2028 Presidential Frontrunner: 4 Soldiers Died And Their Names Were Erased | Pete Buttigieg
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Pete Buttigieg warns of a critical juncture facing the United States, characterized by extreme economic inequality where multi-billionaires pay lower taxes than essential workers like teachers and firefighters. He argues that decades of policy failures have severely hindered economic mobility for those not born wealthy, noting that Denmark now offers better prospects for the "American Dream" than America itself. Beyond domestic issues, Buttigieg highlights a nation on the brink due to massive debt, political violence, and collapsing trust in institutions. This systemic decay is exacerbated by dangerous foreign entanglements, specifically President Trump's involvement in an unjustified war with Iran where troops are dying without strategic gain; notably, his administration allegedly erased four soldiers' names from official records to avoid contradicting false ceasefire claims made in Congress.
The discussion extends to the geopolitical landscape involving Israel and Netanyahu, whom Buttigieg criticizes for pursuing an ideology of "Greater Israel" that seeks domination rather than coexistence with Palestinians. He also addresses the looming threat of artificial intelligence and robotics, drawing parallels to industrial job losses from previous decades where technology destroyed workers' identities without adequate safeguards. Without deliberate leadership and responsible policy choices, these advancements could concentrate wealth among machine owners while displacing millions by 2028, particularly in sectors like the Midwest auto industry. Buttigieg insists that society must choose between a future of shared prosperity or one defined by extreme inequality, advocating for reforms such as public ownership stakes in AI profits and closing tax loopholes used by billionaires to fund essential services instead.
To address these deep-seated challenges, Buttigieg calls for radical systemic reforms rather than merely returning to past policies that have proven unsustainable due to short-term political incentives. His proposed agenda includes abolishing the Electoral College, implementing Supreme Court term limits with non-partisan selection processes, adopting proportional representation to stop gerrymandering, and banning corporate personhood via Constitutional amendment to limit dark money spending. He emphasizes that authentic leadership in a transparent era requires honesty over polished speeches and acknowledges concerns regarding President Biden's cognitive performance following his debate with Trump as unacceptable for the presidency. Ultimately, Buttigieg stresses that solving national problems demands active participation across ideological divides, urging citizens not to rely on passive hope but to engage in difficult reforms to rebuild ally relationships, manage security threats from nations like China, and restore faith in democratic equality before it is too late.
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I'm really worried about where we're
headed as a country. Right now
>> American system is so out of whack that
if you are a multi-billionaire, you
probably pay a lower percentage in taxes
than if you're a school teacher or a
firefighter.
>> You have levels of inequality that we've
almost never seen. There's a rise in
political violence, the collapse in
trust, and the biggest thing of all that
we're facing right now is this massive
debt. But it's now escalated to a level
that no one can ignore.
>> How How do you think this plays out?
>> I mean, you know, we're on the brink of
losing our democracy and we're running
out of time to do something about it.
>> Secretary Pete Buttigieg, Trump made a
lot of promises when he came into power.
Keen to get your perspective on the Iran
war.
>> So the president can't explain why we're
there. There's a lot of reasons to
suspect that we're just at war cuz he
wanted us to. And now he can't figure
out how to get us out of it. Troops have
lost their lives. [music] Prices are
higher. You're paying more for gas and
for food, for for mortgages because of
this war. And so the the next president
will be doing this at a big disadvantage
because so many relationships with our
allies have been burned.
>> So I'm keen to get your perspective on
the AI, good, bad? Should we implement a
wealth tax? Is there anything you
respect about Trump? But also greater
Israel, for example. What does Netanyahu
want in the region? And then be the
first person in a presidential candidate
to be openly gay?
>> Uh definitely the first person who's
considered to have a shot. And when I
finally made peace with this [music]
reality
that I was gay, I was well into my 20s
cuz I wanted so bad for it not to be
true.
And I'd like to believe we'll get to a
day when it's just
not a thing.
No one cares.
>> Secretary Pete Buttigieg, are you going
to run to be president in 2028?
>> Um
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>> [singing]
>> Secretary Pete Buttigieg, how are you
feeling about the nature of
politics at the moment? But I should
probably say the nature of American life
at the moment.
>> I'm really worried about where we're
headed as a country. I think many ways
our our entire existence has been about
creating a different kind of political
system and introducing it to the world.
That's what we're about. And now that
whole project is in question. That whole
project is In my view, it's on the
brink.
>> On the brink?
>> Yeah.
>> What do you What do you mean by that?
>> I mean, we're on the brink of losing our
democracy. The whole idea of this
country, the whole idea of overthrowing
a king
was that everyday life would get better
if we set up a country where the people
are in charge of the government instead
of the other way around.
And now we're in this moment where after
all of the things we've gone through for
decades, for 250 years,
it's not clear if that's going to work
out.
I think it will. I believe it will if we
do what we have to do.
But that means reforming, tuning up,
changing that political system
because the the problems in that
political system help to explain
all of the economic problems
that I think so many Americans are
living with, where you've had enormous
economic growth and shockingly little of
it making it into people's pockets.
Where you have
levels of inequality that we've almost
never seen
in this country. And then the other
thing is
there's there's the American promise in
terms of the system, the politics, the
government, democracy, the America's
gift to the world. Creating democracy.
But there's the economic version of
that, which is the American dream.
Like the idea that no matter how you
start,
no matter who you are,
you can come out ahead of where you
started economically. That used to
happen for nine out of 10 Americans.
Statistically,
the place where you're most likely to
live out the American dream right now is
Denmark.
And I want that to be America.
>> And systemically, if we just think from
a high level, what is the what is the
essence of of why Denmark is a better
place for the American dream? What are
the systemic problems? Is it with the
current administration? Is it with the
perspective on what a good life looks
like in America? Or is it greed? Or is
it something else?
>> Well, I wouldn't say it's just the
current administration. I mean, I think
I think the current administration isn't
helping, but I I think the problem is
much deeper than that. Uh a lot of it is
the last 30 or 40 years, we've had
policies in this country
that make it harder to get ahead if
you're not already starting out well
off. Even just the way our taxes work,
they they they tax work
more than they tax wealth. That's really
catching up to us. I mean, it has
created problems. I believe it's created
problems for decades, but you feel it in
a different way now.
And when inequality reaches a certain
level,
and when the inequality of power follows
the economic inequality to a certain
level, that's when I think you start to
have earthquakes in in the society and
what it feels like to live in this
country. And I think we're going through
those earthquakes. Uh not just Trump and
everything he represents, but the rise
in political violence,
the collapse in trust in our society.
All of these things I think are related
to that.
And we're running out time to do
something about it.
>> Trump made a lot of promises when he
came into power.
>> Mhm.
>> He won in a bigger than expected
victory, I would say. Why does he
resonate?
>> Well, first of all,
I think he speaks to a lot of people who
know that the system has let them down.
And even though I think he's somebody
who really benefits from the system
as it is, it's made him rich and kept
him rich. You know, his message was,
"I'm going to blow it all up."
And I think he's blowing up all the
wrong things. But look, if if the
system's let you down, you know, you're
only going to vote so many times within
that system before somebody comes along
says, "I'm going to blow it all up." And
you say, "Well,
I I might not even like the guy, but uh
I'll give him a shot to see if that
makes me better off." Now, I also think
he lied to a lot of people. Um
you know, some people voted for him
because they believed him when he said
he's not going to start a new war.
Many people voted for him because they
believed him when he said, "On day one,
he was going to start lowering costs."
And right now, inflation's higher than
it was the day he took over.
So, these promises weren't true,
but they spoke to something that I think
a lot of people had on their mind that
that made a lot of people willing to
burn things down.
And there's a lesson for my party in
that. I'm obviously passionately against
many destructive things that he's doing.
That doesn't mean the answer is to
quote-unquote reverse the damage, put
everything back the way it was.
>> Mhm.
Because I you're right that that the
Democrats have a lot of responsibility
here.
Um for a lot of reasons. I think the
very fact that Trump was voted into
power says something about how people
felt with the previous administration,
which was a Democratic administration.
What responsibility does the Democratic
Party have for getting the country to a
place where they thought Democrats
weren't the solution?
Because that's kind of I think a lot of
people thought that's just like more of
the same. Yeah.
Maybe
people are getting increasingly I think
across the Western world by the looks of
it increasingly tired with like
politicians
saying these like cute words and like
we're going to help the working people
and blah blah blah blah and being very
polished and then you see this these
other figures that have come in and said
I'm not a politician. Yeah. And as you
say, I'm going to burn it down. And for
some reason people are choosing that.
>> Yeah. Even though when they do usually
that person makes it worse and so that's
why the president's unpopular. But the
president is unpopular. To your point,
that doesn't mean people are
automatically going to trust Democrats.
>> Yeah.
>> Right? Uh so I mean the answer to your
question is yes, Democrats have a
responsibility
to present something that is better not
just better than now, but it's got to be
better than before. The fact remains a
lot of these results have unfolded on
you know, kind of regardless of who's in
power.
>> Are you going to run to be president in
2028?
>> I don't know. Um
I would have to believe and this is how
I've approached every every time I've
decided to run for office.
It's
looking at everything that the office
seems like it needs
not just generally but in that moment.
And then looking at what I bring to the
table and asking myself, okay, am I
bringing something that's different
enough from what others are bringing
and that fits like that moment. Like
that's what led me to run for mayor
which is a pretty unlikely move in in
South Bend, Indiana when I was in my
20s.
It's what led me to run for president
when I did almost eight years ago now.
>> Oh, you're in what's here? Secretary. Um
you said politics often favors someone
who is completely different to the
current leader.
And that you could not be more different
from Trump.
I quote, an intellectual young
gay mayor from the Midwest.
You know, Amazon have this really
interesting thing when they hire people
um which we've copied. They every time
you meet someone you have to vote one of
four things. You either vote strongly
not inclined,
inclined,
and strongly inclined. So, you've got
four options when you interview someone.
We do the same in our company now. We
took it from them. And the whole idea
here is to prevent people from sitting
on the fence, which is like what is your
inclination?
So, if I presented you with those four
options as it relates to you running for
president in 2020 as things stand, and
this is just a balance of probability,
are you inclined,
not inclined, strongly not inclined,
strongly inclined?
>> Um
>> On these podcasts, nobody ever tells the
bloody truth. This is why it's difficult
sometimes to interview politicians, cuz
we all have an inclination, right?
>> Yeah, I mean, one of the reasons why I
hesitate to to talk in those terms is
because you know that like people are
going to run with it and it'll be this
like news of the day thing and it'll,
you know, it'll kind of dominate the
next couple of days when you're trying
to talk about something else. But
>> Does the truth just not matter more
though than the consequence of the truth
in this regard?
>> Yeah, but the truth about like what you
know, what I'm maybe going to do like
there's a there's a level of like not
even being certain
some of the things I'll have to weigh.
Like before having made a decision like
this before,
I can tell you that there's
the read
>> I need to the inclination.
>> Like I'm I'm obviously not to one end or
the other.
>> Yeah, okay. So, you're not those two.
>> I think I'm
like more inclined than not.
>> Okay. Then
I appreciate
>> Um
But there's so much we don't know.
There's so much I don't even know about
what's going to happen this year, let
alone you know, what we need to know
later.
Um
And this is not
you know, the weight of a decision like
that. And I don't just mean like the
national political weight, but just like
the weight of a decision to run for
office for you and your family,
which frankly I did not fully understand
but until I had kids. Uh that's changed
all of my equations.
>> Mhm.
>> [clears throat]
>> Um it it's just something that you
really sit with and take seriously. At
least you you should.
>> One of the big things that people are
talking about at this moment in time is
the Iran war. Yeah. And this feeds into
some of the points we were touching on
around promises kept and not kept.
What is going on
in plain terms? Cuz Americans are
getting lots of messages. We've
destroyed everything in Iran, the
military bases are all gone, and then
we're back at war and American lives
have have been taken.
>> Right.
>> Can you help us see through all of this?
>> I think what's going on is the president
has painted himself and the country into
a corner.
There was a a moment where it seemed to
him that he was better off politically
if we were at war.
