years to a century ago.
Um
and air pollution in general is a is a
big killer in the world. So, there are a
range of estimates, but they're all in
the range of kind of millions of
premature deaths per year. So, it is a
is a a big big problem. In some sense,
you know,
today in terms of number of lives lost,
it's arguably bigger than climate
change, although that could change in
the future.
Wow. What do we do? How do you help air
pollution now?
You can I mean, the key one is stop
burning fossil fuels.
Um you can put kind of strict
uh
air pollution kind of standards on power
plants. Like that was the big thing of
acid rain. Like it's not that we
necessarily just stopped burning coal.
We managed to put what called scrubbers
on the power plant where it kind of took
the sulfur out. So, you didn't get the
the the sulfur emissions.
Um a big driver in in in rich countries
has been just increased air quality
standards for cars. So, the amount of um
of pollution spewing out the back of a
car today is much much less than it was
in the past. And actually a move to
electric vehicles would would decrease
that even further. So, even in rich
countries, you know, the the estimated
deaths attributed to air pollution in
the UK, for example, is still tens of
thousands. So, we know that we can still
bring down that down further. And that
would be by, for example, moving away
from petrol and and diesel cars. What
about deforestation?
Again, it's a bit of a story where
countries tend to go through a
transition where they would initially
cut down forests for wood for energy
like before they have fossil fuels. Um,
but then the biggest driver of
deforestation is just expanding
farmland. That's by far the biggest
driver of deforestation. You need more
land to grow food, therefore you you cut
down forests. Now,
uh the UK for example, we cut down our
forests like a long time ago, like
centuries and centuries ago. And
actually there was really really very
little forest left. Um, but then we
stopped doing that and in many
forests are regrowing. Now, most of the
deforestation that's happening today is
happening in the tropics. And it's
happening because we're again, we're
still expanding agricultural land. Um,
so deforestation rates today are still
very very high, but we think they've
global deforestation rates have fallen
since around the 1980s. But we we still
have a big challenge on our hands cuz
deforestation rates are still high.
What's the truth about the cycle between
raising or rising CO2 levels with uh
like regreening
uh and the increase in uh plant growth
and tree growth, forest growth based on
that increase in carbon?
Yeah, there again it's a little bit
mixed on terms of like greening
uh forests and natural habitat not
natural vegetation. It can like CO2
extra CO2 can increase um regrowth to an
extent. I mean this is often also
discussed in terms of agriculture. Like
I was saying earlier that one of the big
risks of agriculture is is climate
change. And it is true that to a certain
extent more CO2 means can mean more
um more higher yields and more crop
growth, but it's about how much of that
is outweighed by the detrimental impacts
of drought, of floods, of temperatures.
And for many crops, the increased
temperatures will just outweigh the
increased benefits of CO2. So even if
you increase CO2 a bit, you would still
see negative effects from uh the
temperature effects. It's interesting
that everything's so interlinked here
that for instance deforestation is
intrinsically linked with food and
hunger and agriculture.
So what progress has been made with with
uh food and hunger as well?
So um I mean food and hunger again
global hunger rates have declined
substantially over the last 50 years in
particular. We've kind of plateaued on
progress there and actually in some
regions that has started to regress. So
we have around 800 million people in the
world when it nearly one in 10 just
don't get enough food to eat. And that's
the key challenge with with
deforestation and these problems is that
again there you have this tension
between people just need more food uh
and we need more agricultural land and
there's wild habitat and there's forest
in the way. Um, so that's the big
challenge. One of the this big solutions
to that is just to make agriculture much
more productive, right? So if you can
increase crop yields by if you can
triple crop yields, then you can produce
the same amount of food on a third of
the land. So one of the big uh
necessities there is to just increase
crop yields and productivity. And I
think in many regions there is still a
lot of scope to do that. I mean the the
other big link to deforestation there is
like animal agriculture. So a lot of the
deforestation of the Amazon for example
is clearing land for pasture for cattle
grazing, for beef production. And by far
that's the biggest driver of
deforestation. And in general beef is
just a really inefficient way of using
land to produce food.
What
What is the you're talking about crop
yields there? How much truth is there in
topsoil degradation and and
the quality of what we're growing our
plants out of?
Yeah, so the I mean there's been lots of
headlines about, you know, soil loss and
this this kind of like we've only got
the world's only got 60 harvest left
headline that kind of went viral and
that headline is not true and kind of no
sci- soil scientist would back that up.