Even though he promised that we wouldn't
be, even though a lot of his supporters
didn't want the war, and certainly the
the American people as a whole don't
want it. But, he was under a lot of heat
over cost of living,
over the Epstein files, which was
dominating the conversation every day,
being proven to be as connected to an
infamous pedophile
as Jeffrey Epstein, and then doing
everything he could to cover up
disclosures about it, right? This is
something that obviously was something
that was creating a ton of heat on the
president. Meanwhile, there's a lot of
people in his ear every day,
and some of them, from American
politicians to people around the world,
would really like to see him go to war.
>> Why?
>> Well, it's kind of the tradition of the
Republican Party is to generally be more
pro-war, right? That's I mean, that you
know, my coming of age was at the time
of the Iraq war.
In fact, a big part of what kind of
pulled me fully into politics was being
opposed to the Iraq war.
>> One of the things that a lot of people
won't know about you is that you did
actually go and serve
your country. I got some photos of you
here serving. And I think got your
parents I think post Afghanistan as
well.
>> Yeah, so the day I got back.
>> I just think it's important for people
to know that you can speak to this quite
accurately having served your country.
>> Yeah, man. I know what it feels like to
get on a
gray tail airplane that's taking you
into a war zone and and wondering what's
waiting for you there. Where we are now
is a lot of troops are in that
situation. They're in harm's way.
And
the president doesn't seem to have a
plan. He can't explain why we're there.
He's said it's for regime change. He's
said it's for unconditional surrender.
He's said that it's to get deal with
their nuclear program, but last year he
said they obliterated the nuclear
program.
And so it
does a lot of reasons to suspect that
we're just at war cuz he wanted us to
be.
And now he can't figure out how to get
us out of it.
And it appears that any way forward
leaves us worse off
than we were before the war.
Prices are higher.
Troops have lost their lives.
And it seems like the least bad options
still involve Iran having more control
over the Strait of Hormuz than they were
asserting. But here we go. Most
Americans shouldn't have to be worrying
about the Strait of Hormuz. They got
enough to worry about.
And a year ago we weren't. That was not
a problem. Whatever was going on in the
Strait of Hormuz did not feel like it
was a problem.
You know, where I live in Michigan. And
now it is.
>> Why though? What What was the like
domino effect that caused him to go,
"You know what?
I think we can just go in there,
decapitate the leader
>> Yeah.
>> and and that's victory."
>> Obviously this is a question for the
president, but honestly
I don't fully understand why they would
do something like this, especially
because we know
like you didn't have to be like an
expert in international affairs and
security studies to know
if we actually attacked Iran
they were going to shut down the Strait
and try to the world economy.
The It was literally the most obvious
next thing that could happen.
And yet it seems like
he either didn't understand or didn't
believe. Surely he was told this. We
know in fact it's been reported that he
was told this.
And he did it anyway.
So, how does that happen? I mean, I have
long given up trying to see into the
mind of this president.
>> Dare I say, if you are president in
2028, this could be your responsibility
to resolve.
>> I mean,
I really hope that the next president
isn't facing this war dragging on into
2029, but I mean, yeah, one thing we
have learned is that it is harder to
stop a war than it is to start one,
which is why if you have any other
reasonable choice, you don't start one.
>> So, what are you going to do if you are
president?
>> Look, the next president will face a
complicated, violent,
and challenging Middle East and world
map, no matter what.
And the next president's going to have
to deal with that
while dealing with a more assertive
China,
and a
dramatically, swiftly evolving security
landscape, partly because of things like
AI.
>> Mhm.
>> But just as you and I are sitting here
now, there's a lot of headlines about a
big safety issue created by an AI model
that was supposed to not even be able to
access the internet, managing to get
itself on the internet and hack into
another company to get the answers to a
test that it was told to solve, right?
And that's as of today
in 2026. The things that could be going
on by 2029
are surely going to change
both what we're up against and what's
possible.
Look, in the same way that there was a
nuclear hotline between Washington and
Moscow,
because it turns out
even while at each other's throats in a
lot of ways, one thing that
Americans and Soviets didn't want was to
incinerate the planet.
>> Mhm.
>> There's going to have to be some way for
countries that do not trust each other
on things like making sure AI doesn't
lead to bio weapons being made by rogue
actors or even individual actors.
Making sure that it doesn't lead to
nuclear proliferation or any number of
other problems, right? That could
happen. So, the security picture I think
will be more challenging for the next
president than it's been for
any president since the Cold War.
>> So, what kind of president in terms of
mentality or character experience do you
think can meet those challenges?
>> Well, you need somebody who's deliberate
and decisive.
Uh those two things sometimes are in
tension because deliberation means you
slow down, you look at what's going on,
and you think about it.
>> Mhm.
>> But, decisive doesn't mean that you
immediately make a call every time a
question is put to you. It does mean
that you once you feel like you've got
enough information,
you make a decision, you own the
consequences of that decision, you move
on to the next decision.
And I think in terms of kind of
character and style, we're going to need
both of those things. We're going to
need wisdom, we're going to need
judgment.
And we're going to need judgment that is
not twisted or changed or colored or um
biased
based on
corrupt reasons. And the reason I
mention that is because right now
we've got for the first time ever out of
all of our presidents
uh
a president whose family is making
billions of dollars
from things that are sometimes directly
connected to the decision
of a foreign government. Right? Uh there
was one government in the Middle East
that put hundreds of millions of dollars
into the family crypto fund of this
president.
You got Saudi Arabia investing in the
first family's business interests to the
tune of I believe a couple of billion
dollars for the president's son-in-law,
right?
And we just can't afford with everything
that's on the line right now
to have the next president be
someone who could remotely be influenced
by those kinds of considerations given
everything that's on the line for the
American people and for American
security.
>> When you look at that the picture um in
Iran, it's all well and good saying we
have to uh we have to get out of there,
but how?
>> No, the only good way to do it is to not
be there in the first place. Yes, it's
too late for that. And so, as is often
the case in difficult decisions that
executives face, it will be finding the
least bad combination of options, which
probably means engaging a lot of other
countries, a lot of regional partners,
uh a lot of allies. Now again, the next
president will be doing this at a big
disadvantage
because
so many relationships with our allies
have been burned.
It turns out you you build relationships
with allies not just out of friendliness
or cuz it's neat.
You do it cuz you're going to need each
other someday. And the worse something
is, the more difficult a problem. It's
just like life.
You know, the times I'm quickest to call
a friend are the times when I'm hurting
the most or feel like I I I need help
the most. Same is true for countries.
The tougher your situation, the more you
got to have friends you can count on. We
are in a very tough situation in Iran.
We will be for a long time. We need our
friends.
>> Cuz you know, you're dealing with a lot
of um dare I say very large ego leaders
around the world.
You got your Putins. I don't even know
who's running around at the moment. Then
you've got China.
Um
does it need a leader with a ego of the
same size?
You cuz I sometimes I think like I I I
think crazy people kind of respect crazy
people.
You know, in which way?
>> I think a lot of different ways to deal
with people like that.
But I think the the most useful is to
earn a level of credibility.
And when we're talking with allies, a
level of trust.
When you're talking with adversaries,
it's maybe not the same thing as trust,
but it is credibility. That when you say
you're going to do something or you seem
like you're going to do something,
you're going to do it.
It means less energy gets wasted on
guesswork.
And it means you have just a little more
stability. I think something all of us
are looking for in the world right now
is for it to just be a little more
stable.
And
by the way, the way to do that is not to
like rewind and imagine that we can make
the world look the way it looked in
the '90s or the '50s. It's not like
that. We're going to have to find new
ways to create a stable future.
But
look, there there are as many different
kinds of personalities in world leaders
and presidents as there are, you know,
in humanity in general. But it'll need
to be somebody who, like I said, is
deliberate and decisive, tough and fair,
and credible.
>> Yeah, the the the Iran situation is
particularly
particularly uncertain for many reasons.
In part because I don't know who the
leadership there is anymore. In part
because they it seems like they will now
control the Strait of Hormuz, or at
least use it as leverage, really
respective of what outcome takes place.
And in part because you still have this
nuclear threat.
>> Yeah.
>> Um but they are probably now more
motivated to develop nuclear weapons
than they probably were under Obama when
he signed that
that agreement with them.
>> Yes, they may have less capacity, but
they certainly have more motivation at
this point.
>> Would you let them develop nuclear
weapons if you were president?
>> No. They should not be allowed to have
nuclear weapons. Uh a nuclear-armed
Iran, I mean, look at the malevolent
activities that they already have
pursued with conventional means,
terrorist groups around the region,
around the world. Like this is not a
regime,
certainly not in its current form or
anything resembling its current form,
that could ever be trusted with nuclear
weapons. No.
Different presidents, each of the last
few presidents, had a way of making sure
that that never happened.
The best way to do that was through
diplomacy. That was the whole point of
the Obama deal.
The first Trump administration tore up
the Obama deal,
but couldn't get a better deal. And
then, when the Biden administration was
trying to get a better deal.
It was very hard to work across the
table to get the Iranians to negotiate
because they remembered that it was
Trump who tore up the Obama deal, right?
It's part of what I mean when I talk
about credibility. It doesn't mean that
people across the table have to like
you.
It means they have to have some sense
that it's at least worth dealing with
you, right?
And there's not a lot of that given that
kind of instability, that pattern that
we face. You know, I followed American
politics I think since I was about 10.
One of the things I've never heard
mentioned so much in politics is
Israel. Mhm. It appears to me as a
objective observer that the subject of
Israel is now so central to politics.
>> Yeah.
>> Why?
What's going on with the the US's
relationship with Israel and the public
sentiment towards Israel?
>> Well, it's getting a lot of attention
because many very important things are
at stake and they've been put into
conflict with each other.
Right.
And each of those things is a valid
thing, at least in my opinion. And then
I'll name three. One, which has become
very challenging for many Jewish
Americans, is the safety of Jews around
the world and in America.
Theoretically, that could be separated
from what's happening in Israel and
Palestine. But in the real world,
there's been a relationship
between between what's going on there
and an explosion in anti-Semitism that
has many American Jewish families afraid
for their safety. Another thing
is the
safety and dignity of Palestinian people
who in Gaza, but not only in Gaza,
have been subjected to horrific violence
and in my opinion, war crimes.
And alongside that,
there is the safety and dignity of
people in Israel
who we have a security relationship with
as a country and have since the since
the Jewish state of Israel was founded.
The future and survival of Israel as a
Jewish state.
And
a country that is still responding to
the worst day of the most violence
against Jews since the Holocaust.
Those three things, I believe in
principle
can be honored at the same time. In
fact, I believe in principle they have
to be honored at the same time.
>> Is that what Netanyahu wants?
>> No. I don't think he is remotely
interested in
the safety and dignity and security of
Palestinian people. I think he believes
that uh he would be better off if they
didn't exist.
Or at the very least, he doesn't want
them around, right? And so we see a
policy which
obviously has led to what it did in
Gaza, but also in the West Bank
which gets less attention, maybe because
there's been
fewer deaths there, but uh
pretty horrific behavior and conduct and
violence
from settlers
that is part of a project of making it
impossible for there to be a
secure, viable Palestinian state.
>> So what does Netanyahu want in the
region?
>> Well, I don't know that I'm much more
capable of seeing into the mind of
Netanyahu than I am seeing into the mind
of Trump, but looking at his choices,
it seems that he wants to be able to
assert
domination of
uh any other regional player.
And something that is beyond just
security and safety for the people of
Israel, which is something that I
believe in and something I think is hard
to argue with,
but something else, which is a
project of
taking over what is called Greater
Israel uh in his ideology, in his
worldview.
>> Greater Israel, yeah, Eretz Israel.
>> Which is a vision that does not have a
lot of room for Palestinians
anywhere between the river and the sea.
He won't say it in those terms,
but
if you look at his actions,
it is hard to believe that he is
comfortable with anything less.
>> What's your take on how Trump has
treated Netanyahu in that relationship?
Is that the relationship you would have
had?
>> It's not the relationship I would have.
Um I think like all things with Trump,
it's pretty transactional. It's
instrumental. It's what's in it for me.
And I think part of how that has
developed into a frenemy relationship
now is that
you know, the relationship that maybe
served him well politically is not so
good for him now because among other
things, Netanyahu has an interest in a
continued US presence in an Iran war
that has gone from being something Trump
would thought would be politically
useful for Trump to something that is
politically dangerous for Trump.
>> How How do you think this plays out,
Secretary
What what do you think happens? You
know, I said there I sort of
hypothesized that by 2028 this will
still be dragging on because from my
perspective, you're either going to kind
of lie to the American public and say
that and declare some kind of victory,
>> Hm.
>> or you're going to stay in there. There
I can't actually see a third option
personally. So, how how do you imagine
this playing out?
>> It's going to be hard to get out of
Iran. Like we just cannot
First of all, the president has already
backpedaled a lot, even though he would
never admit it,
on what we're there to do. Cuz he said
unconditional surrender, that's not
happening. He said regime change, regime
hasn't changed. We went from Ayatollah
Khamenei to Ayatollah Khamenei Jr. At
least on paper. Who knows if the guy's
alive, but the regime is alive. But the
regime's entire ideology is based on
hating the United States, right? And now
that the United States has done this,
hard to believe that's going to change.
There will have to be an exit that is
very unlikely to be the unconditional
surrender that Trump promised.
But it has to be something that is
tolerable to this country, to our
country, to Americans, which includes
passage through the Straits of Hormuz.
And the only way to do that, I think,
is with a lot of international partners
who want the same thing to happen.
Remember, anyone who is to Iran is
feeling more economic pain even than we
are from what's happening in the
Straits.
>> China and
>> Yes, because East Asia relies on oil and
and goods that go through there more.
>> Mhm.
>> So, I think what you're going to have to
have is a regional and international
partnership
that
ensures something at least resembling
free passage of goods and security
without the US sending troops in there
or continuing to be a war. It's it's
it's seems like the only way, but it's
unquestionably worse than where we were
a year ago before the war started.
>> Did you hear recently that Trump
mentioned, I think it was at the G7
summit, we run out of reserves about 4
weeks. You know, there are reserves all
over the world and we would really run
out and there'll be time when we
wouldn't be able to get it. It would be
bedlam. And he made these comments last
month, 2026 at the G7 summit, in regards
to the amount of oil the United States
have left in the reserves. He was I
think he was framing it around why he
signed this memorandum of understanding,
this agreement with them. But, you know,
in the last week we've gone back to war
in the Strait of Hormuz appears to be
closed again.
>> Right.
>> So, when we think about oil reserves and
how that impacts ordinary Americans and
what might be around the corner. Like,
there's a real pressure here
to find a solution and to find a quick
>> Yes, I mean, look, this is why he signed
an MOU
that was frankly more on Iranian terms
than American terms. I mean, the
ceasefire, so-called ceasefire,
emerged from a deal that was really us
responding to what Iran came up with,
not vice versa. Again, he said he was
out for regime change and unconditional
surrender. We're not even talking about
that anymore. We're nowhere near that.
And now we have is a set of conditions
it's us redlining their texts, not the
other way around, right? And then he's
trying to figure out how do I go out and
sell that? And so he points out
something that is true. Sometimes he
tells the truth when it serves him. And
when he was trying to explain why he
backpedaled on his war goals,
the way he explained it was by admitting
that there was a level of economic
vulnerability
that was unleashed by closing the
strait, which is what Iran did to
respond to the US attacks, right?
But the problem is that ceasefire is not
happening, at least not as you and I are
sitting here right now.
Still a hard thing for them to admit.
You know, in the same way that
he took out a Sharpie to modify a
hurricane map rather than acknowledge
that he was mistaken about some detail
uh during a national disaster once.
His administration deleted four names
from the ranks of those killed in action
in this conflict
because they were afraid that listing
their names
would contradict him saying that we had
a ceasefire.
>> Really?
>> Yeah.
At least that's the only explanation I
can think of.
The crazy thing is all of us know
there's a war. We've even had moments,
remember I think it was Secretary Rubio
said in Congress
where there's
punishment for lying. You know, you're
supposed to lie to Congress.
He said the war's over.
We all know the war's not over.
>> Are they stuck?
Cuz they seem a bit stuck to me. I was
watching Hegseth in in front of I think
it was Congress. Yeah, it was Congress
the other day and they're just repeating
his quotes back to him over and over and
over and over again.
>> Yeah, cuz how's he supposed to explain
that we're in a war that supposedly we
already won?
That we're not getting any of the things
that were supposedly worth going to war
over.
And that the bill for this keeps getting
bigger in terms of tax dollars. I think
his latest number was 37 and a half
billion dollars.
It's our money, all of us as American
taxpayers.
And of course the cost in lives.
And the cost in terms of everything in
America starting with gas being more
expensive. They don't want to be
explaining that, right?
But they don't have a great way out
either.
And
they're not prepared to lead us to a
better place cuz they don't even know
what it looks like.
>> Is there anything you respect about
Trump?
>> Sure.
Um
I think he has been able to
create the impression
of a bias for action.
And I think he gets a lot of credit for
that. I think in general and especially
in government
there's a lot of hand ringing. Like, oh,
we got to have a 19-step process to get
all these things exactly. I saw this
during my four years trying to get stuff
built in this country
as Secretary of Transportation that
there were so many hoops and so much red
tape.
And he comes in and he says like, don't
not do that. We're just going to do
this. Yeah.
Often what he's doing turns out to be
illegal and it gets reversed. And
obviously I think most of his policies
are probably destructive. But I I think
you have to respect the effect that he
has had
with that kind of bias toward just doing
something. And I think we could learn a
bit from that.
>> Is that a case for less politicians in
power and more entrepreneurs?
>> Look, I I think he's a politician
through and through. I think that on
some level
every CEO is a politician.
Every general is a politician. Every
bishop is a politician. You just reach a
certain level
where part of what you're doing, if
you're being honest with yourself, is
is what is considered politics. Which by
the way, I don't mean it in a pejorative
way. I mean it's
organizing people's choices
loyalties
and organizing power in order to get
things done.
>> I think the difference I I I understand
what you're saying. I think the
difference especially with founders is
um founders got from
started at zero and got somewhere
because
they had to be like highly
have a high bias to action.
>> Yes.
>> Believe that walls were made of paper
and be disruptive in some I mean that
the reason they were successful is
because of disruption.
>> Yeah, the best thing about founders is
they see something that could be
>> Yeah.
>> and the way things are just doesn't even
bother them.
>> They just see that vision and they just
go after it and they blow through every
wall between them
>> Yeah. and getting it done.
>> That's the best thing about founders.
The worst thing about founders if from a
political perspective is that sometimes
because they were so good at one thing,
like uniquely sometimes world
historically good at one thing,
they imagine that they're good at
everything.
>> Yeah.
>> Now, that's not just a problem with
founders, that's probably lots of smart
people.
>> Yeah.
>> But politics requires you to be a little
bit humble about how much you don't know
and surround yourself by people who are
smarter than you at whatever it is
they're in charge of and not imagine
that you've got all the answers.
>> Founders hate bureaucracy.
>> Yeah.
>> This is why they often
>> I mean look, I'm pretty impatient with
bureaucracy, too. Like I I believe in
the idea of a policy entrepreneur who
can recognize
here's a problem, here's a whole bunch
of solutions and here's a window of
opportunity and let's just like line it
all up and make it happen.
>> Also, the laws exist in order to protect
people.
And when we're talking about
bureaucracy, like we're really talking
about laws. Now, sometimes those laws
need to be changed, simplified, stripped
down to the most important things. I
learned this very early on in my time in
office where sometimes I was trying to
get something done as a policy
entrepreneur and somebody tapped the
brakes on me and used a bureaucracy to
do it. You know, sometimes they were
right. Sometimes
they made me better, they made me
sharpen what I was trying to do
by fighting me.
>> The other issue you mentioned a second
ago that I think is going to be really
pertinent over the next 24 months that
is increasing in interest amongst
Americans. I'd say especially young
Americans that are thinking about
getting a job and going into the
workforce is the subject of artificial
intelligence.
>> Uh-huh.
>> Talked to a lot of AI experts on my show
over the last couple of years and I've
also reflected a lot on the different
types of comments that the CEOs of the
big AI companies have made through time
and how those quotes have changed.
>> Mhm.
>> Um if you go back couple of years, it
was doom and gloom.
>> Uh-huh.
>> Um but now that they are running
trillion-dollar companies, the quotes
seem to be a bit more optimistic all of
a sudden.
>> Huh.
>> One thing that I that I think they do
agree on is that there's going to be
significant job disruption, especially
if you look at some of Anthropic's
reports,
>> Yeah.
>> which are the maker of Claude. They
already show that entry-level positions
are at risk first, especially
entry-level knowledge jobs.
>> Huh.
>> And people are scared. First time I I
saw that um Eric Schmidt's speech where
the the crowd the college
audience are booing every time he says
the word AI.
>> Yeah.
>> This is presumably going to accelerate
this sentiment towards AI.
And in part because people are going to
find it harder to get jobs and
they're going to experience more
more of AI sort of permeating through
their life.
>> Right.
>> How do you feel about all of this? What
is the What is the balance of of AI,
good, bad, ugly, risks?
>> I think it can be all of those things
and we've got some decisions to make
about where AI goes.
And the simplest way I put it is this.
Either we're looking at a future where
because of AI we have
a shorter work week
and more money in our pocket.
Or we're looking at a future where there
is even more extreme concentration of
wealth and power in this country than
we've already got.
And which way it goes, which of those
things happen, it's actually not
something that's in the technology. It's
not a tech question.
It's a policy choice.
It's about whether we make sure these
technologies
unfold
in a way that is empowering for families
and workers and college graduates and
manage all of the harms that could come
from it.
Every technology brings good and bad
things. And we've certainly seen that
with digital technology. We've seen it
with social media. We've seen it with
the internet itself. Good and bad things
always.
AI has incredible capabilities.
I think a lot about uh something that's
not usually in the top 10 thing people
talk about, but it's self-driving
vehicles. Easy to be freaked out by
them.
They actually have enormous potential to
save lives. That's just one example of
how we could be better off if we
responsibly develop these technologies.
But if we don't,
I'll tell you what I think could happen.
And I come at this based on where I grew
up, right? I'm from the industrial
Midwest, northern Indiana, a place
dominated by the auto industry.
And starting in the '60s, but definitely
in the '90s when I was growing up in the
early 2000s, there was a huge amount of
job loss because the economy was
changing.
What happened was there were a whole lot
of people who
didn't just lose their jobs. Often they
would lose their jobs, maybe find
another job, maybe be trained to find a
new career even,
but never recovered their sense of
identity.
You're an auto worker, you're in a tool
and die shop, and it's your your whole
sense of belonging revolves around your
job.
Not just your paycheck. It's
how your spouses know each other from
the union picnic. It's it's it's how
you're sponsoring Little League. It's
what you explain, you know, at least in
the US.
We don't even say like what's your job.
We say what do you do, right? What we
mean is what do you do professionally,
but we say what do you do basically as a
way of saying who are you.
And that's true for blue-collar workers.
That's even more true
for white-collar workers.
And so I think that there is a
generation of workers who are about to
have
their
identity, not just their job, their
identity,
disrupted. Whether we can come up with
new sources or better sources of
belonging
than what your job is
could decide everything about what it
feels like and is like to live in this
country within the next few years.
>> And I just think about what you said
there about growing up in the Midwest.