Across the world you have a mixed again
a mixed picture like some soils are
stable and and they're are are doing
fine. Some are actually growing so the
they're actually grow topsoil is growing
and there are others that actually are
degrading over time and is a serious
worry but we're not going to get to, you
know, this
you know, single point where, you know,
just the the whole in 60 years the the
world's harvest just stop because of
topsoil. There's just a really large
variation in soils across the world when
you could never just put a single figure
on when this would happen. Mm, what
about biodiversity? That's something
else that I've seen talked about an
awful lot that the the fifth great
extinction or the sixth whichever one
we're in. This is the beginning of this
sixth whatever that one sixth sixth
great extinction we're in the middle of
that and we we've lost more
uh species in the last x number of years
than in the whole
bigger number of years before that.
Yeah, I mean bio the trends on bio
biodiversity loss are not good. I mean
they're like the area where I'm most
pessimistic. So yeah, there's been five
previous mass extinctions on Earth and
there's a question of like are we in the
sixth mass extinction? Now,
in order to to qualify as like a mass
extinction, you kind of have this
threshold of you need to lose like 75 to
80% of species and you need to do on a
it's called a fast time scale but it's
like 2 million years.
Uh like it's fast on geological time
scales but on human time scales it's
obviously not. Um,
now we're obviously very very far away
from losing that percentage of species.
But what you can do is you can look at
the rate of change and say we know
roughly how many species have gone
extinct over the last few centuries for
example.
Um, or or 500 years or 1,000 years. And
you can say okay, what's the the rate of
extinction there?
And then you can compare that to what
was the rate of extinctions in the
previous five mass extinctions. And
actually what you find when you crunch
those numbers is that we are actually
losing species at a faster rate than we
were in the five previous mass
extinctions. Now if we just continued to
lose species at that rate, then yeah, it
would qualify as being in the sixth mass
extinction.
Um, my optimism there is that we won't
just continue to lose species at that
rate because we will hopefully address
deforestation. We will hopefully curb
climate change. We will hopefully be
able to restore natural habitats. So
this kind of
I mean it's reasonably fair to say that,
you know, the trends point towards a
sixth mass extinction if we just
continue as we are, but my hope is that
we won't continue as we are. What is
driving this loss in biodiversity?
Where's it coming from?
Mm, I mean it's often referred to as
death by a thousand cuts. So there's no
like single driver of biodiversity loss.
It's it tends to be a mix. I mean the
the biggest driver is is food
production. So that's either like either
over exploitation which is just like
direct hunting or direct overfishing or
kind of logging of forests
um or it's destruction of habitats for
farming and agriculture. And that can be
either cutting down um forests or or
moving into wild grasslands, but it can
also be, you know, losing insects uh
because of the use of fertilizers or
pesticides on agricultural land. Now
that's a very to me that's a very very
tricky problem to solve because there's
a kind of
there's kind of two camps on how you
produce food in a kind of biodiversity
friendly way. Like one you could just
use lots of fertilizers, lots of
pesticides, get really productive land.
You could use less land by doing that.
So basically say we're going to accept
that we're going to have lots of
biodiversity loss on this smaller bit of
land. Or you can go for another approach
where say we're going to lose less
biodiversity but we're going to spread
it over a larger area. And I think the
kind of jury on that is is still out on
how best to manage that. Yeah, that's a
difficult a really difficult balance to
strike.
Have you got any idea what types of
animals have contributed most
to this biodiversity loss? Has it been
segmented out? Has it been the fish
they're all falling off but mammals are
fine or is it mostly insects and
reptiles are fine? Have you got any
idea?
It's kind of mixed. Um, like the mammals
are not doing well in particular. I mean
if you look over the course of human
history, the big change has been what we
call like the downsizing of mammals. So
we've tended to just lose the big
mammals such that they're getting
smaller and smaller over time. That's
cuz we predominantly hunt larger animals
um and they tend to go extinct and they
also
take longer to reproduce. So smaller
animals can kind of recover cuz they can
re- reproduce really quickly. Whereas
larger animals take much longer. So
we've tended to lose the largest
mammals.
Birds are not doing particularly well,
neither are amphibians. Um, insects like
the the general trend there is is not
looking good. I mean insects in general
were just harder to count. It's very
hard to get really long-term data on
insects. Like you can kind of count
elephants like pretty well and kind of
get good historical records, but it's
really hard to do for insects. But I
think insects are pretty uncertain, but
I think they're definitely in decline.