Um
people working in the auto industry
making cars. And you also used the
example of full self-driving vehicles
being a net positive. But when I put
those two things together, I thought,
"Okay, so the people in the factories
are at risk of being replaced by
robotics now." Huge acceleration in
robotics, both humanoid but just
generally intelligent machines, which is
right here. It's not theoretical. It's
not sci-fi anymore. They're building
them right now. And Sam Altman said, "On
the current trajectory, we believe we
may only be a couple of years away from
early versions of true
superintelligence. If we are right, by
the end of 2028 more of the world's
intellectual capacity could reside in
inside of a data center than outside of
them." Dario, who's also the founder of
Anthropic, said,
"If the exponential continues, then it
cannot possibly be more than a few years
before AI is better than humans at
essentially everything." And the quotes
go on and on and on. Dennis from Google
said, "We're only a few years, maybe
within a decade, away from systems that
have general human-level intelligence
across the board." And Elon Musk in an
interview this week talked about how
with robots being physical and
disruption and AI being intellectual
disruption, you now have the perfect
combination where work will become a
choice. What does that mean for those
people in the Midwest? Because Dara, the
CEO of Uber, sat there in front of me
and said the 9 million drivers he had
would be replaced.
And but also now you if I think about
the production line, the people making
the cars as well, theoretically could be
at risk. There's always going to be
something
worth doing with our time.
We need to arrange an economy that
rewards things that are worth doing with
our time, especially things that only
people can do.
Some of that is creative work.
Some of that is very human work like
caregiving. I'm thinking about this more
and more because I belong to this
sandwich generation that's taking care
of kids and aging parents at the same
time.
But whether those kinds of things are
rewarded or not is what I worry about. I
mean, imagine a a world where
just for the sake of imagination
you've got a machine that can make more
and more things. It's like the
replicator from Star Trek. You know, I
love Star Trek as a kid. Captain Picard
goes up to it and he just says like,
"Give me a cup of tea, Earl Grey, hot."
And like,
it happens. Right? Imagine a
some combination of artificial
intelligence and robotics
that
leads to factories where you can kind of
do that.
Over time you need fewer and fewer
people in them.
And that means that
less and less in the economy depends on
the wages that those workers can command
because you need fewer of them.
That means more and more is going to
depend on well, who actually owns
the machine.
By which I mean both the intellectual
property, the AI
and the the physical plant, right?
And that's where we've got to make sure
that the American people own enough of
this or at least to own enough of the
value that's being created
that people's needs can be met.
>> How?
>> Well, there's a lot of ways you can do
it. Uh I think some version of a
dividend makes sense. What I mean by
that is there's some public share.
We can argue about whether it should
come with like a vote like being on a
board or whether it's kind of closer to
a tax. By the way, I think this is also
fair game. I mean, these things trained
on data that all of us put in the world
for free.
These things are based on the internet,
which was created by the American
taxpayer basically free of charge in the
1960s when DARPA uh the Defense Advanced
Research Projects Agency created what
became the internet.
And and now it's time to return more of
that to the American people. If you do
that, we really could have a shorter
work week and more money in our pocket.
But there's a big butt here, which is
it hasn't always worked out that way
with labor-saving technology. 100 years
ago, the economist John Maynard Keynes
wrote
an essay called Economic Possibilities
for Our Grandchildren. He wrote this in
1930, and it was all about what the
world would be like 100 years from then,
so 2030.
And he predicts that the productivity of
our economy
because of automation, technology, all
these things
will go up something like five to
eightfold.
And because of that
really, we're not going to have to work
more than 10 or 15 hours a week.
And so far, we are on track to almost
perfectly match his prediction about
productivity.
But we're nowhere close to that. If
anything, we're working more
right now. So, how does that happen?
Well, it turns out that it has to do
with policy choices about what is or
isn't a good use of time.
And it has to do with social choices,
too. Right? I mean, one question I think
about a lot is
if we go into the best possible
scenario, we get the policy choices
right, we make sure the companies act
right. This is saying a lot, but imagine
that we do.
And we do in fact have, you know, most
of us have a shorter workweek
and more money in our pocket.
How do we know we're going to use our
time well?
Because in many ways, I think many of us
are aching to have more time to use
well. I know, just doing my thing, I
wish I had more time with my kids. This
is always the lament of a politician,
but like anybody in an intense job
wishes they had more time with people
they love.
Well, you know, also a lot of our time
right now is being absorbed by
right? Scrolling.
Things where you spend an hour doing it,
and an hour later
nothing sticks. It's exactly as if you
hadn't. You regret Put your hour Yeah,
or you feel worse, but the hour is gone.
So, we need to figure out how to also be
be stewards of our own time. These, by
the way, are not
just not This This sounds like a very
21st century problem, and in one way it
is. But, you know, the Stoic philosopher
Seneca, the Roman philosophers, writing
about this kind of stuff more than 2,000
years ago, talking about how we are so
careful about who can get our money.
And and and are very up in arms if
anybody looks like they're cheating us
or taking our money.
But, then our time, which is the one
thing where we have every reason to be
uh even more stingy about it than money,
cuz you can get more money, but you
can't get more time in your life,
we let it get wasted in all kinds of
ways.
>> Bernie has this proposal where he
believes we should terminate I was
reading about, you know, you discovering
Bernie I believe in college, right?
Wasn't it you
>> High school, actually.
>> In high school. He has a proposal where
we should take 50% of the stock of these
AI companies, gives the general public
50% ownership and board voting seats to
block job-killing decisions, and
redistribute AI profits directly to
citizens for health care, education, and
housing.
Viable proposal?
>> Part of that overlaps with what I'm
talking about. I do think a public share
of the profits, which could mean a
public share of the ownership, can make
sense. And again, for reasons that I
shared earlier, I I think that would be
fair. I do think we need to weigh
whether the right way to make sure the
public has a say in how these companies
behave is to be on the board
>> Mhm.
>> versus
just have some rules to make sure that
the rules are such that the companies
can do what they do best, create value,
innovate,
but they can't do it in a way that hurts
people, which is generally how
regulation's supposed to work. I mean, I
say this having been in the cabinet of
the Department of Transportation, where
our job was to
regulate companies. So, what that meant
was we have something like the FAA,
right? The Federal Aviation
Administration.
You know, it doesn't create aircraft, it
doesn't invent
uh aviation technology. Uh what it does
is it sets a very elaborate set of rules
to make sure that aviation is safe.
And the consequence of that is actually
an incredible unsung civilizational
achievement. And just in the time I was
Secretary of Transportation, we had 4
billion people get on an airplane. 4
billion passenger airplane minutes on
commercial airplanes. The number of
fatalities was zero.
Zero out of 4 billion.
>> Crazy.
>> There are very few things you can do in
life. I mean, all the way down to like
crossing the street or eating a
cheeseburger.
>> Right.
>> They would have a zero to 4 billion
fatality rate. So, that's an amazing
achievement that happened because
there was is the right framework with
technology and rules. Where you have a
lot of innovation. I mean, the aviation
aerospace sector is known to be very
innovative. But, also you make sure it's
safe.
And it's worth considering that when
we're saying, "Okay, how do we make sure
that these AI technologies develop so
that we can have safer vehicles or you
can get a better
uh uh screening of a
uh of a radiology scan for for cancer or
all any of these other things all the
way down to like, you know, these
amazing ideas about curing cancer,
figuring out nuclear fusion.
Which are urgently important things to
do.
>> Mhm.
>> Without having the kind of AI equivalent
of a plane crash.
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There's There's also just a broader
debate, which I guess in some ways
connected to this at the moment in
America, but actually also across the
Western world. It's happening in the UK
as well.
Around capitalism, socialism,
and um I think a lot of it's driven by
the inequality Yeah. that people are
experiencing. And if my if my memory is
true,
the US has more extreme inequality. It
has more growth GDP growth, but it has
more extreme inequality than a country
like the United Kingdom.
>> Yeah.
>> Um so, socialism is often considered to
be the solution to this inequality.
Mamdani's now the mayor of um New York,
and we're seeing, you know, in the UK,
socialist parties are are becoming more
and more popular. The idea of taxing the
rich is becoming very popular. Big
debate that actually this week in the UK
is,
should we implement a wealth tax on
people who have wealth above 10 million?
>> Mhm.
>> Keen to get your perspective on this.
Yeah. Is socialism, is wealth tax is the
right solution to some of these
problems, some of the inequality?
>> Look, I find socialism is a word that
means less and less the more people use
it. It gets thrown around as a label and
it means different things to different
people. And and I'll I'll I'll take your
example
uh, to illustrate this.
You know, higher taxes for very wealthy
people is an idea that
is broadly popular.
I think it's the right thing to do.
And importantly,
we have a tradition of doing that
already in the United States.
Some of the highest tax There was a
point where the income tax
for the wealthiest tax bracket in the
country
was around 90% in the United States. I'm
not saying we need to go back to that.
I'm just saying
then that was happening in the '40s and
'50s and '60s
when the Cold War was going on and the
US represented capitalism against
communism or some would put socialism
would lump it in with that, right? So,
there is a tradition of the US being a
fully capitalist country
and also doing a better job of heading
off this inequality. And the point of
dealing with the inequality wasn't to
punish the wealthy, it was to make sure
that that level of wealth didn't go off
the rails and that it didn't turn into a
level of political power
that could bring down the whole system.
Which, by the way, is the problem I
think we're facing now. First of all,
our tax system
taxes wealth less than it taxes work.
That's a problem. That's an even bigger
problem now that AI is coming for jobs
because there's basically a thumb on the
scale, a subsidy in effect, from the US
government saying
giving you a little more reason to
automate a job than you otherwise would
because things like capital gains taxes
are coming in lower than things like
income taxes. Now, wealth tax, which is
a property tax by another name,
can be part of the menu of taxes you
have to get enough revenue
and to make sure that outcomes are fair.
You can argue about where to draw the
line. I think some people have proposals
that set it too high. You can also argue
about whether you have to have a wealth
tax or whether you can get the job done
with capital gains and income and other
taxes.
>> But what we know right now
is that our system is so out of whack
that if you are a multi-billionaire
you probably pay a lower percentage of
what you make
in taxes than if you're a school teacher
or a firefighter. We even in percentage
terms, generally tax billionaires less
than we tax millionaires
because again of this system that kind
of favors wealth. So, the more you have
uh the more you make and the less it's
taxed.
Surely we can do better than that.
>> So, you supportive of wealth taxes? And
I'm defining that as
um not taxing income, but looking at the
net worth of somebody and taking a
percentage of their net worth.
>> Yeah, again, to me that's just a
variation on the idea of a property tax.
I think it's legitimate. There are some
problems with doing it uh
in in practical terms.
>> Yeah, this is why it's hard, right? Like
how do you
>> tax like somebody's art collection? Are
there things that can make it tricky?
>> One of the things that I learned when um
I
I had this company it was a public
company, so I had public stock. And
someone came along and said, "Steven,
you know with your your public stock
that you have?" So, started this company
when I was 21, does well, by 27 the
stock that I have is public stock, which
means it's on a stock market. Someone
came to me and at 27 and said, "Steven,
do you know you can just take a loan
against your public stock?" And I went,
"What?" They went, "You can just get a
tax-free loan. So, if your stock is
worth $50 million right now,
they will give you a 50% loan without
paying tax on that on that stock. So,
they will crazy low interest rate.
Like not almost nothing. They will just
transfer you today 25 million dollars in
cash and you will have to pay no tax.
And guess what? If the stock comes down,
they'll just sell it. So, you'll never
really have like a a real sort of tax
liability there.
I couldn't believe this was possible. I
was like, is this what all the rich
people do? And they told me, yes, this
is what how it works. This is what
Elon's doing. Elon is taking a tax-free
pretty much tax-free loan against his
Tesla stock and they're transferring him
a billion dollars in cash. And he can
live off that, start new companies with
that, and never have to have a tax
transaction. So, I thought, why don't
politicians tax that?
>> There's always going to be a cat and
mouse, right? Whenever we figure out a
way to make sure you can't hide all of
your wealth from or all of your income
from being fairly taxed, very wealthy
people will figure out some other place
to hide it.
>> Yeah.
>> And then we'll have to develop a new
policy to deal with that. Well, I guess
my point is that's okay. Too often we
have just
to do anything because it might be hard
or because it might not last.
>> Yeah.
>> But if if the idea that somebody will
figure out a way around this law meant
that you shouldn't have the law, that
would be an argument against having any
law.
>> Mhm.
>> So, it's messy. It's hard. But I am sure
that if we had a more reasonable
rate of taxation on capital gains
and on corporate income, and if we made
it harder to pass along wealth without
especially inherited wealth without
paying any taxes on it, or some of these
other maneuvers like this borrowing
thing you're talking about,
>> Mhm.
>> we would have a fairer country because
we'd still have capitalism. There'd
still be lots of motivation and lots of
reason to innovate and build a business
and create jobs and do all the things
that very wealthy people
have done.
And also, we would be out of this doom
loop we're in where they're saying,
well, we can't possibly have as good
health care as other countries. We
couldn't possibly do something like, I
don't know, fast trains here in the
United States. We couldn't possibly have
rural hospitals be properly funded or uh
public education. Of course we can.
We're the wealthiest economy in the
world. It just doesn't add up
that we can't have nice things.
But,
if we aren't
collecting a fair level of taxes, then
then of course we're going to come up
short when we're trying to fund those
things. And the biggest thing long
uh that numerically that we're facing
right now is this massive debt.
Now, it's not fashionable on the left to
talk about deficits and the debt. Partly
because you know, I think Democrats are
pretty sick of that being invoked as a
reason not to do things like roads and
bridges and schools and hospitals that
we believe in.
But, it's now escalated to a level that
no one can ignore.
It turns out, you know, if some analysis
has suggested or shown that if
you start the clock at the beginning of
this century with the big Bush tax cuts
in I think 2001,
and then you go through the Trump tax
cuts for the wealthiest, you add all
that up, if it weren't for all those tax
cuts,
the debt would actually be going down
right now.
So, they can fully account
for what's happened to the increase in
the debt.
And it we just don't have don't have to
accept that.
>> Got this
graph here of US national debt growth
over that one on the screen between 1970
and 2026.
It looks like a rocket is taking off.
>> Yep.
>> And I sat here with Ray Dalio just a
couple of days ago. He talks about the
sort of big economic boom and bust
cycles. He talks about how every 80
years
>> or so you you kind of see a great power
>> falter and struggle. And we are 80 years
into the American power. And he says
that the writing is on the wall as it
relates to what happens next when you
let that go like this and you start
getting sort of internal conflict and
you start trying to please the world and
>> Yeah. And what's going on with the debt
is both evidence of it and part of the
problem. I think it's a symptom, but in
some ways it's a cause. It could be a
cause of a currency crisis or force us
to
redo our whole tax code within the next
few years. One thing I learned about
recently
uh
is a principle called Stein's law. It's
named after uh Reagan era economist,
actually the father of Ben Stein from if
you remember Ferris Bueller. The
principle is very simple.
If something cannot go on forever,
it will stop.
It's one of these blindingly obvious
things
that we don't think about enough in a
moment like this where everybody agrees
the debt can't keep going up like this.
This is almost definitely definitionally
impossible.
Pretty much everyone agrees our politics
can't go on like this.
And
if something
can't go on forever, it won't.
So then the question is, okay, then
what's going to happen? I believe one of
two things can happen.
Reform
or catastrophe.
And the whole reason I'm involved in
public life is to try to make for make
sure that it's reform
and not catastrophe. Can I
>> ask a question on this? So, on this
Stein's law thing, and and why,
irrespective of what you've just said,
which makes perfect sense to me, this
line keeps going up of national debt? Is
it in part kind of like musical chairs
with politicians where you come in for 4
years
and the music is playing, and you're
kind of hoping that the music doesn't
stop during your term because you want
to spend money because that's
politically
positive. If you're helping people's
health care, if you're building
infrastructure, positive. People are
going to like you more, they're going to
vote you in.
But
the nature of politics means that you
really do play for 4 years. And then
maybe you play for 8.
>> Right.
>> But this might be a 2-decade
catastrophe. The music might stop in 2
decades. So, actually, when you think
about people's incentive structures,
you're incentivized to actually not
think about the future. You're
incentivized to like be remembered and
pass the baton to the next Democrat in 4
years' time in a way that's positive.
So, that's why we're seeing this cuz
clearly if someone was in power for 100
years, or maybe if the time horizon was
even longer,
maybe they would have thought about this
debt rapidly increasing.
>> Yeah, but I think it also comes down to
why why do you think you're here if
you're in office? Like are you in office
just in order to hold it?
>> It seems like that sometimes.
>> It's not worth it. Being in a position
to make a difference and hold public
office like it it's an exciting thing.
It's a compelling thing. It's a
meaningful thing. And it comes with with
a lot of things that are, you know, good
for your ego. I get all of that. But
also,
it's just not worth it unless you
understand that you hold an office
in order to
do things with policy and power to make
people better off, not the other way
around.
>> I guess the American people and
everybody listening now will be
thinking, "Fool me once."
Secretary Pete Buttigieg because I've
sat there and I've watched the elections
and I all of them talk about bringing
down the public debt and and then you I
look at this graph and I go, "Oh, it
goes up again." And Trump says the same
about spending and nope, it's gone up
again.
It almost feels like in a way that
I feel like you're trying to be nice.
No, no, no. I just I don't know. I can
understand where people are sort of
disenfranchised with politics.
>> Yeah, me too.
>> And I wonder if this is why they're
picking a radical, you know, this is why
and so
>> [clears throat]
>> this is why Oh god.
>> [laughter]
>> Because this is disruption. This is kind
of burn it down to some degree and
>> Right. So, this is why everywhere I go
I'm trying to talk to my own party
about making sure that we understand
that
dealing with this
is not
the be-all and end-all. That our mission
can't be to just take power and then go
back to what we had before.
That what we had before is actually what
led to this.
In other words, guys like Trump don't
get very far unless you're already in an
environment where the political and
social and economic systems are letting
people down.
Which is I think how we wound up here.
And I worry there's a big temptation,
there will be a big temptation in my
party
to say, "Okay, our job is to take power,
turn back the clock, reverse the damage,
fix what was broken, and get us back to
where we were, get us back on track. I
hear the word back a lot. I hear the
prefix re a lot. Reverse, rebuild. And
I'm very worried about that distracting
from what our actual mission has to be.
Which is to change and fix things so
that we'll be set up well for the next
80 years.
So that that's a harder project, for
sure. But also sometimes
the incentives change because the public
is ready for something different.
And I think the public tried one flavor
of something different with Trumpism and
is ready to spit it out.
And so the question then is, okay, what
are we offering in its place? And to me,
that's where some very day-to-day things
like
setting up a better health care system
>> Mhm.
>> or
or reducing what we're paying in tariffs
or better infrastructure or any any of
the other policy, you know, paid family
leave, all these policy things that I'd
like to see happen.
Really depend on
fixing a political system that's just
not as sexy.
But
it can be
powerfully motivating because our
country was started by people
who fought a revolution
to change the political system. I just
can't imagine that it was just like
Jefferson and Hamilton and these guys
sitting in their studies
reading, you know, John Locke and
Rousseau and thinking, oh, it would be
neat to try that somewhere. I I I think
that they believed that like their lives
and everybody's lives would be better,
different if we actually had a different
system. And then they risked violent
death
in order to challenge the existing
political system that was the monarchy
and replace it with the republic, the
democratic country that they set up that
is the United States of America, right?
So it's not like this can't stir
passion. Should we not be a country
where everybody's vote counts the same?
That would mean a popular vote for the
presidents. We ought to do that. I just
think everybody's vote ought to count
the same.
And the person who gets the most votes
ought to win.
This is a hard thing for us to buy into
in literally any other election we run
in our political system.
We need to do things like make it just
ban gerrymandering where districts are
being drawn.
So consider this. We have 435 seats in
the house.
Nine out of 10
are so red or so blue
that you basically know who's going to
win
before the first vote is cast. Nine out
of 10.
In a 50/50 country.
That makes no sense. And of course what
it leads to is the people in those seats
are either
very comfortable and not really worried
about being responsive to the people. Or
if they are in danger,
they're in danger from their own side.
What's amazing to me when I look at how
Americans feel about certain big issues,
like making sure there's health care for
everybody, or raising the minimum wage,
or having higher rates of taxes on the
wealthy and on corporations, or
background checks on guns,
or marriage equality for same-sex
couples, all kinds of things. There's
like 60 or 70% agreement
on most of the issues that most people
tell pollsters they care about the most.
So how can we be a country that's got 60
or 70% agreement on issue after issue
after issue?
And we failed to get those policies done
and we keep proceeding like it's normal
to be a 50/50 country where everybody's
at each other's throats. That to me is
evidence of a broken
system. If we don't fix the system, I
don't think we're going to get going to
get very far.
>> It's interesting cuz when I think about
the last sort of 20 years of politics we
had, you know, the the Bush era, then we
had
Democrats and and so on that were very
polished. Bush was kind of very polished
as well. Then we had Biden who was um
very polished, kind of like career
politician, says the right things, reads
off the teleprompter. And then it seems
globally like people wanted some
We had Brexit going on over there. We've
got Nigel Farage increasing in
popularity over the last 10 years or so
as it relates to his political
probabilities. And then over in the
United States, we have Trump arrive.
Again, not a career politician, not
clean, not teleprompter kind of guy. If
Democrats are to win, as you say, it's
certainly not going to go back to the
polished Joe Biden teleprompter.
I almost think that there's going to
need to be some disruptive character on
the left side of politics to get to win
over those independents some of those
Republicans.
Is that Do you agree with that broadly?
>> I think that's right. I mean, I think it
depends what we mean by polished, right?
That can mean a lot of different things,
I think.
Uh but I think you're talking about a
sort of authenticity that people expect.
And the paradox of Trump is he's
authentic even when he's lying. Cuz he
he it just seems like he's, you know,
whatever he is, he's not reading talking
points. At least, that's how it seems. I
think also part of this is just the it's
actually technology thing. So, the
technology that dominated politics for
as long as I've been alive was
television.
And
I think it produced a generation of
people. You know, George W. Bush, Bill
Clinton,
and Donald Trump were all born within a
few weeks of each other.
>> Really?
>> Yeah, they were they were all products
of the summer of I think it's 1946.
Coming out of that generation, Joe Biden
near to them in age, right?
Into whatever is next, I think you're
going to have leaders. I have this can
be
potentially a very good thing.
Who are just a little bit
better able to just kind of show their
humanity. Being a long podcast like this
one, right? Like I remember when long
form meant like maybe a 30-minute NPR
interview. Now, you're sitting for
sometimes two or three hours. I don't
think it's possible as a matter of
physical stamina to stay on talking
points for two two or three hours even
if you wanted to. Like it just you know,
And so, you know, somebody once said
that the running for office is like an
MRI of the soul. Anyway.
But that's even more true now than it
used to be because you just
there's so many different kind of ways
of having to kind of show who you are.
We used to imagine that the people in
charge are just like next level
like on a different plane of existence.
And I think it's become harder and
harder to believe that because it just
we know too much, right?
And so I think we're trading that for
just wanting people that we
have a reason to trust.
>> We see the same across
across business. We talked talked a lot
about it over the last 10 years how
we've shifted from this black box world
where the PR department would pay would
paint the image of the company on the
outside of this black box. And then we
moved because of phones and everyone has
a mobile phone now and a camera in their
pocket and social media platforms so
they can give their own opinion. This
glass box world where actually the job
is to let everybody see inside.
Because if you don't, someone else will
paint the black the box for you. So
actually being defense became the big
CEOs in the world now coming on podcast
and having a personal brand and having a
social media account. I would say I
think the same to politicians that
actually the winning strategy now is
being a glass box which is yeah
build your own reference points through
transparency.
>> Yeah.
>> Which is why the podcast like this are I
think probably going to dominate the
next election cycle to some degree.
>> Yeah, I think it's true not just for
politics for even running and being a
candidate. I think it's increasingly
true for government, too. I mean I I
started to feel this at the Department
of Transportation. You're running this
huge enterprise, 55,000 people, 145
billion dollars. It's bigger than most
GDPs of most countries.
And
what I found was that there were so many
situations where people
who just are generally mistrustful of
government or media would assume the
worst.
And the only antidote to that was to be
way more transparent than a federal
agency or department was used to being.
But what I found was kind of the
machinery of the department was not set
up for that.