There are very very few very few like
good good trends here on biodiversity.
I was trying to find a a silver lining
in the biodiversity loss but it doesn't
really seem to be there.
I can give you one. Like in some regions
like Europe for example, we lost a lot
of mammals, but we're actually bringing
a lot of them back now. There's been
lots of like restoration
um
uh programs and you know, the European
bison is is on its way back. So I think
there is stuff that you can do. Um, and
it is possible to restore a lot of these
populations, but the overall trend is
down. I had a conversation a couple of
months ago with a guy who
is bringing woolly mammoths back to
life.
Right. Was it Stuart Brand? No.
No, it wasn't. I can't remember the I
can't remember the name of the place.
Colossus Colosseum Colossus, I think,
uh, is the name of the company. And
yeah, they they've sequenced it from a
bunch of frozen
uh, bone and I think maybe something
else samples
and then they're going to use an
Asian elephant, maybe,
uh, and they're going to implant and
then over time they will have this and
then maybe they can go up north and
they're good at compacting down the
earth and compacting down the earth
changes the way that heat hits it and
then they help with fertilizing and
moving. So that's And he also wanted to
do he had this really cool idea of
wanting to bring back
uh, the dodo bird. And the reason that
he wanted to do that was as a symbolic
gesture to remind people about
biodiversity loss. So thinking
basically explaining the this huge
process that he would have to go through
and we'd have to do this and we'd have
to do this and we'd have to do this and
then finally we would get something that
looks like the dodo bird. I think there
was one other type of tiger maybe that
he was thinking about doing it with.
And then to basically use that as the
tip of the spear to say,
"Do you see all of this work that we've
just had to do to try and bring this
bird back to life? Like just try not to
try not to kill it this time." type
thing.
Yeah, I mean it's
it's like a little bit the same story
with with forests where I think we often
think about like planting trees and
regrowing forests. Whereas like the best
thing we can do with forests is just
like not to cut them down in the first
place. And to some sense it's the same
with biodiversity where, you know, it
would take a massive effort to be able
to bring back a species or even restore
a population. So the you know, the
obvious best thing is like not to to
push it to that sanction in the first
place.
What about ocean plastics? I'm aware
that microplastic like we can Alex Jones
our way into phthalates in the water all
that we want, but ocean plastics I'd
heard this story about this island the
same size as Texas that's somewhere and
it's swirling round and then there was
that guy that made the the
ocean scraper thing and and he was doing
he was doing really great work, but uh,
what's the what's the story there with
ocean plastics? Yeah, I mean I don't I
can't solve the plastic problem. Like I
I mean plastic is a really tricky one.
It's like a really amazing and viable
material which I think is why it's we
produce so much of it and it's so hard
to get off of it. Um, but the the simple
problem of like
plastics flowing into the ocean is a
very very like tractable one.
Uh, we do have a significant amount of
plastics flowing into the ocean. Like
the latest estimates are like around 1
to 2 million tons a year. Now for
perspective that's about
0.5%
of the plastic
waste we produce. So I mean the notion
that you know, all of our plastics are
flowing into the ocean is not correct.
Like it's a quite quite a small
percentage, but in in absolute terms
it's quite big. Um, the key problem with
plastic ocean plastics is not
necessarily using plastics. It's like
how they're managed. So if you can
um, store plastics in landfills or
they're recycled or they're incinerated
then they don't leak leak out into the
environment and they don't end up in the
ocean rivers or ocean. The problem is
often that um, in many countries the
waste management infrastructure is not
there to to to deal with the amount of
plastic that's there such that it's
often dumped or it's in an open landfill
and and blows into the ocean.
Um,
Now I mean that is a I mean to to some
extent that then is the solution is
quite simple like and it's not sexy.