It was designed to be
you know, accountable but accountable in
the sense that if there's something
going on and a member of Congress is
worried about it, they can write a
letter and 6 months later they'll get a
record. And I'm trying to figure out how
do I cuz you know, I carry a phone in my
pocket, too. Like how do I take it out
sometimes and like shoot a video and
like tell people what's going on?
Sometimes they're going to think that
we're that we don't care about them,
that we're putting a highway through
their neighborhood and we don't care how
it's going to hurt them or that we're
not responding to a disaster in a
Republican area because it's a
Republican area or any other number of
things with people
might believe if we don't show them what
we're actually doing and why.
>> Go to Cap here.
>> Okay. Pete Buttigieg 2020A.
When you when you think about running
for president or being president of the
United States, the most powerful nation
on Earth,
do you not have imposter syndrome? And
what is it about the job that you think
cuz you know,
it's pretty crazy for anyone to think
they could run the most powerful nation
on Earth and not think, "God, there's a
couple of things that I'm not going to
be great at."
>> Yeah, I mean, the whole idea of the
system was that
no one person should have too much
power, right? That's why we got rid of
monarchy.
But we've wound up with this presidency
that uniquely in our country, not just
the country, the world, right? Has this
incredible amount of power that the
lives of billions of people go
differently and could be much better or
could be much worse
based on decisions that get made in that
office. And the idea that we would have
just one human being doing that
is on some level terrifying. But, you
know, part of what we did as a country
is we set up a whole bunch of things
around that human being.
And
that's everything from like advisors to
laws to Congress, you know, and the
courts like to make sure that there's
some balance to try to make sure that
that whoever's in that seat
can make the best decisions they
possibly could
and and has to act within certain
boundaries. But yeah, I mean, look all
the way down to when I was elected mayor
and I was in my 20s. Like obviously I
believed I could do the job or I
wouldn't have run for it. But you know,
even just walking into the office of the
mayor of the fourth largest city in
Indiana on the 14th floor of the county
city building, and the snow's coming
down the first day I It was New Year's
Day, first day I was officially in
office, and I'm thinking
I'm now responsible for making sure the
snow gets plowed. And And And if we
don't do it right, not only will I get
in trouble politically, but somebody
could be harmed, right? But I think any
office, any job like you have to
let that weight
sit on your shoulders and then have it
push you to be better at the job.
>> That's the
>> Oh, there we go.
>> There we go.
>> Yeah. Yeah, that was election day.
That was a great feeling. But I I
remember also immediately feeling this
thrill of of of having won. And if
you're a competitive person, it's also
the excitement of having
beaten your competitors, but having to
balance that with, "Okay, I said
that if you elected me, I'd be able to
get these things done, and now
I actually got to produce."
>> Are you scared of the consequences of
being president one day?
>> Any president should be. Anybody who's
even being seriously talked about or
considered for it should be. It puts you
in a position where you have a
responsibility to say things that make
sense, and think about what you have to
say, and know that your words, even if
you have no official power, but that
still things that you do or say could
help or hurt people. Just by Just by
talking. Just by going on a podcast that
millions of people listen to.
>> And there's really four front-runners um
according to the data that I saw, which
is yourself,
Gavin Newsom,
AOC,
and Kamala Harris.
I've now interviewed three of them.
Which one haven't I got to yet?
AOC. I think this thing is in the works.
Very different
candidates, I'd say.
>> Yeah.
>> As individuals.
>> Yeah.
>> If not you, then which one of them
>> Mhm.
>> is just a better idea to answer that
question.
>> I'm sorry. Like I want to be
transparent, but like
>> You must have an answer, though.
>> I don't know.
>> Let the truth set you free, secretary.
Kamala, I I met her, she was lovely.
Kevin's nice.
>> Which one are you closest friends with?
>> I mean the one I've spent most time with
is
is her because, you know, she was vice
president and I was working
transportation and there were times we
traveled together. She was very involved
in trying to get the infrastructure bill
done, which was kind of the biggest
thing that I worked on, the the
legislation did to get roads and bridges
and airports.
>> Is she misunderstood?
>> I think anybody in at that level is
misunderstood. There's just uh
I don't know that I can
I don't know if I'm qualified to
evaluate kind of more than more or less
than
other people in that job. I think
anybody the vice presidency or any job
with that visibility
puts you in a position where
it's hard for people to see your
humanity
when you're
bearing the responsibility that you
have.
And even at other levels of government,
I think this is this is true.
I think high office does that, but I
think office that high, especially, does
it.
>> Do you think she could be a good
president?
>> Sure. I mean I campaigned for her
very energetically when she was running
for president. I went all over the
country uh trying to convince America to
elect her. And um I did that because I
thought she'd be a very good president.
>> What about Gavin Newsom?
>> Yeah, he's he's been uh he's not someone
I know as well as as her, but he's
somebody I've worked with a lot.
Obviously, California was the place we
were doing a lot of our best
infrastructure work and he's somebody
who
I think he understands how to break
through in this kind of attention world
that we're in
um
where
you know, the old formats and the old
norms
um just don't cut it anymore in terms of
getting your message across.
>> And AOC?
>> I think she has spoken to
so many people who understand that the
system is letting them down. I might not
agree with her on every policy. For
example, on the infrastructure law that
I worked with the Vice President on and
worked with with Gavin on,
she didn't see that the way we did. You
know, I respect that she has activated a
lot of young people, not just young
people. She's activated a lot of people
who were looking around saying, "The way
things work
doesn't serve me." And there's the
generational thing. And when I ran for
president, I was running on
largely on a message of generational
change.
I didn't win,
obviously.
>> Joe Biden won, you got behind him. Mhm.
Near the end of his uh his time as
president, he I mean, we all saw it. We
saw him go out and do those debates
against Trump.
And I think it was obvious to anyone
who's being intellectually honest with
themselves and objective that Joe Biden
wasn't the same Joe Biden that we've
seen over the last 20, 30 years. And
that something had changed quite
considerably with his cognitive
performance.
Um
Did you Were you aware of that? Cuz you
were in his you were part of his team at
that time. Were you aware that something
was different? I saw the same thing that
America saw, right? Um it's not like I
was in a room with him every day, but
you know, whether it was in front of
cameras or whether it was I was invited
to be in a meeting at the White House.
Uh I saw what America saw, which is that
he was getting older.
>> I mean, cognitive performance is pretty
important for the
the most powerful job on earth, yeah?
Were you concerned?
>> I was definitely concerned when I saw
the debate.
I mean,
>> You weren't concerned at any point
before the debate?
>> Up until that moment, I I saw that he
was visibly growing older, but there's
never some moment where I saw him like
make a different decision or at least in
terms of anything that I was involved
with in transportation that I thought it
was going different or worse or I
couldn't get what I needed from him or
from the White House because of his age.
But, of course, the job is not just
policy guidance. But, the job is also to
convey and communicate to the American
people like what your administration is
doing and why. That's the job of a
president. It's in in some ways 100% the
job of a candidate.
And there was no watching the debate and
not realizing how much of a burden that
was.
>> You just said then that um you were even
conscious of like even in this medium
every sentence counts.
>> Mhm. Yeah.
>> You say one sentence, that's the wrong
sentence. Theoretically, it could have
consequences. And that and you just said
it, this is a someone that doesn't
currently have a job. But President of
the United States, Joe Biden, muddling
up his sentences in front of the nation
like he did in that debate
>> Yeah.
>> is um
it's probably not good enough
>> Yeah.
>> to be in that in that position.
>> Yeah. And that was the beginning, of
course, of the process that led him to
reach the same conclusion.
>> Did you have a private conversation with
him?
>> No, I wasn't I was in the cabinet, but
that doesn't mean I was invited to rooms
when they were talking about things like
whether he's going to run for president
again.
>> Did the Democrats make the right
decision there, 100 100 days until the
election to
swap in Kamala Harris at that point?
Look, in hindsight, if you were honest
with yourself.
>> Yeah. I I I thought about that a lot,
because I think in the moment it felt
like, oh, we have very little time.
We've all got to pull together. We've
got to put ego aside.
We've got to put uh kind of internal
politics aside, and we got to quickly
speak with one voice. Partly because
I knew uh
and we all knew
what could happen to this country if
Donald Trump was elected again. And I
believe all of those harms, and then
some, have come to pass.
But the other side of the coin is, if
there had been some way to have a
competition
even with that very short timeline I
think that
even if the candidate had still been
Kamala Harris, I think she likely would
have been a better candidate. I think in
2020, Joe Biden was a better candidate
because he had to compete with Kamala
Harris and me and like 18 other
Democrats before winning
that process. And
I think that
in general, we know the competition
sharpens you. We know the competition
gets more information out.
Um and I'm not saying I have it all
solved in my head how that could have
been done on the timeline that we faced.
Or what it would have been like.
But I think with the hindsight that we
have now, I think it's pretty clear that
we would have been better off if we had
that.
>> You know, we talked about that maybe
people are looking for something a
little bit more radical this time
around.
>> Mhm.
>> What are your most radical ideas as it
relates to policies you would
be in favor of? I know you would um
you're keen to remove the Electoral
College.
>> Yeah.
>> And do it based on numbers, that the
quantity of votes for either
presidential candidate.
>> And I still can't believe that anybody
considers this radical. Like to me it's
there's nothing radical about thinking
the person who gets the most votes ought
to be the winner.
But I think people haven't thought
through
how much benefit would come from that.
If we did that,
there are so many votes in red and blue
states that you couldn't ignore anymore.
Like if you were running for president
as a Democrat, you'd have to go to
Texas.
>> Yeah.
>> And even if
Texas is still going to vote mostly for
Republicans, you'd have to turn out
every Democratic vote you could in
Texas.
And I just think we'd be so much better
off if a Republican and Democratic
candidate were competing over Texas. And
by the way, New York, even if New York
is definitely going to vote more for
Democrats, a Republican candidate would
have to come to New York.
And states from Alaska to Rhode Island,
so it's small states, too, that get
ignored now,
would finally be part of this
competition. So yeah, Electoral College
for sure.
Supreme Court needs to change.
>> Court? What would you do to the Supreme
Court?
>> I would have term limits, more justices,
and
some process that makes it less partisan
who the justices are. Some different
ways to do that. The one I think is most
interesting is called the balanced bench
proposal. You have a mix. But anyway,
the point is that it needs to change.
Yeah.
Uh House of Representatives
like I said earlier should be
proportional.
>> What does that mean?
>> It means that I was saying earlier how
it worked for like
school board or city council where
sometimes you get more than one vote and
more than one person wins. We could do
that for Congress. The people get the
top three votes, not just one. Get to go
to Congress. So you'd have bigger
districts, fewer districts, harder to
gerrymander.
By the way, an easier change that I
think we should do right away is ban
gerrymandering.
>> That's a good four things there.
>> Uh let me give you one more.
Constitutional Amendment to deal with
money in politics.
If the Supreme Court said in the
Citizens United decision that a
corporation is the same thing as a
person for these purposes and that
spending money to manipulate an election
is the same constitutionally protected
behavior as writing an op-ed or carrying
a sign at a protest, we need to clarify
that corporate spending is not speech
and corporations are not citizens,
people in the same way that that a human
being is. And we can do that with a
constitutional amendment.
>> And so what would that mean? It would
mean that you couldn't just if a company
couldn't just pump money into a
political campaign.
>> Right. Congress could have Then you
could actually have laws, which we used
to have, like the McCain-Feingold law,
which was struck down in Citizens
United, but we could get to where
Congress can once more have laws saying
that you can't put unlimited
unaccountable corporate dark money into
a super PAC to manipulate how an
election's going to go. And it's one
more of these things that like
two-thirds of the people think we ought
to do.
>> Why doesn't it happen then?
>> Because so many people who are already
in office like the system just the way
it is. And because of the Supreme Court.
I actually think you could get it
through Congress, but the Supreme Court
won't let you because their
interpretation of the Constitution is
that you can't have these kinds of
rules. So what do you do? If necessary,
amend the Constitution. People forget
that the best thing about the
Constitution
is its capability to be amended. When we
talk about the most cherished part of
the Constitution,
many people will say the First
Amendment, right? That's the one that
gives us free speech. And we miss that
the word amendment being in there
signals to us
that it wasn't part of the original text
of the Constitution. It's an amendment.
It's something they had to add on after.
So is the Second Amendment. I mean, all
of them, by definition, right?
So we shouldn't be afraid of that kind
of thing. It's only by an amendment that
we get to pick who our senators are.
Before that, it was the legislature.
Same thing for making sure that black
voters and and and the women could be
voters. We shouldn't be afraid
to use maybe the most elegant feature of
the entire Constitution,
which is that it has a process
to change it.
We should use it. All of the things you
I've mentioned are these kind of system
reforms. They're about the engine. So
then the policies, what comes out of the
engine, like do we get paid family leave
in this country? Do have fair taxes? Is
there a health care system that gives
everybody health care? All that stuff is
decided by a government that works
better.
>> Much of the reason most people haven't
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And if you've never posted something
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>> What do you think of Elon Musk?
>> The richest man on Earth, the arguably
most famous entrepreneur on planet
Earth,
building companies here in America.
>> Very intelligent.
Has had an extremely important impact on
a whole bunch of things.
Um is right about
a lot of things and is very wrong about
a lot of things. And lacked the humility
to understand
some things that would have saved him
from doing a lot of damage based on how
long he was. So, you look, for example,
at the tragedy of the failure of Dodge.
And the thing that most upsets me about
the failure of Dodge
is that we actually needed
an effort around government efficiency.
But what we got
was unbelievably sloppy, making math
errors. And the one thing they're
supposed to be really good at ought to
be math.
Maybe I don't mean like little rounding
errors, like saying billion when they
meant million.
On the {quote} "wall of receipts", the
whole purpose of which was to show that
they knew what they were doing, and they
were transparently documenting their
choices.
Firing people they didn't know what they
did, and then having to scramble and
hire them back on things like nuclear
weapon safety,
or managing biohazards and communicable
diseases,
and leaving a federal government that
actually spent more
after Dodge than before. Elon used to be
a Democrat.
>> Yeah.
>> He would then have had him say this that
the Biden administration basically
snubbed him. They were sort of
adversarial towards him. There's always
the the story people talk about about
the electric vehicle summit in 2021
where everybody was invited, GM, Ford,
Chrysler, but Elon wasn't invited and
that was a mistake.
>> I was there for that. I can tell you how
the mistake happened. There was a
difficult and complex set of
negotiations happening between the big
three automakers to try to get to a new
framework moving forward on tailpipe
standards. This event was built to kind
of celebrate the agreement that had been
reached
around tailpipe standards.
Um and Tesla, because all they make are
EVs, doesn't even have tailpipes. And so
people weren't really thinking about
inviting Tesla, but what Elon saw was
there's an event at the White House
about EVs.
He is
if not single-handedly responsible,
certainly is the person most responsible
for EV excellence on American soil.
And he's saying, "What the fuck?" And I
I don't blame him for that.
>> And he publicly broke ranks with the
Democrat party. He bought Twitter
and ultimately became Donald Trump's
largest donor and key surrogate. It's
It's interesting I think I asked this
question because I think uh the any
president is going to need to contend
with both solving the probably a problem
in of inequality, this national debt,
while also keeping entrepreneurs happy
and highly productive at the same time.
And the the
of the two parties, Republican and
Democrat, the party that is typically,
according to the data, more associated
with being entrepreneur-friendly is the
Republican party.
It's not often you hear billionaires are
evil coming from the Republican side
from the Republican side. But that
that's a prevailing narrative on the
Democratic side is that billionaires are
evil.
>> I don't know if that's the prevailing
narrative, but I get what you mean.
>> It's It's more dominant on the left than
it is on the right.
>> Yeah. I think that's fair.
>> Yeah. But, look. I mean, you have to
engage
everybody if you want to be in a high
position of leadership. Like, the last
time I had a specific problem with Elon
when I was Department of Transportation,
uh I called him. We talked it out, and
we figured it out. And we actually
solved the problem together. It is
amazing in my experience how many
problems can be, if not solved, at least
better faced if you just pick up the
phone.
And well, we have this style of politics
now where everything's combat. You're
not just disagreeing with somebody, you
got to destroy them, right?
And that's really bad for America.
It does not lead to good political
outcomes.
And so, especially when I disagree with
somebody or I have a problem with what
they're doing, we should be talking.
>> On the left, you've got AOC saying, "You
can't make a billion dollars, you take a
billion dollars."
Is that true in your view?
>> I don't know. That doesn't make a ton of
sense to me. I I will say there's a lot
of different ways you can get a billion
dollars. And right now, the easiest way
to get a billion dollars is to have 10
billion dollars and do nothing.
You know, the thing we most admire about
the entrepreneur is that they work hard,
and they do things, and they make
things, right? And they generate value.
And And I think most Americans don't
spite you the value that you get from
having created even more value.
I think at the same time, we see a lot
of outcomes in the market that seem to
be about just like money just sort of
happening to whoever already has money.
Many of them have seen their wealth go
up like tenfold in the last few years.
Way more than how much their wealth went
up in the few years before that. So, I
guess like
the thing you did between zero and a
billion,
in my experience, is usually much more
impressive than whatever you did between
1 billion and 10 or 10 and 100 or 100
and 500.
And I think we are in a political system
where it would just be so naive to think
that the amount that the market gives
you is just purely equal to the amount
of benefit that you create or the amount
of hard work that you put in.
>> Yeah.
>> Some people work hard and they earn a
lot. And some people don't do and
they wind up with a lot. And some people
are a mix of those two things.
>> It's definitely not correlated to hard
work, that is for sure. I've never met
anyone that worked harder than my mom
and working in you know coming from
Nigeria, can't read or write, comes to
the UK,
uh works every waking hour that she can,
never complains, and still financially
struggling as a result of that all the
time growing up.
So I you know I know that very
intimately that hard work doesn't equal
wealth at all.
>> And I don't think people would be as
angry about billionaires as they are
if there weren't millions of people
whose story is closer to that of your
mom.
>> Mhm.
>> And it brings me back to this idea of
the American dream where
you know it's supposed to be the case
that generally
you come out ahead if you as the saying
goes you work hard and you play by the
rules. And that definitely happens
sometimes.
But it doesn't happen enough now. And
most importantly it happens less in
America than in certain other countries.
And it happens less in America than it
used to in America. And those two things
are the big blinking alarm lights to me.
>> AOC also said a system that allows
billionaires to exist is immoral.
>> Yeah, I don't think I agree with that.
It's not whether they exist, it's
having too much power.
It's it's being able to turn economic
power into political power.
And then using that power to get even
more wealth.
That's why people are so furious because
they see that happening and are not
wrong. And the role of money in our
politics is just one example, probably
the biggest example
of how that can happen. I think
Americans wouldn't mind people being as
wealthy as they are nearly as much if we
didn't have the inequality that we have.
And if we didn't have some of those
people using their wealth to assert
political power in a country whose whole
founding principle is that the
millionaire or I guess billionaire
stands in line next to the dishwasher
and the taxi driver in the voting booth
and they all have the same political
power.
>> Yeah, I can It's It's interesting cuz I
can weirdly relate to both sides of the
spectrum. If you go back, I don't know,
13 years, I am broke, family not
speaking to me um cuz I've decided to
drop out university, and I am I can't
feed myself
to put it in a nice way for a long
period of time living many hundreds of
miles away from home in terms of a round
trip. And then you jump 13 years forward
and I'm running these businesses and the
businesses are going well. So I I kind
of It's weird. I oscillate between these
two worlds of
entrepreneurship and being very pro
entrepreneurship entrepreneurship, but
then falling back into that 18 19
20-year-old me who really needed society
to catch up to be quite honest.
>> Mhm.
>> Um thankfully I lived in the United
Kingdom where we have health care.
>> Yeah.
>> But when I moved here
>> Yeah.
>> at 25 years old to launch the business
here in New York City and run the office
here, I discovered that you guys don't
offer like health and that I had to ask
the employer
>> Yeah.
>> pay for all of my team members' health
care. I was just really What the hell
What the hell What the hell is going on?
I thought this was the land of the free
and the
all those kinds of things.
>> Yeah.
>> So I kind of I kind of understand both
ends of the spectrum and I it makes me
realize that actually it's the
inequality. It's the people at the the
sort of bottom of the ladder, per se,
being so far from the top of the ladder
that is the central issue. So what is
the radical idea that you bring forward
to end inequality? Is it I mean
presumably it's not just tax wealth.
>> Well, here Yeah, here's the thing.
>> you lift people up?
>> I actually think the ideas for fixing
those economic problems aren't that
radical.
The weird thing is in order to get what
I think of as very reasonable economic
ideas through, you have to have radical
change on the political side.
Economically,
we can do this mostly with tools that
are very familiar to us. Make sure that
there are higher tax rates, not to
punish the wealthy, but to get enough
revenue to do so government can do its
job. Make sure there are higher tax
rates on the uh not on all Americans
compared to today, but on the corporate
profits and on the the wealthiest
individuals.
Make sure that it is harder to hide and
move around money so that you never have
to pay taxes on it at all. And then what
do you do with that money? You make sure
there's a healthcare system where, for
example, somebody in the situation you
were in
still gets to be an entrepreneur cuz
they don't actually have to worry that
they won't have healthcare if they don't
just take the next low-wage job
available to them.
Invest in education enough that we are
preparing for people who know not just
how to work, but how to think so that
when work changes, they're ready.
Make sure that we make it easier to have
a family.
Things like paid family leave
and
using tax credits to compensate people
who
give care to their parents and or
children.
It can have a huge freeing effect on
people and I think it's the right thing
to do. And it's a way to respect that
that's work, too. Yeah, I I've had roles
and jobs where
I have worked very, very hard, but the
hardest I've ever worked in my life
was when I was on parental leave when
we adopted our newborn son and daughter,
our twins.
That was the only time that they are.
Yeah, I mean, that was the only time
that
I was routinely getting up at 3:00 in
the morning. If I was lucky, I could get
a nap at 5:30 in the morning.
Uh and was just working until I
physically couldn't work anymore and
then
tapping out and then Justin trying to my
husband trying to, you know, we'd
alternate and and and help each other.
And that work was a beautiful work, very
hard work.
Is work. I think we also need to
invest in things like national service
so everybody has an experience Military
is not for everybody, but everybody
should know what it's like to be
part of something bigger than yourself
and to work on something that is hard
with people you don't already know. I
think if we have that, we'll have more
trust.
Where did you find this one?
>> So, this These are some uh
some photos
>> Wow.
>> of a much younger Pete. I'm really
curious that you know, I saw the Kamala
I learned a lot lot lot lot about her by
just understanding where she'd come
from.
>> Yeah.
>> And her parents and her early contacts.
What is it about your early context that
shapes your world view as
Mayor Pete, but also Secretary Pete, and
potentially someday
President Pete.
>> Huh. Well,
my dad came to this country because he
thought he could have a better life
here.
Um
not exactly in a rags-to-riches sense.
He came from a middle-class family
uh in the tiny country of Malta.
And the way he tells the story is that
he he he he knew that he wanted to come
to the US and go to grad school
and he had a mentor who said, "Look, if
you stay here,
I can promise you that you will be a big
fish in a small pond."
And he said,
"I'd rather be a medium-sized fish in a
very big pond."
Which is a great way to think about
coming to America. And that's exactly
what he did. Um he came he went to grad
school
in Binghamton, New York.
And then he got a job in New Mexico, Las
Cruces, New Mexico. He met my mother who
was teaching there, too. She was a young
uh linguist.
They got married and then the first good
job he got was at University of Notre
Dame uh in South Bend, Indiana. They
moved there and pretty soon after that I
was born.