It's just like build landfills or build
waste management structures. But like
that doesn't tend to get a ton of
investment cuz it's not flashy. Um, but
there is also projects trying to do the
opposite. One is as you said there's a
guy called Boyan Slat and he created the
ocean cleanup project where they are
basically trying to scoop plastic out
that's already in the ocean and get it
out. And I think they're they're they're
doing a really good job. I mean they
haven't got all the plastic out yet, but
they are being quite successful in
getting some of it out. And then they've
also generated a a kind of separate
project which is trying to stop it going
into the ocean in the first place. So a
lot of this waste tend to come tends to
come down through rivers. And what
they've done they've like modeled to try
to work out like what are the biggest
rivers that are contributing to the
ocean plastics. Then they have what's
called an interceptor where they
basically try to like stop the plastics
going in
uh, at the end of the river before it
reaches the ocean. So I think there are
I think he's done an amazing job and
he's kind of came out of nowhere and
decided I mean we know we just watch and
see all that's really bad that there's
plastics in the ocean and he's like,
"No, there doesn't have to be plastics
in the ocean." And he's kind of tried to
to engineer a solution out of it. Have
you got any idea which were the rivers
that were contributing heavily?
I mean it's changed a lot that our
understanding has changed a lot over
time. I mean initially they you know,
there was
estimates that you know, most of it was
coming from like 20 rivers. Now actually
that's quite good because then you only
need 20 interceptors. But I mean more
recent studies have shown that actually
it's coming from like a thousand
different rivers.
Which is a much trickier problem to
tackle.
Uh, from the latest study from the you
know, Boyan Slat Slat and his colleagues
tend to show that a lot of them tend to
be in Asia or South America or Africa.
They tend to be in middle income
countries where
people have got richer they're now using
much more plastic, but again the waste
management infrastructure hasn't managed
to catch up. Rich enough to buy the
things that
are in the plastic, but not rich enough
to be able to work out how to deal with
it once you've used it. Right, exactly.
What about overfishing?
Um,
they are um,
again there's a little bit of a split
where
overfishing is a tractable problem. It
is a problem that you can manage. Um,
the key for that is
being able to balance fish populations
such that you know how much you can
catch without massively reducing the
population of the fish, right? You want
to be in a state where
for fishing you're fishing
and the population is not decreasing.
Now if you've overfished, so if you fish
too much, that population will start to
decrease and decrease and decrease. And
actually even for from an economic
perspective
that's only good in the short term,
right? Because in the medium to long
term the amount of stuff that you can
fish will just decline over time. So
it's like a really short term benefit
for a medium to long term
detriment. Now in many regions fish
populations are actually doing fine cuz
we can do that quite well and we have
policies in place and quotas on how much
fishermen can catch. In other parts of
the world that's just not there and you
would expect often that the the fish
populations populations there are are
declining. So the estimates that are
around around a third of the world's
fish populations are being overfished.
Now
the there is a slightly different story
to that where in the past you know, our
only way of
having fish was to like catch wild fish.
What we've seen over the last few
decades is the rise of what we call
aquaculture which is fish farming. Now
um, a little bit like on land where we
would normally just hunt animals, we
then decided no, we'll grow animals. So
we'll have livestock and we'll raise our
own animals. That's kind of what fish
farming is all about where rather than
only wild fish, you basically farm your
own fish. And actually now fish farming
uh, produces more than wild fish. So
most of the growth in in global fish
production over the last few decades has
come from fish farming. It's not come
from catching wild fish. Mm. It seems to
me like thinking about all of the stuff
that we've spoken about today,
this tragedy of the commons thing really
just comes back to the fore that we are
individual nations who are
not always even coordinated internally,
but definitely not coordinated
effectively externally between all of
us.
And that
by trying to improve the quality of the
shared environment that requires
different actors and agents to behave in
different ways. And it can feel to some
like they're having the brakes pressed
on them while other people are getting
away on a free ride. You've got this
free rider problem.
How do you
how like how do you suggest that
especially developed countries that are
going to have to potentially go to their
citizens and say, "Hey, your quality of
life is going to
stagnate or or perhaps even get more
difficult, more expensive, more
whatever."
Um,
have you thought around
not necessarily from a public messaging
standpoint, but just like culturally how
do you deliver this message to people
because we're not it's not in our nature
to say, "Oh, like sorry the people in
Chad or or Zimbabwe or whatever needs to
have better access to whatever.
Don't don't worry people of Chad. Like
I've got you." Like that's just not
that's not in our nature and it's very
difficult in an age of the internet and
sort of quippy sound bites and TikTok
length videos, it's way too nuanced and
subtle to get across, but the
alternative is to kind of use a more
doomsday scenario which kind of just
blanket coverages everything with fear
and terror, and that also is not only
not accurate, but doesn't necessarily
have
the desired outcome. So, have you have
you kind of conceived this what a what a
like climate culture 3.0 would look
like?