And so, I grew up with parents who you
know, cared a lot about literature and
learning and they cared a lot about
politics. We weren't like politically
connected. I don't think I ever met an
elected official while I was a child,
but I grew up with this sense that it
was very important to know what was
happening in the world. My dad was
always reading the newspaper, the TV was
always tuned to the news. It was just a
sense like that's the most important
thing. Whatever's happening in the world
is the most important thing that you
ought to be paying attention to out
there. I don't know, it was a great
upbringing. It was great parents and um
a good neighborhood and good friends.
You know, I felt in both a sense of
belonging and a sense of being an
outsider kind of at the same time. And I
had this name that nobody could
pronounce and we were in this great
neighborhood. People did all kinds of
different things. Our neighbor to one
side laid carpet. Uh family across from
us were retired public school teachers.
Waiting on the corner was a nurse and
I'd see her walk down to the night shift
at the hospital a couple blocks away
every day.
And
I felt like the texture of that
neighborhood like really belonged to me.
But at the same time like I also felt
and knew that I was like I was
different. Like this is before it was
like trendy to drink espresso for
example. That's like a weird immigrant
thing that my dad did. You know, like he
had this little thing you'd put on the
stove and make espresso. Um and I
remember them being kind of bewildered
when like Starbucks became a thing, you
know.
And then the the surroundings of it all,
the city of South Bend, which people
know that you know, the University of
Notre Dame is there. But the other thing
that was there was Studebaker. This was
as big a car company as like GM or Ford
in its day. But it stopped making cars
in 1963. They just couldn't quite
innovate and keep up and the company
collapsed. That was a catastrophic thing
for the city. The city lost a big chunk
of its population and never really
recovered it.
And when I was a kid, I didn't really
know any different. I didn't realize it
was unusual that factories
that hadn't been operating for decades
in some cases that that looked like
they'd been hit in a war. Just like
collapsing big giant structures falling
apart all over the city.
I'd see them, you know, out the window
of my dad's Chevy on the when he was
driving me to school.
And gradually as I grew up, I kind of
put the pieces together of what it meant
to live in a place whose
best economic days had been behind it.
And and the message that I got, the kind
of lesson that I was given was I don't
know if anybody said this to me in a
sentence, but but the world kind of said
to me was if you want to be something,
go and be someone, you have to get out.
You have to move out.
>> Did your dad say that?
>> Not that I remember. I mean, he That's
the irony, you know, he's this worldly
very worldly man, you know, been all
over the world, but he chose to live in
South Bend. He died in South Bend,
Indiana. That was where he lived his
life.
But I I don't know. You do You just get
this
sense that that was what you were
supposed to do. And then I did.
I got into Harvard,
got to the East Coast to go to college,
and then immediately began to understand
that I was I was a from somewhere in a
way that I didn't understand when I was
growing up and started to feel this kind
of
loyalty,
this kind of like almost militant
attachment, partly cuz I heard the way
these people talked about where I was
from.
>> He passed away while you were running
for president?
>> Yeah, it was just right about the moment
that I was announcing the the beginning
of the campaign. Yeah, like literally
the same week.
>> Unexpectedly?
>> He had been diagnosed with cancer
in September,
and we knew that it it was pretty rough,
and he passed away in January. So, yeah,
I mean, there was
you know, not overnight, but three or
four months.
>> Destabilizing in the lead-up to the most
consequential decision and period of
your life?
>> Yeah.
Yeah. I mean,
you know, this really big important part
of your world.
And we were close. I, you know, I moved
into
a house that was on the same block as
where my parents lived in South Bend.
Home for dinner every Sunday night. I
mean, to have him become ill
and then to have him
pass away
just at the moment that we were starting
to launch.
Sometimes I look back on it. and
actually don't know how it worked. I was
trying to remember something and I
looked back at my like emails and I saw
some
email I sent at like 3:30 in the morning
to my someone on my staff like it was
normal.
I think on the city staff cuz the other
thing is I was still mayor, right? So I
was running the city.
facing my father's death
During that period my mother had a
heart attack and heart surgery.
And then launching this campaign like
all within a few within a few weeks with
each other.
It's a lot. It's a lot at once.
>> It's a lot for one person to take. How
how do you deal with all of that? The
noise, the the family stuff at home, the
loss of your father all at once. What's
the strategy for
>> How do I strategize a word? Um
but my way of dealing with it. First of
all, I had a lot to do with Chasten, so
Uh all this happened Yeah, we got
married in
2018.
And all of this happened toward the end
of 2019.
So we hadn't been
married for long.
I never
guessed when
Neither one of us guessed on our first
date
or even when we got married that that
this was happening.
>> What is the you know, I've got lots of
friends who have been on the journey of
um
sort of
discovering their sexual orientation at
a young age and then
going through the process of being
comfortable enough in that kind of
environment to
announce it to the world.
>> Yeah.
>> How does that What's the sort of the
journey of of you knowing who you are
and then feeling comfortable enough to
announce it? And what was the How do I
put together the picture of like how
your parents understood that, how the
world understood that, how you
understood that?
And also I guess the other question that
I have is like
American politics
>> Yeah.
>> How does that understand it? You know,
you've got the right, the left. How do
you think about all of that at the
moment?
>> Yeah, I mean I'd like to believe we'll
get to a day when it's just
not a thing.
No one cares.
And it doesn't affect your career. It
doesn't affect your opportunities in
life. It just is what it is.
That's how I feel it should be. But, you
know, that's not
how it was or how it is. I mean, when I
was commissioned into the Navy Reserve,
it was still the law of the land that if
I was known to be gay, I'd be fired,
right?
In fact, when I
when I finally made peace with this
reality
that I was gay,
>> What age?
>> I was well into my 20s cuz I wanted so
bad for it not to be true
that even though
obviously I was the whole time,
I just needed it not to be true.
And working through that took most of my
20s.
And then when I finally kind of came to
terms with it,
it was also around the time that I was
I was running for mayor.
And maybe because
not being able to come to terms with it
meant that I didn't have really a dating
life,
maybe in some ways that helped
professionally cuz I I had nothing else
to do with my energy, you know?
Um
but I remember
when I realized I was going to win,
I I realized it was important that I
kind of finished the process of coming
out to myself,
which meant
I had to come out to somebody else.
That was what kind of marked it, you
know? And so
I had a conversation with a close and
trusted friend.
And I remember
part of his reaction was to
say, you know,
to joke that like
you didn't exactly make it easy on
yourself because well, you know, my
whole career professional life had two
parts.
One was being
a Navy officer when that could be
career-ending.
And the other was being an elected
official in Indiana, which had
was well on its way to getting a
reputation as
maybe the most anti-gay state in the
country. Mike Pence hadn't yet become
governor, but he soon would.
On one level I was at peace with this
fact.
But I also knew it could be a
career-limiting fact.
So I kept it to myself
for
a long time.
And then I just hit a point where I
couldn't do that anymore.
And then it was time to come out because
well, the thing that really put me over
the edge was when I was getting ready to
deploy to Afghanistan. I was already in
there, but like a lot of people in the
reserve, you leave your day job to go
when you get called up. So
when you deploy in a war zone, they tell
you to write a letter
just in case you don't come back.
Which I did.
And
in that I
in that process, you're kind of taking
stock of your life. You're thinking
about what you want to say
to the people you love most if you don't
come back.
And that was kind of the the moment that
really is the final moment where I just
thought if I Here I am, I'm taking stock
of my life. I have a great life.
But I'm a grown man in a position of
responsibility. I'm a homeowner. I'm
going to be a veteran.
I don't know what it's like to be in
love.
And I just thought that's not that's
untenable. And so I promised myself that
if I came home
safe,
I would deal with this.
And I came home physically safe.
And
the problem was there was a re-election
coming up,
but I didn't want to have to wait until
I'd been reelected.
Um so I figured out a way to come out.
And I I was kind of resentful of the
idea that I even had to, like straight
people don't have to come out.
But I knew that if I just
tried to just like show up at some
Chamber of Commerce dinner and my date
was a dude that night, like that was
just not I couldn't do it that way.
Um
and I didn't want to be like quote
unquote found out. Like I definitely
didn't want to be hiding it.
But I wanted to start dating. What about
you?
>> Your parents?
>> I remember
it was weird cuz again I I knew that
they were forward-thinking. I knew they
were accepting. I knew how much they
loved me.
Uh
but I had a it took me a while to be
ready to come out to them.
And I do, you know, like I said, I used
to go home for Sunday dinner every
night.
And uh and so I was home for Sunday
dinner one night and
kind of
pushing my ice cream around with a spoon
in the bowl and just thinking about and
then I just took a deep breath and it's
just like I got to tell you something.
And um
yeah, as I expected, like they, you
know, responded with love and acceptance
and I know not everybody gets to expect
that, so I'm I'm thankful for that.
My dad was immediately worried about
what it might mean for my future. Not in
a way that he was trying to like talk me
out of anything, he just
thought about that and talked about it.
My mom wanted to know if I was dating
somebody. I think she had had her eyes
on, you know, maybe becoming your
grandma for a long time.
Um I wasn't dating anybody, but you
know,
I don't know, it was probably within a
year of that that I brought Chasten home
for Sunday dinner for the first time and
watched him hit it off with my parents,
which is just like everything about that
everything about that scene at dinner
was just not a thing that I
could have thought would have been
possible
just just a few years before it was
happening.
>> By the way, I just to say that's really
beautiful. And I it's I think you
probably don't realize the um
the net impact that decision had on
many, many people who are contending
with their own sexuality um by being
both a politician. I think you were the
you were also the um
Were you the first person in a
presidential candidate to be openly gay
as well?
>> Uh definitely the first person who was
considered to have a shot. Yeah. I mean,
not that I was considered to have a shot
when I started.
>> Yeah. But I think in the same way that
Obama paved the way for lots of other
people to expand their minds as to what
was possible for them because of their
identity, I think you've certainly done
that.
And I think it's um
it's a weird word word to say courageous
or brave
um as it relates to just being yourself.
>> Yeah, I mean, it was a personal
decision, but
>> But I think that when there's
consequence and there's obvious
consequence and you do something
irrespective of that, I do consider it
to be very admirable in that regard. We
have a closing tradition where the last
guest leaves a question for the next not
knowing who they're leaving it for.
The question left for you
is what is the thing
that the world needs to hear right now
that it maybe doesn't want to hear
that is uncomfortable but necessary.
Hmm.
I think it's
that
it doesn't have to be the way it is
but
we have to do the hard things
to change it. Like
people can feel that things can't go on
like this.
And I go around all around the country
reminding people that it doesn't have to
be like this.
But it's not going to change on its own.
Like you can't just sit back and let
some pattern
or some
wave of history
or some technology just like come save
the day. It doesn't work that way.
Everybody's got to be part of it.
Everybody's going to have to give a
little something up.
And
if we do it, it'll be great.
But hard things are hard.
>> One of the things that's quite different
between you and other politicians as
well as I think you are most willing to
go and talk to the other side.
>> Yeah.
>> But just before you arrived here, you
were actually over at Fox News.
>> Yeah.
>> And I think that's also something that
gosh, both political sides haven't
always wanted to do. If we're talking
about the things that are not nice to
hear is you actually have to go talk to
your quote and quote enemies or
adversaries or those that are totally
against you. And I applaud you for
really leading the way there and you do
a remarkable job of it cuz you're so
bloody articulate and smart.
Um
but I think there's a that's that's
something important as well in this
moment in time.
>> I think it's
like politics good politics is about
encounter.
Like it's about encountering people.
What's the point of doing this if you're
only
truly talking to people who already
agree with you.
So yeah, to me it's it's it's a very
natural part of the job. I get why it's
hard. I get why not everybody does it.
Um but to me it's one of the most
important ways to earn my my keep.
>> Thank you for doing that. Because it's
so wonderful to see the
I'd say conflict of ideas in in in
public.
Well, it's wonderful to see you going to
the other side and I know you've been on
a bit of a tour of red states recently
doing exactly that. I I wish more
politicians would do that because as we
get to see those ideas that often exist
on extreme poles um collide and we get
to make our own mind up and please keep
doing what you're doing. Thank you. I
think it's really really remarkable and
the values that you have I also respect
a huge amount. So thank you for being
here and I appreciate your generosity.
>> Thank you for coming. Thanks for having
me.
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