Yeah, I mean, I think I think part of
this has come come down to the fact that
I think we've often not been very good
on our messaging on this. I think coming
from and I'm part of kind of the
environmental movement, I think often
it's framed as a sacrifice, right? It's
like you have to sacrifice this
um in order to solve this problem. And I
think again again, I think in the past
that might have been true. Um I think
the only solution in the past would have
been you just have to use less energy
and you have to have less stuff and you
have to have It's all about less less
less less.
And I think we're moving to a stage with
the development of many of these
technologies, where you can switch and
it's not necessarily less and it's not
necessarily a sacrifice, it's just
better, right? So, there are
technologies where you can actually just
reduce energy bills. You could create
employment opportunities like and many
of the these growing industries like
they are creating a job boom and they
are creating employment opportunities.
You could get lower energy bills. The
cost of running your car would be lower
on electricity. So, I think there are a
range of solutions there where it's not
necessarily a massive sacrifice. It
actually can just benefit and and
enhance life. So, I think we've done
quite poorly on the messaging on that
because it's all about been about less
less less sacrifice sacrifice sacrifice.
I think in terms of the role of rich
countries and how they contribute to
this dilemma on in lower income
countries is that I think the
responsibility of rich countries is they
they need to get their emissions down
first and foremost, right? They've had
high emissions in the UK we've had high
emissions for a real long time. We've
managed to get to a stage where we're
rich. Um we have really high living
standards and in some sense I think it's
just a responsibility to get our
domestic emissions down. But I think the
role that they all rich countries can
also play is that they can also be the
drivers of innovation and deployment of
these low carbon technologies that we
need. And these tend to follow what we
would call a learning curve where so
solar or batteries or wind for example,
the more you deploy them, the lower the
price gets. So, it's like a
self-fulfilling
trend where deploy more prices fall
deploy more. So, what what that means is
that by um pushing these technologies
and innovating on these technologies, we
basically drive down the cost for the
rest of the world. So, we can we can we
can invest money, we can deploy them, we
can make solar batteries, electric
vehicles really cheap, such that people
in lower income countries don't need to
face that trade-off anymore. They can
develop they can follow
um a pathway to really high standard of
living, but they won't follow the
pathway that the UK or the US uh
followed cuz they won't have really high
coal emissions. They won't necessarily
drive a petrol or a diesel car. So, I
think that's the the big role that rich
countries can play. And again, I don't I
don't think it's necessarily this big
sacrifice that's often made out to be.
What about China? Obviously, it's often
brought up in this discussion as a
country that is quite developed, but
also
I have no
you will probably know how much truth
there is in it. They built more
coal plants or
whatever plants in the last however many
years than and so on and so forth. The
point being that the the the free rider
of free riders would be China. What
What's the truth about that?
I don't think China's a free rider. I
think it's true that they are and they
they produce they're the highest emitter
and they produce a lot of coal um and
they
are still building coal plants, but I
think the the kind of paradox there is
that they are actually just leading
completely on low carbon technologies.
Like they're building solar and wind so
fast. They are uh pushing really hard on
electric vehicles. So, the biggest uh
car uh electric car company now is not
Tesla, but BYD, which is a a Chinese
company. Um they are dominating the
supply chains for these minerals. They
are they are seeing this as an economic
opportunity. And in some sense, they're
going to start pushing a lot of western
manufacturers out of the market because
they've been slipping.
Um and I think that's the kind of
general trend of where that's going. So,
China
is deploying these technologies really
quickly. As an example, last year China
produced or or uh installed enough solar
and wind to power the UK or France. And
they're adding that in one year.
Um so, they are building this stuff
really quickly. And to the extent where
and we're really bad at predicting
peaks, so I'm not going to put a
definitive peak on it, but some people
have been talking about well if China's
emissions could peak this year or next
year. Just because they're building low
carbon technology so quickly. So, that's
the paradox of China or like they are
still producing lots of coal, but
they're also really leading the way on
low carbon technologies. Again, not
necessarily because they really really
care about climate change. They're doing
it for the economic opportunities,
they're doing it for employment, there's
an opportunity there. Um which to me in
some sense is a positive, right? Because
it's really hard. I would love everyone
to be really passionate about climate
change, but that's just not the reality.
So, you need to create other incentives
for people to act. And the the key point
there is that people will just act
because it's economic to do so, and you
get the side benefit of yes, we reduce
carbon emissions and we also reduce air
pollution. So, for me in some sense
that's also a positive.
Yeah. I mean, this seems to be the
kind of like one of the
I don't know, one of the the laws of
physics of of climate change or of of
impacting it in an effective way, which
is show me the incentives and I'll show
you the outcome. You know, before Tesla
came along at least in the West,
driving an electric car wasn't a status
symbol.
So, the incentive of I want to buy a
vehicle that I look cool in and it gives
me prestige and people think that I'm
like trendy or whatever for driving it,
wasn't happening so much with a Prius.
It was like a political statement. To
drive a Prius was a political statement.
Um whereas if you can make the thing
that you want people to do
also the thing that they want to do,
then you're swimming downstream. And
yeah, totally. If if this is the way
that it is and if
getting reliable energy from solar, from
wind, from other stuff. I've heard a lot
of criticism around the reliability of
it, Germany's problem that they've had
where they've had to like retrofit gas
and then obviously they became super
dependent on
an area of the world that was dominated
by a war for 2 years and then that meant
that their prices were going up and are
all the Germans going to freeze in the
winter and all this stuff.
Um but presumably all of these are just
I would imagine teething problems that
are only going to be made by one
country. And moving forward it's like
don't do a Germany. Like if you ever
make yourself into, you know, like one
of those quotes that's if you meme'd
yourself into an energy uh
energy strategy, that's probably a bad
idea. But yeah, if we can get it to the
stage where
it's both more economically viable
and
also impacts the environment in a
positive way that like
that's literally the best if if the
people that we and
I don't know, I've been super critical
of China,
but I do sometimes find myself like
leaning into the
they're almost like immoral. It's like
an immoral country somehow and they they
you know that they um
they would because they're antagonistic
or adversarial with the West that
they're doing things to try and you know
they're completely disregarding the
environment. Like that's not necessarily
the case. Like so, I need to kind of
fact check my
thought check myself and I do do that.
But the point being that we presume
China has more priorities than simply
the climate. And yet if they've managed
to build sufficient renewable energy to
power the UK or France in the last year,
you go okay, that if if we can encourage
them to do it, then countries that are
part of the
G20 or whatever other organization,
it should be pretty easy. Yeah. I mean,
there I mean, there's I mean, range of
examples that like I
I in the book I give the example of like
on a personal level like my brother.
Now, my brother bought a Tesla
and he didn't buy a Tesla cuz like he
really really cared about climate
change. He just bought a Tesla cuz a
Tesla was cool and it was a really nice
car to drive. Like he sat on one and was
like this is the best thing ever. I'm
going to get a Tesla. And obviously
massively cut his carbon footprint, but
it wasn't necessarily because of
climate. I think another like clear
example there is that like in the US
there's obviously there is a very
quite strong partisan divide on climate
where like left are really pro climate
policies and a lot of people on the
right are are less so. But then you look
at what which states in the US are
producing the most renewable power and
the top five five states with the
largest amount of wind in their energy
sector are all Republican.
Um and again, they're not doing that for
climate. They're doing it just because
land owners can make money, there's an
economic opportunity, the community
starts to get behind it. And actually,
when you look at kind of messaging
around climate in these kind of
contexts, um the language you use is so
important. So, if you just talk about
clean energy,
many more people are behind it. Like on
the left and the right, everyone loves
clean energy.
Um what they don't like necessarily all
like is talking about climate. And
actually, you ruin the chances of the
clean energy being deployed if you try
to push the climate message too far. So,
I think really gearing the climate
message to like whoever you're talking
to is so important. If you're talking to
someone that's really into climate
change, of course talk about climate.
But if you're talking to someone that's
got a bit skeptical, but they they're
pretty in favor of clean energy, then
you actually can actively push them away
from it if you try to force the climate
message too hard. Yeah, use the right
language with the right audience. Very
interesting. Let's bring this one home,
Hannah. I really appreciate you for
today. Where should people go they want
to keep up to date with all the stuff
that you do? Where should you send them?
Um, I have a newsletter called
Sustainability by Numbers and I try to
break down all this stuff by numbers.
Um, I have a new book out called Not the
End of the World where I discuss all of
this. And then I work at Our World in
Data where you can find like all of this
data and research on how all of this
stuff is changing. Hell yeah. Thank you,
Hannah. Thank you. If you enjoyed that
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